I move:
That Seanad Éireann calls on the Minister for Education to abandon his proposal to means test European Social Fund grants and instead to establish an expert independent body to examine all aspects of student grant aid and make recommendations thereon.
I commiserate with our Minister for Education, who is in hospital. I wish him well and hope that his appendix operation is just a minor one. I am very disappointed that we do not have the Minister for Education here because, since his appointment, he has not been in the Seanad. Over the last few months we had three Ministers for Education but only Minister O'Rourke came into the Seanad. It is important that, before the year is out, we would have a debate on education.
I am sorry that we have had to resort to Private Members' time to raise issues which are very important, particularly when this day week students will commence their leaving certificate examination — the countdown is on for them. In addition to the normal examination pressures, there is an additional pressure on those students aspiring to third level education if they applied on their CAO forms for courses in any of our nine regional technical colleges — Sligo, Galway, Letterkenny, Athlone, Tralee, Cork, Waterford, Carlow, Dundalk, CoACT in Limerick and the six Dublin colleges of technology known as Dublin Institute of Technology. The decision to means test the maintenance grant of £39 made post-Christmas is still there and this will have a devastating effect on the ability of many of those students to enter regional technical colleges. I am extremely disappointed because I would have thought at this stage that Minister Brennan, as that was not his idea, would have abandoned this proposal. It is estimated — and I have visited many third level colleges — that seven out of ten applying will not qualify because the income threshold is abysmally low with the result that, effectively, the lower middle income group families will be affected.
The former Minister's excuse was that he wished to bring equity to the system, but the higher education grants system as applied in the universities is anything but just and equitable. He stated at the time that he would have a committee which would report back, but it still has not reported back, and after this week we can effectively say that the schools are closed and we are into the next academic year.
Our motion seeks to establish an expert independent body, which is essential if we are to bring the social partners in education together. This body should reflect the views of all those interested in education. These would include the Minister and Department of Education officials but also IDA representatives, the Higher Education Authority, universities and regional technical colleges and other third level institutions, plus parents, teachers unions and the Union of Students in Ireland. That to me is the proper social democratic education grouping which would be essential if we are to examine and make recommendations regarding the removal of inequities in relation to student grants. I would be very disappointed if the Minister's committee was not extended to be this expert independent body which we in Fine Gael are advocating. I would ask, in the dying days of the academic year, that the committee which I suggest, would meet. Seeing that social partners have been very much "flavour of the month" with the Government, I would expect that the social partners in education would be treated likewise.
We note again and again, and we have done so here on the Order of Business, that it is the PAYE workers and their families who are being discriminated against in the assessment for third level education grants. These low income families are excluded from third level education because the income thresholds are too low. The industrial wage of £250 per week effectively will disqualify parents from that grant when the means testing for the £39 maintenance grant begins in September. The threshold of £12,900 is a very meagre wage.
Effectively, instead of bringing equity to the system, the Minister is disadvantaging the already disadvantaged. The payment of fees and the £39 represents for thousands of average, middle income families their only chance of getting into higher education. I noted in the school in which I was teaching that the children could get the benefit of third level education — regional technical colleges — specifically because of the scrimping and saving of their parents. They came from unemployment blackspot areas, their parents knew the problems of lack of qualification as regards job opportunities and wished their children would not suffer the same fate. These are the income groups who will be affected. I do not wish to see those children ending up on the dole queues if they do not gain access to third level education because that surely will not be cost effective. We are talking about a minimum of £50 a week for social welfare versus £39 for a better chance of employment. I cannot understand the mathematics of what Deputy Noel Davern brought about in January when he was Minister.
I have visited the colleges in Limerick. Students are aware of the efforts and sacrifices their parents have made. They think they are all right because they are in the system now, but they also think of younger brothers and sisters denied a chance. Parents making representations to me have said it is better for many of them to go on the dole, because then at least their children will be eligible for the grant. It is a strange country if we are actively encouraging parents to go on the dole because their meagre incomes will be means tested. These people have a tremendous thirst for learning and their parents want them to do better than they did. Many of these parents would not have had an opportunity to avail of third level education and they are crying out for their children to be given that opportunity.
I was looking at an excellent book from the Higher Education Authority called "Who goes to College" by Patrick Clancy of UCD, published some time ago. This was a second national survey of participation in higher education. Looking through the socio-economic status of entrants, students are asked a single question on the occupation of their parent or guardian and they are assigned to an appropriate socio-economic group on the basis of their response to that question.
I will go through the grouping — farmers, agricultural workers, higher professional, lower professional, employers and managers, salaried employees, intermediate non-manual workers, other non-manual workers, skilled manual workers, semi-skilled manual workers and unskilled manual workers. This was a study done on new entrants in 1986. If I had the time I would go through it line by line. The largest group of new entrants were from the farmer social grouping. I have no problem with that because it is very obvious now, with the way farming incomes are going and the prospects of a career on the land, that particularly if you have more than one son or daughter they will obviously go on to third level. The ratio coming through in the higher socio-economic groupings in regard to access to education was very specific. The national population participation rates study showed that the group which was under-represented were unskilled manual workers — only 1.3 per cent of new entrants came from this social grouping, although they made up 8.2 per cent of the comparison population group.
Summarising very briefly, the higher professionals had a ratio of 3; salaried employees, 2.3; lower professionals, 2.4 per cent; employees and managers, 1.98; and farmers, 1.45. These were the social groups which were over-represented in relation to admission to higher education. The five social groups significantly under-represented as shown by their participation ratios were unskilled manual labour, 0.16; semi-skilled manual workers, 0.42; other non-manual workers, 0.45; other agricultural occupations, 0.48; and skilled manual workers, 0.51.
I am stressing that comparison because the point the Minister stated in January in his press release was that he was bringing equity into the system. The comparative figures there show that the better off the parents the better chance of participation rates. At the very end are the lower socio-economic groupings. They are the people who go directly to regional technical colleges because they wish to avail of the fees plus the maintenance grant schemes. In other words they are under-represented in the institutions of Higher Education Authority — UCD, UCC, UCG and Trinity College — and totally under-represented in the professional areas. They are going to regional technical colleges.
It is a fallacy to say that the Minister is bringing equity into the system when he is not hitting at the very well-to-do people who get grants that perhaps they do not need. Under the ESF funding, all are entitled to grants. My premise is that the Minister is hitting at the lower socio-economic groupings, who are very poorly represented anyway. This further erosion of moneys in relation to the £39 grant when it goes — and I said it will be gone for seven out of ten — will disadvantage the already disadvantaged.
The social groups which had the smallest percentage of students without any financial aid were unskilled manual workers, farmers, semi-skilled manual workers and other agricultural occupations. I make that point because they are the very end of the scale. They do not go for further education if they do not have financial aid. The facts speak for themselves.
I took a cross-section of one college in Limerick and it gives a breakdown very close to the one I have mentioned as regards access for students. Out of a total number in one college I got a participation rate of 70 per cent in the unskilled category, the lower socio-economic level. At the highest level, the children of the professional classes generally go to UCD, UCC or whatever. They become doctors, solicitors, engineers or whatever. They are not necessarily moving into the RTC area; they are there, but not in great numbers. As I said, a person who earns £250 a week, which is not a great amount of money — there are people earning less who would wish to send their children to third level — is over the limit.
If we look at social selectivity, in general the more prestigious the sector and field of study the greater the social inequality in participation levels. Inequality between social groups was greatest within the university sector — emphasising again that students from higher professional groups were more highly represented while sudents from working class backgrounds had the lowest representation in this sector. They are already disadvantaged in universities. There are large disparities in enrolment areas. Any serious effort to achieve a reduction in class inequality will require intervention at the primary and secondary stage. What would we in Fine Gael do about it? Certainly we would remove that inequality instantly. We would not have a situation where we have discrimination again among the disadvantaged.
When I am summing up I may have an opportunity to refer to the Culliton report and where we should be going as regards educational and vocational training, particularly in the context of Maastricht. This is important if we wish to put further emphasis on the need in this country for a highly qualified skilled workforce who will be able to take their place in a Europe which has tremendous emphasis at the moment on technology, engineering, electronics and so on. This committee of the social partners must be set up to ensure that our students get equality at third level.