I move:
That Seanad Éireann deplores the lack of research facilities necessary to enable the Oireachtas discharge its responsibilities effectively; and calls on the Government to make a specific budgetary allocation for the resources required to permit the Oireachtas play its proper role in policy making.
I welcome the Minister. This motion may appear academic but it concerns one of the most important issues Government has to confront, although it may lack electoral appeal. The quality of our decision making is one of the key factors determining the performance of Ireland and the mechanisms in the Oireachtas concerning the contributions of backbenchers leave much to be desired.
I put down the motion because many people have asked me what use the Seanad has in policy making. I have said it is virtually no use. I qualified that by saying the Dáil also is of virtually no use in that respect. I say that with regret but it is difficult to think of any major changes in legislation or policy that have arisen as a result of contributions from the Dáil or Seanad in recent times. This is particularly true in social and economic policy, which is the subject of much legislation. Individual Members exert influence through party channels, representations, etc. but the Dáil and Seanad as Houses of the Oireachtas make singularly little difference to policy formulation.
There is a view among political scientists that Deputies and Senators are little more than glorified messenger boys whose function is as mediators between the public and real decision makers in Government. There is some truth in that. I do not decry that role, it is an important one and historically it has been played effectively. It is the human face of legislation in many ways and that is important for the legitimacy of parliamentary institutions. A cynic might scoff that it is much the safest activity for ordinary Members of the Oireachtas and if they were able to turn their minds to policy making the results might not be an unmixed blessing. That would be an unduly cynical approach to take at present, whatever about the past. The present Oireachtas is by far the best educated we have ever had and we are going further in that direction.
If Members want to contribute to policy making, what resources are at their disposal to enable them to contribute effectively? The resources available within the Oireachtas are grossly inadequate. Members can only contribute effectively if they can process the flow of information available on policy making issues.
The relative positions of Members of the Oireachtas and other contributors to the policy formulation process within society have changed dramatically to the great disadvantage of the Oireachtas in the last generation, perhaps the last decade. Twenty years ago there was nothing like the number of outside bodies, whether consultants, statutory bodies, or pressure groups of employers, trade unions, farmers and others, with relatively well-resourced research support. The supply of information coming to Oireachtas members is almost entirely from outside. We are passive recipients of information generated elsewhere in accordance with the agendas of those bodies. We are in no position to process the information in a consistent, systematic or sustained way. That is widely recognised and is not an exaggeration.
This point struck me forcefully during the debate on the Statistics Bill in this House on 16 June. It was a perfectly sensible Bill which contained reference to the regular contact between the director of the Central Statistics Office and users of statistics such as Government Departments, the EC and research bodies. Those were mentioned, among others. One would have hoped Members of the Oireachtas would have been thought of as potential users of CSO material but they were unmentioned. It occurred neither to the drafters of the legislation nor anyone else that the Oireachtas might be a significant user of that information. It was a revealing and realistic oversight because the Oireachtas is not in a position to be an informed user of the body of statistics on which so much policy has to be based.
We are inundated with documentation, reports and statistics. Those statistics come predominantly in the form of supporting data for arguments advanced by reports, whether from commissions, Government Departments, public or private vested interests. Virtually no "uncontaminated" data comes to these Houses; it all comes as partisan evidence in support of an argument. The arguments may be good or bad but the information we receive has been packaged for various purposes and little of it has been designed to enable us — there is no reason why it should — to influence policy effectively.
This has been compounded by EC membership which has exposed us to another flood of information we are cannot effectively process. There are any number of OECD reports. We are asked to look not only at Irish statistics but to put them in comparative perspective. Whatever chance we have of understanding something about our country, trying to assess how that data is used comparatively is understandably beyond the time, capacity and resources of nearly every Member of the Oireachtas. We are more and more at the mercy of the interpretations put on the data by whoever the policy makers of the moment may be.
That is also the case with the media. If we look at the role of the media 20-25 years ago compared to today, it was nowhere as influential in terms of processing material and delivering opinions which are picked up by Members of the Oireachtas and then, in a sense, domesticated into their own opinions where these suffice. In other words, the sources of information have expanded greatly outside. The research resources at the disposal of a whole range of bodies seeking to influence policy have expanded greatly while the resources at the disposal of the Oireachtas, as far as I can see, have remained static for the last 20 years. There is perhaps an extra body here or there, such as an analyst or a consultant, in the committees but it falls far short of what is required for the effective discharge of the role of policy makers or even of having a marginal influence on policy. I am not deluding myself that the Oireachtas will ever become the chief policy maker, but it could have a significant role to play in policy making which it does not have at present.
I will give a couple of examples of what I have in mind about assumptions pervading reports which then tend to become conventional wisdom. I will take examples that are well known and, I hope, uncontroversial. The Culliton report has been cited not infrequently in the last couple of years in this Chamber and elsewhere. One of its sections is cited ad nauseam in the media and frequently by politicans and educationalists. Between 1971 and 1986, the number of accountants more than trebled and the number of auctioneers and lawyers doubled but the number of engineers increased by less than 50 per cent. This is partly a question of attitudes which needs to be addressed through a new approach to the system of education and training, especially by raising the status and quality of technical education.
That is a very well known quotation and is advanced as decisive evidence in favour of the general Culliton thrust that we need to change our education system to make it more orientated towards enterprise and particularly engineering. I am a strong supporter of having the highest quality of technical and technological education possible. I am, however, highly sceptical of the approach adopted towards the best way of achieving that by most of those talking about it.
Allow me to examine that quotation. It is meant to imply that the education system, and particularly higher education, is not producing sufficient numbers of engineers compared to the relatively parasitic auctioneers and lawyers. Is that true? There is nothing in the report about actual output; it is about numbers increasing in Ireland. It does take the slightest account, therefore, of differential emigration rates which could be considerable between engineers and accountants. It does not distinguish between different types of engineers — civil, electrical and mechanical. Once one begins to decompose this it may not mean what it purports to mean.
I rang the Higher Education Authority to see if it could provide simple data which could be read in a less obfuscatory form. Somebody there went to the trouble of digging out and providing me with figures which seemed to say the exact opposite to what Culliton said. The same qualification would apply to that as would apply to the Culliton report; they were global figures. It may be that in breaking them down one would find that there was some justification for the line of approach adopted here. At face value this is simply an assumption masquerading as evidence.
I would very much like to have in the resources of the Oireachtas research assistants whom one could ask to dig out the correct data. This would allow one to formulate a response and identify whether the argument is valid or invalid in that particular context. No individual will have the time to do that and it ought not to be the function of other bodies around the country to be bothered about providing data for Oireachtas discussions. The sort of research assistant I have in mind would be able to contribute significantly for all Members of the Oireachtas who have questions or suspicions about the use of evidence in these documents. I am not suggesting that the use of evidence is deliberately misleading. There can also be misuse of evidence by people who do not understand what they are saying, that is a different matter, but in terms of following up use of evidence as conveyed in these reports, simple reports, I am not talking about esoteric peripheral matters; I am talking about reports which influence the agenda of public discussion and which determine the framework within which Members have their assumptions significantly influenced.
Let me look at the National Development Plan; again I will confine myself to education, and this refers to Culliton in a way. In talking about the vocational, preparation and training measure, the National Development Plan refers to "the need to address the strong criticism of academic bias in educational provision for the 16-19 year age group in the Culliton report and in the OECD 1991 report, reviews of national policy for education. These reports highlight the need for a more balanced education with a strengthened technical vocational dimension within the second level education system." On the face of it, that seems a very reasonable proposition. What one would not deduce from that is that the Culliton report on that particular issue has been very seriously challenged by John Sheehan of UCD, among others, in the Irish Banking Review concerned with basic use of data. It is not a question of ideology or education policy; it is a question of whether the data on which the conclusions are based is valid.
There are other examples of the way reports, presumed to be evidence, and which we must accept at face value as evidence, are in many cases simply selecting the type of data, quite arbitrarily, which appear to sustain the pre-existing assumptions of those who present these reports. The Oireachtas must have some way of submitting questionable data at the behest of individual Members who know something about that subject, and subjecting them to independent scrutiny. This scrutiny would considerably raise the game of those submitting reports to the Oireachtas.
The range of assumptions which dominates policy-making consensus is very narrow. Many of them may be right, they may be intelligent, but their conventional wisdom in socio-economic policy is very narrow indeed. One of the areas from which we should draw ideas is the so-called third strand which has representation on the national, economic and social forum, but which is, itself, grossly under-resourced in terms of research compared with representatives of the other social partners. If the Oireachtas is anxious to broaden the range of opinion it is getting and which it can try to evaluate, then the Government could do a lot worse than provide research facilities for these grossly under-resourced voluntary community groupings which are now part of the third strand but do not have the resources of the other better-endowed social partners.
The Oireachtas Library performs a valiant task in hopeless circumstances. Its resources have remained static for several years. The Oireachtas has not kept in step with private organisations and it is now singularly less competent to evaluate policy and participate in policy making than it was ten to 20 years ago.