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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 20 Oct 1993

Vol. 137 No. 11

National Development Plan: Statements.

I listened to the Senators on all sides. I wish to make a few points before giving the background to the framing of the National Development Plan, 1994 to 1999.

Job creation has been the highest priority of the Government. I want to make clear the position of the Government in relation to reports that Ireland's share of the Structural Funds will fall short of earlier expectations. We agreed an allocation in July and this agreement was endorsed by the President of the European Commission. This established our allocation from Structural Funds and the new Cohesion Funds at approximately £8 billion for the years 1993-99. It was on this basis that the Government gave its assent to the adoption of the framework regulation which is the legal basis for the disbursement of the new tranche of Structural Funds. We removed that obstacle to the regulations in the early hours of the morning of 20 July, which was three months from today. The Irish Government expects and envisages that the assurances given by the President of the Commission will be honoured in full. The National Development Plan has been prepared and will be implemented on this basis.

This morning the Taoiseach recalled the events which led up to the agreement of 20 July and outlined that:

Following on the conclusions of the Edinburgh European Council, the Commission prepared a draft framework regulation as the key legislative instrument for the implementation of the 1993-99 Structural Funds decisions and for that reason requiring unanimous agreement of member states for adoption. The draft regulation was considered by the General Affairs Council on 2 and 3 July. At that meeting Ireland did not agree to the adoption of the regulation.

The reason for withholding agreement was clearly laid down, as the Taoiseach put on the record of the Dáil this morning, in a statement jointly prepared with the European Commission and in direct consultation with the Belgian Presidency which was issued on 9 July. For the record, I will quote what the Taoiseach said this morning:

When the Council established its common policy on the six regulations on the 2 and 3 July, the Irish Government made it abundantly clear that its agreement on a final decision would depend on satisfactory assurances as to an equitable outcome on the question of the allocation of resources. The reservation it entered on the framework regulation has to be seen in this context. The Irish Government will not agree, in the Council's second reading, the overall package of the six regulations without such assurances. Since last Saturday a number of contacts have taken place both with the Commission and with the Presidency. These contacts have been helpful but need to be continued in order to reach a satisfactory outcome.

While maintaining its overall reservation in connection with the allocation of financial resources, the Irish Government — having obtained assurances from both the Presidency and Commission that the text of the six regulations in no way prejudge this fundamental issue — does not object to proceeding to the Second Reading of Parliament on the common position on the six regulations as transmitted to Parliament. It reiterates, however, that its final agreement to the formal adoption by the Council of these regulations will be subject to the satisfactory outcome being sought in continuing contacts.

The Taoiseach also said:

There was no doubt on the part of the European Commission, or on the part of other member states, of the Irish Government's determination to obtain assurances on an equitable share of EC Structural Funds and of the European Commission's acceptance that the determination was legitimate and could be met. The draft framework regulation was next considered by the General Affairs Council on 19 and 20 July.

The Tánaiste in his speech this morning put on the record the facts of that morning:

Early in the morning of 20 July last, following intensive discussion and negotiation between the delegation that I led and some of the most senior officials in Europe, I met with President Delors in the company of several of his officials and several of mine. We agreed that granted the quality of Ireland's national plan and the projects we would put forward, Ireland would ultimately receive 9.35 billion ECUs in 1992 prices from the new round of Structural Funds. That sum was to cover the period 1993-99.

We understood, as did the Commission, that ultimately the Commission would meet formally to agree indicative figures that would be allocated as targets for each of the countries affected by the nest round. These indicative figures would, in all likelihood, be expressed in ranges, or in what the Commission calls "fourchettes"— that is to say, a minimum and a maximum that could be achieved, depending on the quality of the plan put forward and on the efficiency of the member states in implementing their plans. The figure of 9.35 billion ECUs in 1992 prices translates into 9.7 billion ECUs in 1993 prices and into IR£7.84 billion.

That is the figure which the Tánaiste announced at the conclusion of those negotiations and which has been in the record since. I thought that it would be helpful to restate the position as outlined this morning.

Both myself and the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Fitzgerald, who had responsibility for the National Development Plan, are glad to have this opportunity to outline the work, the views and the underlying aspects in the preparation of this plan which we presented to Brussels ten days ago. In addition to the £8 billion EC aid, associated investment by the Irish public and private sectors will bring the total investment package to over £20 billion. The plan set out the main priorities for the largest investment programme ever undertaken in this country.

It is essential that these resources are invested prudently in order to achieve not only an impact on growth and jobs during the plan period, but also lasting improvements in the economy that will leave it primed for continuing growth into the next century. As I said at the outset, all considerations in relation to the plan were based on trying to generate growth and investment in the economy and to help develop our infrastructure and the economy in the long term.

The strategy set out in the National Development Plan follows on from the macro-economic policies which we have been pursuing. The plan builds on and improves policies which have contributed most to the recovery and growth in output and employment in the Irish economy in the recent past. The expenditure programmes for the EC Structural and Cohesion Funds incorporated in the plan fit into and enhance the effectiveness of the broad, integrated and consistent medium-term strategy which the Government are pursuing.

The macro-economic dimension of the plan must be evaluated in the context of Ireland's status and role in the development, integration and expansion of the European economy. The EC Structural and Cohesion Funds provide opportunities to consolidate the benefits gained by the Irish economy from the completion of the Single Market, the first Community support framework and the beginnings of the process of creating an economic and monetary union. It is essential, therefore, that we maintain our commitment to policies which will keep the Irish economy in conformity with the basic requirements for participation in building this new European economic order. Specifically this means continuing to adhere to the nominal convergence criteria contained in the Maastricht Treaty.

The central objective of the National Development Plan is to ensure the best long term return for the economy by increasing output, economic potential and long term jobs. It is further designed to reintegrate the long term unemployed and those at high risk of becoming long term unemployed into the economic mainstream.

The plan sets out the Government's strategy to achieve the national and European Community objective of greater economic and social cohesion. The basic elements of the strategy are investment in the growth potential of the economy in industry, tourism and services, agriculture and natural resources; investment in the country's productive infrastructure to improve the capacity and competitiveness of the economy; investment in the development of the skills of our people through education and training in order to increase productivity and growth capacity; and a special increased emphasis on harnessing local community leadership and local initiative.

This strategy will be given effect by a wide range of carefully selected development measures. I propose to give an overview of some of these measures.

The main vehicle for direct job creation in the economy will continue to be industrial development. The industry programme is, therefore, one of the most important and largest programmes put forward in the plan. Total public, that is national and EC, investment in industrial development will amount to almost £1.4 billion. Private sector investment associated with this public input will bring the total investment in industrial development to over £3.8 billion. At this stage, I stress the need for partnership based on a commitment to competitive excellence.

The industry programme will reflect the recommendations of the Culliton and Moriarty reports. There will be increased emphasis on the development of indigenous industry, with support being directed at encouraging Irish-owned companies to build on their competitive capability at firm level and encouraging the development of capability and expansion of capacity at industry level. There will be special initiatives in key sectors with identified job creation capacity, such as wood processing, the film industry, software and electronics services, aerospace and automobile components.

While developing indigenous industry is a priority, inward investment is also essential to job creation. Resources will continue to be targeted at bringing new industries to this country in the sectors and market niches where we have the greatest competitive advantage and also to the further development and expansion of foreign owned firms already located in Ireland. The benefits of inward investment must be maximised by the development of linkages between Irish owned and foreign owned firms. There will be additional funding for company led R and D and for marketing measures.

The food industry is one of the most important sectors of Irish industry, accounting for 22 per cent of total exports and about 20 per cent of all manufacturing jobs. Because of its potential to create national wealth and employment, the development of a strong indigenous food industry is a key Government objective. There will be a new special sub-programme for the food industry to deliver an integrated and coherent development package, embracing capital investment, marketing, research and development and human resources measures.

Total expenditure, including associated private sector expenditure, in the areas of agriculture, rural development and forestry will be over £1,450 million. When investment in food, which I have already mentioned, and human resources is added, the total package in this area will come to £2.2 billion.

The fishing sector has shown growth in recent years but remains underdeveloped. It offers potential for further development as a contributor to economic development in coastal areas and to output and exports nationally. Development measures will include fleet renewal through vessel construction and modernisation, aquaculture development involving both new installations and modernising existing areas, improved fish processing facilities, developments at fishery centres and fishery harbours and a programme of marine research.

The present operational programme for tourism has been very successful in terms of both increased foreign tourism revenue and job creation. The new programme will build on that success and has the aim of achieving an increase of £1 billion, or 50 per cent in real terms, in foreign tourism revenue by the end of 1999. It will also aim at getting a much wider spread of tourist income throughout the year. Total investment, between the State, the EC and the private sector will be over £580 million to 1999.

There will be increased investment in marketing and training, investments in product for specialist tourists, such as activity holidays and language learning and a programme of investment to upgrade and improve tourist angling waters. Ireland will be established in the top league of international conference venues with a major new conference centre planned for Dublin. There will be accelerated investment in arts, culture and heritage projects.

Investment of over £2.6 billion is planned in transport infrastructure. The primary objectives of transport investment in the period will be to improve internal and access transport infrastructure and facilities on an integrated basis and to improve the reliability of the transport system. We will continue to invest heavily in improving the national primary and secondary road network concentrating on four key corridors: north to south; south-west; east to west and the western corridor linking Sligo, Galway, Limerick, Waterford and Rosslare. There will also be an increased investment effort in regional and local roads of importance to local economic development.

Under the plan there will be an increased role for public transport. There will be major investment in upgrading the mainline rail links. The Dublin Transportation Initiative will be substantially advanced, including a light rail system, completion of the Dublin Ring Road, an efficient access route to Dublin port, quality bus corridors, upgrading existing suburban rail services and improved traffic management. Investment will also take place in the strategic ports of Dublin, Dún Laoghaire, Waterford, Cork, Rosslare and the Shannon estuary and in the State airports at Dublin, Shannon and Cork.

Environmental infrastructure is important from the point of view of both contributing to the development of industry and tourism and protecting and enhancing our quality of life. There will be substantial direct investment of £655 million in environmental services. Projects will include major coastal sewage treatment schemes in Cork, Dublin, Dundalk, Greystones, Galway, Limerick, Waterford and Westport and major water schemes in Dublin, Limerick and Tuam.

Total expenditure in the energy sector will be over £2.1 billion and will focus on improving the contribution of energy costs to competitiveness. Structural Funds aid will be directed at key strategic projects including a peat fired generating station, an energy efficiency scheme, pilot projects in the development of cutaway bogs, rural energy networks and the extension of the natural gas supply to the Shannon area.

There will be an investment of over £850 million in telecommunications over the period. The investment proposed will facilitate the completion of digitalisation, the expansion of the fibre optical network, significant improvements in international access and further developments in mobile services. The investment of £60 million in the postal services will include measures for the extension of the post office computer system in rural areas and the construction of modern mail centres located in the regions.

The Government has included a major health investment project, Tallaght Hospital, in this plan. It was mentioned during the Order of Business that the contract is to be signed this afternoon. This new acute general teaching hospital will fill a major gap in the development needs of what is now the third largest urban centre in the State.

The development of our human resources is essential to future growth and employment creation. Some £3.1 billion is to be invested in human resources over the period of the plan. The main objectives in this area will be to ensure the competitiveness of Irish industry and services through the supply of highly qualified and skilled personnel; to equip enterprise and workers with the skills necessary to cope with occupational, structural and technological change; to improve the attractiveness of Ireland as a location for new enterprise by having a highly educated, skilled, adaptable and versatile workforce; to promote equality in access to jobs and training and to help overcome disadvantage; and to maintain and enhance participation rates in education and training for the disadvantaged.

The National Development Plan places a major emphasis on local development, building on the experience already gained from the Pilot Area Programme in Integrated Rural Development, 1988-90, the current Leader programme, the area based initiatives under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, the third EC poverty programme and the EC global grant for local development. All indicate that there is considerable potential to be tapped at local level to tackle long-term unemployment and to generate local development. Inherent in the programme is the targeting of areas and communities characterised by long term unemployment and social exclusion.

Some £1.143 million will be available to the local development programme over the period of the plan. The programme will have four elements. First, a countrywide local enterprise sub-programme to be administered through the county enterprise boards. The boards will provide support for local enterprise initiatives and will fill a gap which has been identified in the current support services for local enterprise initiatives. Some £114 million will be available from the Exchequer alone for this programme over the period of the plan.

Secondly, there will be an area based local development programme for areas characterised by a high concentration of long term unemployment, social exclusion and environmental deprivation. This measure extends the pilot initiative of area partnership companies introduced under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress which have yielded significant results in terms of enterprise and employment, community development and improved services for the long term unemployed. Some £100 million will be available for this programme over the period of the plan.

Thirdly, a substantially expanded community employment development programme will replace the countrywide social employment scheme. The CEDP contains a combination of training inputs and community work specifically targeted at the long term unemployed. The total available under this measure is £813 million.

An urban renewal programme will improve the fabric of the local environment with emphasis on architectural conservation and streetscapes. A second part of this sub-programme is the completion of the range of cultural facilities in the Temple Bar area of Dublin. The urban renewal programme involves expenditure of £116 million over the period of the plan.

The Government was determined to ensure that the development strategy adopted for the plan should promote balanced regional development. To this end it has taken fully into account the work of the seven sub-regional review committees which were established under the current Community support framework.

The Government has responded to the recommendations of the sub regional review committees to the extent to which they are consistent with the overall national objective of maximising sustainable employment and growth and having regard to the limits on EC and national resources available. Full account has been taken of the recommendations of the review committees in drawing up the development strategy which underpins this plan and in allocating resources to various sectoral programmes through which the plan will be implemented.

The detailed recommendations and proposals contained in the submissions from the sub-regional review committees also constitute a very valuable input to the drafting of the detailed operational programmes which will be submitted to the EC Commission for approval in conjunction with the plan.

As part of the arrangements for implementing the plan, the Government intends to develop the sub-regional dimension of the monitoring arrangements, building on the experience gained under the current Community support framework. The Government has decided that the regional authorities will have responsibility for the functions currently discharged by the sub-regional review committees. For the purpose of discharging these functions, the committees which will assist the regional authorities in this regard will include representatives of local authorities, other public authorities, Government Departments, the social partner organisations currently represented on the sub-regional review committees, the EC Commission and the voluntary and community sectors. Therefore, there is wide representation and involvement on the part of the various bodies with the regional authorities overseeing the various activities.

Resources under the plan are allocated to national sectoral programmes, not on a sub-regional basis. However, the plan includes an estimate of the likely breakdown of the expenditure by sub-region. Maintaining an appropriate regional balance was an important consideration for the Government in preparing the plan. Statements of proposed integrated developments in each sub-region are being prepared and will be made available publicly.

The importance of North/South crossBorder co-operation in tackling a range of economic and social issues is recognised not only in this National Development Plan but also in Northern Ireland's Regional Development Plan. Both plans include a common agreed chapter setting out the extent of existing co-operation and the prospects for further such co-operation.

There is already a great deal of economic co-operation between North and South and steady progress in promoting cross-Border partnership has been made over the past decade. In the context of the last round of the Structural Funds, for example, substantial support has been given to schemes designed to upgrade transport links between the two parts of the island, such as the improvement of cross-Border roads and the commencement of work on a major upgrading of the Belfast to Dublin rail link. The joint Ireland/Northern Ireland INTERREG programme has provided a particularly valuable focus for supporting cross-Border projects in many sectors. Other EC initiatives such as STRIDE and STAR have successfully promoted scientific and technical collaboration in the academic community and industry, a specific example being the optic fibre link between Belfast and Dublin assisted under the STAR programme.

In preparing the development plans for the 1994-99 period both the British and Irish Governments have paid close attention to the opportunities for expanding economic collaboration in the context of the next round of assistance from the Structural Funds. In the implementation of both plans the closest liaison will be maintained in all relevant areas to ensure this eventuality.

While reactions to the plan following its publication have generally been supportive, there has been some criticism that the plan does not contain in detail all the economic and social policies which contribute to employment creation and tackling Ireland's unemployment problems. I have made it clear that this plan is one element, albeit an important one, in the Government's economic and social strategy for Ireland's development. The plan sets out the programmes and measures in the structural areas covered by EC Structural and Cohesion Funds. Given the size of the proposed investments and the range of sectors covered, as you will appreciate from my brief description of the development measures proposed, the plan will play a vital but not exclusive role in the employment creation we so badly need.

It has been said the the job creation targets in the plan are too optimistic; other comments suggest that our targets are not optimistic enough faced with the magnitude of the task confronting us. It is essential that we are ambitious but realistic about the problems confronting us and the targets which can be achieved. I was very anxious, during the preparation of the plan, to set targets that were both feasible and sustainable.

In view of the budget strategy and incomes and fiscal policy, if we can do more it will be all the better. In previous years plans were prepared and, after a short period of their operation, their growth figures and underlying policies could not be maintained. The growth and output figures and employment targets in this plan are ones we can realistically attain based on present performance and an improvement in the European economic position. Many of the indicators show a start in the upward movement in 1994. I believe that it could be 1995 before we get a turn around of significance. Certainly the underlying trends are in the right direction.

In recent years our economy has outpaced that of our EC partners but our needs are also greater than theirs. Most importantly, unemployment here remains higher as a proportion of the labour force than in any other EC country except Spain. Our natural rate of labour force increase is well above the EC average. Although there has been some catching up in recent years, income per head in Ireland is still well below the EC average. Reducing unemployment and narrowing this gap in living standards are two of our foremost economic challenges.

Ultimately, the response to both these challenges — the need to create many more jobs and to bring living standards closer to the EC average — will have to come through efforts to accelerate the growth of market led output; we have learned from experience that the scope for direct job creation by the State in our circumstances is severely limited. That is why we have tended to be cautious.

In setting out growth and employment targets in the plan we recognised that policies and developments outside the ambit of the plan would have a major influence on these targets; they always do. Accordingly the plan sets out both the targets that we are confident can be achieved by the plan investments and the targets that could be achieved if competitiveness improved or if developments in the world economy are more favourable.

The development measures in the plan should, across the various sectors, produce about 200,000 jobs. Some of these are long term; some are short term arising from project construction. Without the plan investments we would not have these jobs. This does not mean that the numbers of those at work will increase by 200,000 over the period of the plan. Many of the short term jobs will replace current short term jobs and experience shows that some of the new long term jobs will be offset by job losses elsewhere. Our best estimate is that there will be net non-agricultural job growth of between 70,000 and 100,000 over the period of the plan depending on the level of wage competitiveness achieved and the strength of growth in the world economy. While this may sound low relative to our job creation needs it must be looked at in the context of the employment situation internationally.

Over the last few years the Irish economy has clearly shown its potential for rapid, non-inflationary, market led, economic growth. Turning to the future, it has to be said bluntly that the international economic background against which decisions must be made over the next couple of years is not a promising one.

We can heartily wish that it was otherwise. We will do all we can, in consultation with our EC partners, in international fora and elsewhere, to try to bring about a better outturn. The Government has made a constructive contribution to the formulation of a more growth orientated EC policy in the context of our submission to the EC White Paper on employment and competitiveness which will be discussed in December. However, there is no use closing our eyes to reality. Over the next couple of years at least strong international growth is most unlikely. At a recent ECOFIN meeting we looked in great detail at the position and, with the exception of Germany which has its own difficulties, prospects for the other countries in the second half of 1994 and 1995 are better. Vice-President Christophersen is certainly optimistic and we, too, should try to be positive. However, the next six months will continue to be difficult.

This year Ireland and the United Kingdom are likely to be the only EC countries to show much by way of growth. According to EC Commission forecasts, Ireland will be the only EC country, apart from Luxembourg, to show any employment growth this year.

While I have good reason to be optimistic about the prospects for employment growth even in unfavourable economic circumstances, I must issue a warning: we cannot expect employment growth or even employment stability if wage increases are uncompetitive. We must make solid gains in competitiveness if we are serious about reducing unemployment, and to make these gains there is no substitute for pay moderation. It is estimated that a sustained annual improvement of 1 per cent in wage competitiveness could add as many as 4,000 jobs to employment growth. That was one of the important statistics produced from the national model in the preparation of the various inputs of expenditure and taxation on incomes data during the preparation of the plan in the past six months.

In negotiating a new national programme with the social partners we must make employment the cornerstone in a way we have not done up to now. The new programme if it is to work must include, first, a pattern of pay developments in the economy that will secure a progressive and sustained improvement in our competitiveness from 1994 onwards. Second, we have to have a fiscal policy set in the framework of the Maastricht convergence guidelines. We are committed to that now. Even if there was no European Monetary Union or Single European Act these are the criteria that would be proper for the economy to follow. Regardless of the pace at which we are moving to stage three of European Monetary Union we have to follow that fiscal policy. To do otherwise would be a grave mistake. Third is the disciplined management of the public finances consistent with exchange rate stability and moderate interest rates.

I look forward to the positive suggestions and contributions of the upper House. The Minister of State, Deputy Fitzgerald and I in working on the national plan will take full account of the views expressed. The process for us now, along with ensuring our clear understanding of the agreement of 20 July is fulfilled, involves a huge workload. The plan moves itself into operational programmes. The document in front of Senators today is the National Plan and will be negotiated with the Commission over a number of months.

In its conclusion it will become the Community support framework which is effectively the Commission's response to our input, our national plan. The 12 or so operational programmes that will come from that are the ones we will have to negotiate in detail. Naturally all comments and points made here and in the debate which took place here prior to the summer will be taken into account and we would like to have those discussions wrapped up early in 1994. Based on what happened in 1989 it will probably take three or four months. Over that period the Commission will be examining the plan and the operational programmes will be discussed side by side. In due course we will have an opportunity of talking about them again.

A Chathaoirligh, should we thank the Minister for reducing the temperature in the House so dramatically during the course of his speech?

I take full credit for that.

I regret the circumstances that have arisen over the last 24 hours in connection with the National Development Plan. For the benefit of Members who were so emphatic about certain things said at different times over past months, I remind the House that at the end of the Edinburgh summit the Taoiseach informed us that £8 billion would be available under the Structural Funds for Ireland from 1993 to 1997. Following the Government's mishandling of the monetary crisis, which cost the State huge sums of money individuals are still paying for, and the devaluation of 10 per cent, that figure was upped to £8.8 billion. Then when the famous July meeting took place which the Tánaiste and a number of his officials attended with senior Commission officials the figure was £7.84 billion. The Tánaiste said today:

We understood, as did the Commission, that ultimately the Commission would meet formally to agree indicative figures that would be allocated as targets for each of the countries affected by the next round. In all likelihood those indicative figures would be expressed in ranges — or what the Commission call fourchettes— that is to say, a minimum and a maximum that could be achieved, depending on the quality of the plan put forward and on the efficiency of member states in implementing their plans.

At almost the same time the President of the Commission, was saying that the Irish Government were liars. Members opposite may shake their heads but I listened to what the Commissioner said. It is sad that this situation developed. If the boot was on the other foot and the Tánaiste was in Opposition this morning, no doubt he would have cited Standing Orders and would have been telling the Ceann Comhairle how to raise this most important issue and that the people have been misled over past months.

There is an old saying used by an elegant Member of the Lower House —"Once you take the shilling you must follow the drums." That line has been followed by the Labour Party since they went into Government. It is a sad reflection on people who we all thought would do better on behalf of the State.

We have done well on behalf of the State.

There are a number of other issues I would like to deal with in connection with the plan. The Taoiseach said in the lower House that all members should be united in their efforts to secure whatever funds possible from the Commission for our plan and I have no problem with that. We asked that the Members of both Houses and the Oireachtas Joint Committees would be given the opportunity to discuss the plan and to improve it by the input of Members before the plan was sent to Brussels. If that consultation had taken place we might not have had today's débâcle.

We debated the plan in this House.

I remember speaking on this plan before it went to Brussels. The Senator must have been missing.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Farrelly, without interruption.

It was sent to Brussels before the final document——

First the Senator wants the plan unravelled and then he does not want it unravelled.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Farrelly, without interruption.

If the heat in the kitchen is too much for the Senator I am sure the Leas-Chathaoirleach will be able to deal with her. This plan was drawn up behind closed doors by the members of the Government parties as if this £20 billion was their own money. That would be nothing new to Fianna Fáil. It will be used for projects for which many of their friends will be sure to get the contracts. That is the way things have been done and the Labour Party are aiding and abetting that.

The Senator is making dangerous allegations.

The Taoiseach is the last person who should attempt to criticise the Opposition for pointing out the projects where large amounts of money will be wasted. Although he was elected on foot of a famous plan in 1977, he said he did not read it and it turned out to be a disaster. I wonder if he read beyond the first page of this plan before it went to Brussels. If he did he might have remembered the figure of £7.3 billion and not £7.8 billion or whatever the final figure will be.

Last week a Senator told one of my colleagues that this week he would have an opportunity to speak on the national lottery. He meant to say the national plan but he must have presumed from the word within his ranks this money would be used in the same manner as lottery money, with EC cash in place of lottery funds. That does not give much hope to those who are unemployed, on low incomes or still at school.

This plan will shatter the hopes of those who wanted real jobs to be created. The Minister said 200,000 jobs would be created but many would be short term or would replace existing short term jobs. The final figure will be between 80,000 and 90,000. Last week the Taoiseach said 52,000. Every figure the Taoiseach has mentioned since the plan was announced has changed. The amount of money was initially £8.8 billion, it is now £7.3 billion and who knows what it will be when the plan has finished? The figure of 52,000 will probably reduce as rapidly as the figure for the finance.

Where do the findings of the Culliton report appear in this plan? The report said firms who did not receive grants in the 1980s created more jobs than those which received a total of £1.6 billion. The new plan proposes to allocate £3.688 billion. The Government appears not to have learned much from the Culliton report, if one reads this plan.

The use of EC money has always been an obsession with Fianna Fáil when in office. It has sought to spend it across the country without creating the jobs it said it would. Sadly, after this plan the number of jobs will not have increased dramatically but the number of unemployed will, up to perhaps 400,000.

It is also worrying that the Government has decided there will be little or no privatisation. State companies which will receive huge funds under the plan will not have to answer for the use of the money or produce programmes saying whether the money will be invested wisely, giving better service and cheaper cost to the consumer as a result.

The plan, when it had been finalised by Government, should have been scrutinised by both Houses of the Oireachtas. Many constructive amendments could have been made, as happens to legislation.

The following five matters have not been seriously dealt with in the plan. First, the kernel of our problems and the reason employers do not wish to take on more people is the penal effect the income tax and PRSI systems have in increasing the cost of employing people and the consequent reduction in the number of jobs on offer. Many small business people say when they do their accounts, that their ambition by the end of the following year is to employ one less person, because of the overall cost.

The second issue is the imprisonment of people in poverty traps caused by the maze of means tests, entitlement cut-offs and the discriminatory treatment of children in the tax and social welfare codes. People have refused, are refusing and will refuse to take low paid jobs because of what they receive on social welfare. We often compare ourselves with our nearest neighbour. People in Britain pay 16 per cent less tax at the lower rate than we do. It is no wonder it does not pay people to take lower paid jobs.

The third problem is the absence of an effective competition policy, backed by an adequately staffed competition authority with power to initiate inquiries into overcharging and other extra costs.

The fourth item missing is a comprehensive plan to stop children leaving school too early and becoming long term unemployed. Early assessments, home visits, parental education and timely remedial help should be introduced.

The fifth matter is the failure to put job security at the top of the industrial relations agenda. Retraining and work sharing should be given a higher priority than short term profits, short term wage increases, tax subsidies and redundancies.

Had all these items been dealt with through legislation, more employers would want to take on staff. Many people have ideas but do not want to take a risk because the first ten callers on them will be from different tax and social welfare offices. These are the issues this Government urged the EC to deal with in its submission on employment to the Commission, yet it has not dealt with them in its national plan. It is hard to understand. The Minister mentioned the presentation the Government made.

The 1989-1993 plan set out to create 175,000 jobs. It created only 80,000. Some 70,000 jobs were lost over that period, giving a net increase of 10,000. Meanwhile a further 98,000 people emigrated and 63,000 more joined the dole queues. Will this plan be any different? On the basis of the figures given by the Taoiseach, I would be worried. I hope I am wrong but since the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister for Finance accept many of the jobs to be created will be part-time or replace existing part-time jobs, the eventual figure will be much less than 100,000. That does not represent value for the money.

Our objective must be to increase Ireland's percentage of world trade and have output equal to the EC average. There is little evidence this plan has any integrated focus to improve our competitiveness. The key to competitiveness is cost structures. These include preliminary labour costs as well as transport, communications, energy and postal costs. The plan does not set out an improvement in the cost of these services in return for investments made. Will the investments be cost-effective? The relevant semi-State companies should have been obliged to bring forward a detailed plan to improve in efficiency and reduce charges.

It is interesting to note how EC funds have been spent over the past decade. In 1982 current Government expenditure stood at £4.53 billion. By 1992 this had risen to £7.06 billion. Capital expenditure over the same period rose from £625 million to £776 million. This shows that despite an EC transfer of 3 to 4 per cent of GNP, current spending rose twice as fast as capital spending. What has happened to all our EC billions? We have not adhered to the principle of additionality and instead have substituted EC finance for Exchequer commitments. Day to day spending without long term return has been given priority. In many ways the Government has treated EC funds like receipts from the national lottery. It has used them for short-term budgetary considerations as opposed to adhering to the objective of raising our national income per person to the European average.

The Government has been less than honest in its hyped presentation of this plan. It has made assumptions about private sector investments to maximise the figures. It has included the 1993 expenditure to raise the figure from an actual planning investment of £17.4 billion to £20 billion. This plan must be integrated with other financial policies in order to increase income and jobs. The Government has not set either an income or a tax policy. Subsidised jobs will only last as long as the subsidy. That is a fact of life and nobody knows that better than a former Minister of many portfolios. If one subsidises a job it will last until the subsidy disappears and then the job is gone.

All the indications are that after the year 2000 we will have to share these Structural Funds with an enlarged EC. New areas in central and eastern Europe will qualify under the present criteria for funding. This is therefore in effect our last chance to rectify the structural defects in the Irish economy. In terms of rate of return, the yardstick against which any project must be measured is that of world interest rates on lending. For example, if we had been allowed to use the money to reduce the national debt, this would be equivalent to getting a rate of return on the money that we are currently paying as interest on servicing the debt.

Many people would disagree but in real terms if we had £20 billion or £15 billion or £12 billion in total and reduced our national debt by half, reduced the costs of employing people and reduced income tax at the lower end of the scale, I have no doubt that we would have more people working than we will have at the end of the proposed investments. It is sad but that would be the case.

The ESRI and a group of consultants have been the only parties to study the effectiveness of the past plans. Many of their recommendations seem to have been wilfully ignored. One of the recommendations was to establish a reserve fund of 20 per cent of the total funds. If that line of advice had been followed and 20 per cent of the total funds put in reserve, the hiccup in Brussels today, would not matter. That advice was freely given by a group of consultants who studied the effectiveness of the last plans and it was wilfully ignored by the Government. I wonder why.

By any standard six years is a long time and priorities may change. Since Monday of last week priorities have changed dramatically. I am sure there are Ministers wondering today what they will have to do in connection with what they agreed only six to eight days ago. Consultants gave good advice that 20 per cent of funds should be held in reserve and if that had been done we might not be in this dilemma.

New information may become available about certain projects. The Government, in its rush to hype this plan, has opted for political expediency over procedure. If it had withheld a substantial reserve of the fund, it could select the best investments midway through the plan in the light of experience. Similarly there is no provision for tendering or competition for the drawing down of funds between different operational programmes or between subheads of overall programmes.

Agriculture has seen its share of funds diminish from 18 per cent to 13 per cent. While we must acknowledge that a ceiling has been put on output, the needs of rural Ireland were never greater. Income maintenance through headage schemes is vital to sustain many smaller family farms. There is no provision for any increase in this vital aspect of their income, nor has any reference been made to the necessity for the introduction of a new third category of extremely disadvantaged area. I heard today in one of the reports from our EC correspondent that the first major cut — if there is any reduction on the figure announced in July — will be 10-15 per cent from agriculture. That would be disastrous for many farmers who are surviving on the subsidy.

Surely the Senator is not relying on some commentator?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Farrelly, without interruption.

Many people were not relying on what the Commissioner said. They would like to disown everybody once they are not one of their paid up members. I do not agree with that because other people have credibility.

Many people, including the Government, think that all of the new enterprises that have been set up will solve the problem. We spoke about it during the last session when changes were made in the IDA. The following agencies are at work: the IDA, the county enterprise partnership boards, BTT and SFADCo. The Culliton report recommended the rationalisation of these agencies, especially for indigenous industries. It goes without saying that heretofore indigenous industries were not served well by the number of agencies. Instead we have a whole new generation of job creation toys — enterprise boards, FÁS, community initiatives, global grants, development companies, Leader projects and Programme for Economic and Social Progress companies. Given past experience, I thought Culliton would have been listened to and that a more efficient system, reducing the number of people providing a service to those who wish to employ people, would have been introduced. There is now a bewildering array of organisations, all with a similar brief of employment creation. This has added confusion and red tape to small enterprises. The Government should streamline these quangos in an efficient manner to ensure that the people who want to employ people and invest do not have to deal with red tape. An amount of money from this plan, a fixed portion of 5-10 per cent, should have been set aside to deal with all the ideas and one agency should have been set up.

If this National Development Plan was genuinely a vehicle for economic progress it would have set out a clear exchange rate policy and competition policy for the period of the plan. The absence of these ingredients shows that the Government are acting like lotto millionaires, without any meaningful, indepth economic analysis.

These proposals are a mishmash of ideas from a Government which, since elected, has treated the electorate with contempt in many ways. It was recently disclosed that one Minister, the Minister for Health, has so far this year spent approximately £29,000 on trips out of the country. I do not believe the people elected us to have this type of expenditure.

Regarding the main proposals in the plan, such as the construction of bypasses, there are many problems in the areas for which there are proposals. There is one major aspect which those of us from rural Ireland will have to consider seriously. If there is a reduction in the amount of money decided on, investment in local and regional roads should not be reduced. There is a problem in this regard and Members of the Oireachtas know this because they travelled these roads last year. There is a need for investment and a decision to ensure money promised will be beneficial.

It is sad that there is a divergence of views between the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the President of the Commission. This matter must be rectified because the country will be the loser. I hope, on the basis of what has been said, these words are amended. If change is required or there is a reduction in the amount, a certain proportion should be set aside so we can see where we will be in three years' time and if we can get better value for money. Committing it all on the first day is not a good idea. It is a pity the advice of the consultants who reviewed the previous plans, where a substantial sum of money was spent, was not taken on board in this regard.

As a former member of the Council and of the Commission, I have some experience negotiating in this area. I was involved on behalf of the Government in negotiating the European support framework with the present Taoiseach and Minister for Finance, Deputy Ahern. We reached agreement with the Commission with regard to that framework in 1987. It is important that the foundation on which the European framework was launched over the past four years and the National Development Plan be clarified. The National Development Plan is based on funding from three sources, the EC, the Exchequer and the private sector and the Commission is aware of that fact.

I was encouraged to hear statements from the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste this morning because they are crucial to the development of the National Development Plan. The Taoiseach stated the Government's resolve to implement the National Development Plan in full. That is a clear and unambiguous statement. Although it does not need to be confirmed, such confirmation strengthens the fact. The Tánaiste stated that he was happy to avail of the opportunity to reassure the House and the people that the National Development Plan submitted to the European Commission last week and published by the Government will be implemented in full. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste in their respective constitutional roles have given an unqualified assertion that the plan will be fully implemented. I welcome that. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste pointed out that they must have the full support of the House regarding its implementation, which I presume is forthcoming.

Discussions are conducted on the basis of the full implementation of the plan before us. It is important to note that the elements the plan embrace are the three sections to which I referred. I refer to the one of the opening paragraphs of the plan so that we may clarify what we are addressing, how we intend to solve problems and to realise the potential of this country. It states: "It is estimated that total expenditure in current prices over the period 1993 to 1999 will be of the order of £22.3 billion (27.6 billion ECU) which will include EC aid of £8.8 billion (10.9 billion ECU)." Our approach to this plan has those key components and I insist that they stay in place.

The Commission is a collegiate body and when a commitment is given by an individual or the President of the Commission, it must be a collegiate binding commitment. It can only be given with the authority and sanction of the Commission qua Commission and anyone who needs confirmation of that need only look at the Treaty of Rome which sets out the functions of the Commission and individual Commissioners. The President of the Commission is aware of what agreements with member states represent.

Today the Tánaiste referred to a solemn agreement. In reply to Deputies' questions in regard to the agreement he said that it can be summed up with the assertion that an agreement solemnly made between the President of the European Commission and the Minister for Foreign Affairs is worthless. This agreement is not worthless. A solemn agreement cannot and must not be allowed to be worthless. We seek and insist on assurance from the Commission in this regard.

There are procedures for agreements with and in the Commission and they are employed each time negotiations take place on behalf ten or 12 member states, whether at European Council level or between Foreign, Agriculture and Finance Ministers. Those procedures are based on the fact that bilateral negotiations take place. We have all been involved in such negotiations in corridors late at night or early in the morning as Finance, Foreign and especially Agriculture Ministers. Negotiations are conducted by a Commissioner with each individual Minister. In my experience, when an understanding is reached with a Minister or delegation, whether it is in the delegation room, the coffee room or the refreshment bar at 3 a.m. or 4 a.m., nobody should imply that because the discussions were conducted informally in the early hours of the morning they lack the basis of discussion, and a non-paper is introduced. I do not believe this has changed.

A non-paper represents what has not been formally and finally adopted by the Commission or the Council of Ministers. The Commissioner responsible at the time would have sufficient authority to present this to the Minister in question. During my 20 years' experience in various Councils and as Commissioner that has always been the basis on which it was done. There would be a record in the Commission of the understanding that was reached between the individual Commissioner, particularly the President of the Commission, and the individual member state.

We are not dealing with casual understandings here. We are dealing with an agreement that will be binding and put into a treaty framework, with a representative of a collective body bound individually and collectively by everything that is agreed between the parties. For that reason, I presume that was the procedure followed on this occasion. The farmers and Senator Farrelly will not thank me for this, but as an illustration, I have had experience of this when negotiating matters as relatively unimportant as calf and ewe premia: during long nights we had these discussions and then, if we were to have bilateral understandings, we received a non-paper, which we had translated. I presume we are talking in the same terms here.

In 1978-79 when we launched the European monetary system in Bremen, which subsequently became part of the European Commitment that gave us a system — I doubt if anyone in this House remembers it — of loans and grants from the European Investment Bank to enable us to join the European monetary system, we had an understanding which was translated into a non-paper which subsequently became part of a legal framework. I presume we are dealing with the same here.

On the last occasion we negotiated with a Commissioner — the Taoiseach must be aware of this — Bruce Millan then as now had this responsibility, and he, the Minister for Finance and I went through these procedures, but we ensured that we had not only this understanding, this non-paper. I hope and assume from what has been said so far that there will be clear evidence of that confirmation, otherwise the basis on which this debate is being conducted is, to say the least, faulty. I assume that the elements of funding will bind all parties without any argument on interpretation.

We do not need to attack the credibility of one or the other. Who needs to attack the credibility of the Head of Government, the Deputy Head of Government, the Commissioner or the President of the Commission? Who needs that when we are engaged in matters as important as this? It is for that reason that these long established procedures should and must always be followed — to avoid any risk of creating a disagreement or misunderstanding.

I do not doubt the Tánaiste when he said that this agreement was solemnly made with the President of the Commission who has shown his commitment to this country. I have known President Delors for 15 years. I like to think that, in our time, we were part of building up that special relationship with him. Over the years I have personally conducted him on tours around the farms of Ireland. I saw his response to the developments we were planning in Ireland and I do not doubt his commitment but I want to ensure that that commitment that has been made is put in place through the procedures that have always been followed.

As the Minister for Finance said here today, we are now looking to the position we are taking on the adoption of the framework regulation. This has the sanction of officials who are familiar with this area. The adoption of the framework regulation is the legal basis for disbursement of the new tranche of funds. There must be a legal framework. We are not looking at something that can be disbursed more efficiently by the Commission than it can by the Government. We are looking at a legal framework. I hope there will be no doubt about the basis of that legal framework, otherwise the whole structure and procedure of negotiation and the whole structure of European legally binding framework and regulations will be totally undermined, and that would be unthinkable.

These procedures have been adopted consistently over the years. The Commission and the individual Commissioners, not least the President of the Commission, must be fully aware of that and if one Commissioner was not there at the time in question I assume that what was done was on behalf of all the Commission by the Commissioner present, namely, the President.

The issues at stake here are much greater than Bremen when we introduced the first EMS supports and subsidies. I have to say this in tribute to the Government, they are bigger than the issues we negotiated four or five years ago when we had the European support framework in place — and we did that after many bilateral negotiations but we always had the safety and security of the procedures to guarantee it. It is essential that we have those same procedures to rely on at this stage where the issues are very important.

In time, all these negotiated issues become formal legal contracts. We all know that if contracts in the private or international sector are in writing, which they will always be, they cannot be changed by word of mouth. They must be confined to the formal textual elements incorporated in the contract. If there is to be a variation it can and will only be amended by a further legal and written contract, which obviously has not happened in this case.

The construction and foundation of this plan is of such vital importance — perhaps even more important than the one in which I was centrally involved as a Minister some years ago — that there can be no doubt as to its solid foundation. I look forward to the reassurances which will be forthcoming from the Commission in view of the strong positions taken by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste today that that is the basis on which we are proceeding.

I wish to comment on the plan. I have been happy to hear some representatives of the Government point out that this plan is not about throwing money at investment or development. I take the view that the promotion of an investment climate, the development of an enterprise capacity and the application of added value through education are much more important than organising schemes, developing a plethora of agencies, having a system of State involvement, of intervention, supported if necessary even by European Community funds. I am a self-confessed supporter of the promotion of the enterprise spirit, of reducing tax penalties and of reducing PRSI levels. I am convinced that they are components in job creation. I have grave reservations about the long term effect of these agencies, and I have to acknowledge that Senator Farrelly is quite right; if one depends on subsidies for job creation, the jobs will last as long as the subsidies last and when the subsidies end there will be no jobs.

I wish to comment on a number of points in the plan. I am happy to see that a considerable amount is devoted to human resources. It will not surprise the Minister of State or the House to know that if I have a criticism it is that I do not see what I and many of my party colleagues would like, which is evidence of a clear priority to education — but then there are always accommodations to be reached in Government.

The major commitment to resource development is of the order of £3.1 billion, including £1.8 billion in EC aid. While I welcome that as a major component of the plan, I would like to see it broken down. I would also like to see it directed towards the application of knowledge and the creation of an enterprise spirit from primary school through second level to third level.

In the presence of the Minister of State, may I say that when we launched the National Institute of Higher Education in Limerick — and I can say "we" because I was a junior Minister in the early 1970s — we resisted the notion of a university of the conventional type that some of the people in Limerick wanted — to give the city status because Cork and Galway had universities and they did not. We looked first to see what it was that would give service, direction and purpose to Ireland Inc. from now on as members of the European Community and came up with the concept that is now such a success; investment in knowledge. Is it not clear from all the developments that have taken place in that sector, as well as the impact and success it has had, that that approach was vindicated in the 1970s and 1980s? If it was vindicated then, it is more likely to be vindicated further in the highly competitive environment of the 1990s.

I will give one further example to illustrate the point. Some would say that the pharmaceutical/paramedical sector is one of the most successful in Ireland at the moment. It is significant to note that in the case of the Elan Corporation in Athlone, there is almost a reverse takeover of the parent body in the United States by what was the branch office in Ireland. The level of investment in postgraduate knowledge and management in that plant is a guarantee, that Elan and the Elans of the world — and we have some in my town as well — are absolutely secure in their marketing and research and development programmes because they have given priority to the application of knowledge.

I regret that there is not harder evidence of a commitment to third level education in the plan. Though it is not clear, as far as I can see, the allocation for third level capital programmes over the period of the plan is, to say the least, sparse. I will be happy to be corrected, but I am told it is of the order of £120 million in total — and that is probably the maximum. That is far too low having regard to the level of investment we want in the knowledge base that is unique to this country.

I also want to ensure that the level of employment penalties is reduced. I acknowledge that I was part of a Government which ensured that these penalties remained in place, though we did reduce them but we could only do it on one basis. If I never spent another year in Government I would have to say I was proud, despite our delays and shortcomings over the years, of what we did from 1987 to 1989 when we decided, at last, that there was only one way to act. We could not be throwing money at things and pretending that it was coming from Europe or anywhere else. We made a very firm, determined decision that we were going to reduce public expenditure, which is never popular. What Government does not like spending money? The good Government is one that will reduce spending and the penalties on tax, and PRSI that will follow. I would like to see much more of that in this plan.

Do not forget the support Fianna Fail got; you were in a minority Government.

Yes, I was proud of that period, and I was proud of the nationally minded reaction of the Fine Gael Party at the time. I have no hesitation in saying that. I think it was a great period in Irish economic management. I hope we can see the same degree of consensus whenever we face issues of this kind now, but not on the basis of money we are going to spend unless there is discipline. I would like to see greater priority given to the reduction of employment penalties like tax and PRSI. Those who are involved in enterprise — and there is one distinguished Senator now in the House who is — can tell us more about the impact of these penalties than I can. I always took the view that people in Government do not have to be business people; their role is to create the climate in which those who are will achieve so that there will be scope for employment. That is the role that I have always seen for Government.

I welcome the allocation for the agriculture sector, but not for that sector alone. I would like to see a much greater emphasis on the food element in our indigenous industry for two reasons. We are looking at a world economy that, to say the least, is volatile. To a considerable extent, we are dependent on multinationals that have investment outlets in various parts of the world. However, when problems occur, as they do in the markets for a variety of reasons, that gives them the choice where they scale down, how they scale down and to where they move. Within the last week we have seen that happen in a major multinational in this country which scaled down 150 jobs and we will see more of that. They are not here in our interests, although I am not saying they are against our interests but they are here to avail of the best profit making climate for their shareholders. As long as we fit that bill we will have the benefit of their investment. For that reason we must maintain the strict fiscal aggregates in relation to low inflation, low interest rates and low or moderate wage rates. If we depart from that, they will have left our shores before we even know they are on the way out.

However, there is one element that cannot depart because it is part of what we are, and that is our indigenous food sector. I would like to see a more vigorous marketing plan focused on this uniquely important sector in our economy, the food sector. Whether the resources are in fisheries or the agricultural base, let us face the fact that our marketing in this area is deplorably inadequate. No matter what you would do at any one time it is still inadequate.

Having regard to the quality of our environment, of our soil, of our product and the perception of Ireland and its produce, we should have a vigorous marketing programme in every part of the world that cannot produce the quality natural food that we can. That means a greater degree of concentration on research, food packaging, presentation, consumer satisfaction and quality, which is of paramount importance. I would like to see much greater targeting of this.

I take it that what the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste have said is factual. The second stage is to prioritise the bases for our economic development in the next decade. Enterprise promotion should be encouraged through a reduction of penal tax and PRSI levels. There should be a focus on the application of knowledge at primary, second and third level so that investors will know that we have the skill and knowledge to deal with their investment. Finally, there should be a focus on indigenous resources because in the final analysis home investment is the most secure investment.

I intend to use my time in as valuable a way as I can. I have five concrete suggestions to make. I make them on the assumption that while the broad thrust of the plan is unlikely to change, I assume there is flexibility in terms of the balance between different spending areas and the exact focus given to particular initiatives. I understand from the Minister for Finance, and was pleased to hear him confirm this point, and that there is an opportunity to adjust the plan.

Before developing the five concrete suggestions I have to make, let me speak on matters of a more general kind. I believe that the overall balance of this plan is just about right. The three big spending areas are infrastructure, which refers mainly to transport, human resources, which is mainly concerned with education and training, and industry support. The priorities established by these spending areas are broadly correct. Within these three broad headings, however, I believe that there is a need to move what I may term a few chairs around. Senator Farrelly questioned whether all this complied with the recommendations of the Culliton report. I believe that it does. It was interesting that Senator O'Kennedy referred to the solid foundation of this plan and suggested that it is probably more important than the last plan, in which he was involved.

I welcome the increased social thrust that this plan contains in comparison to its predecessor. There is a temptation, and I personally have been guilty of this in the past, to put social problems on the back burner, to concentrate on getting the economy right first and then to address social problems. However, to take that approach is to forget, I suggest, the kind of social disadvantage that has increased so much in the past 20 years and that is now such a serious part of our economic problem, namely unemployment. It is an enormous inhibiting force in our economy, running at a rate of approximately 20 per cent nationally. Even worse is the fact that in some areas, and I know them in the Dublin area quite well, there are much higher levels of unemployment; in places unemployment is the norm, not the exception. This creates a culture that we must break out of and we cannot delay that task any longer. We must concentrate at once on these unemployment black spots and immediately implement remedies with a precise local focus.

The problem of unemployment has been a feature for so long that there are some families where unemployment is running into the second generation. We must recognise that young people from these families enter the education system with a serious disadvantage and that equality in education is insufficient for these children to get a fair crack of the whip. They need extra care and extra provision if they are not to emerge from the education system even further behind than they are at present.

Apart from the human side of this, there is an economic side. These people are valuable natural resources and this country must ensure that they be given the chance to develop to the full. Therefore I welcome the emphasis on tackling this disadvantage, which is an obvious feature of this plan.

Turning to my five suggestions, the first is that we should consider front ending the spending on the roads and ports problem. What do I mean by this? I believe we are correct to continue spending money on roads and ports. It is crucial to our ability to deliver our goods into our international markets. However, instead of spreading the spending over five years we should consider spending most of this money up front in the first two years. The roads programme should be accelerated. The benefits from this would be substantial. Once the road and port improvements are in place they will start delivering real value to the economy immediately. Improved roads and ports are an essential way for us to compete in a better manner. These improvements are the way in which we compensate for our peripheral situation in Europe. There is no reason for prolonging the programme; I suggest we should turbo charge it immediately. This would also mean that we would create temporary jobs faster and get that boost into the economy while waiting for the world economy to recover. Spending on construction translates quickly into jobs and the resulting wages hurtle through the economy. This is one of the few ways that we can increase economic activity without depending on outside market forces. Let us take that opportunity now by accelerating the programme for roads and ports, putting it into the first two years rather than spreading it over the full five years.

My second suggestion is that we should provide more external investment in the telecommunications programme. Under the existing proposal only a tiny proportion of the £850 million investment in telecommunications will derive from the Structural Funds. That is all wrong. Keeping abreast of changes in telecommunications is critical to our future. Telecommunications at the end of the century will be radically different from what we see now. We are on the brink of another wave of technological innovation. We need to be in the forefront of this because superior telecommunications are the best way of overcoming our geographic disadvantage. Change in this field takes place at a rapid pace. I was chairman of An Post in the mid-1980s when we were considering developments such as electronic mail. Suddenly, within 12 months, the fax machine appeared and within a further 12 months all of us were using them. This illustrates the speed at which developments take place. Within 12 months there will be further changes. I refer to the multi-media link up that is appearing in the USA and which will affect the way we all operate within a couple of years.

To expect the bulk of the investment that is necessary for such developments to be funded internally is not, I suggest, the way to proceed. This puts the burden on the very customers who use the system. Keeping prices high will slow down our transition to a telecommunications society that we need to reach quickly. This is exactly where we should be investing European and State money, investing in a fundamental resource that will continue to provide a return over a whole generation. Telecom Éireann does not have many friends at the moment because of what I call the horse's collar they made of the rebalancing of their charges. This should not blind us to the fact that it is foolish in the extreme to expect the public to pay for this investment over the next five years. It is precisely the kind of investment for which the Structural Funds exist.

The third point, which the Minister will like, is that we need to face up to the east-west regional problem that is now emerging. There is a great deal of talk about regional development in the plan but I do not detect any real awareness of the seriousness of the divide now opening up between the east and west of the country. The writing is on the wall for us all to see. We have no excuse for not taking action now. The truth is that even after we have improved the road system the west is going to become less and less attractive as an industrial location, particularly to overseas investors. We can already see that the balance has shifted to the eastern seaboard.

Four or five weeks ago I was in Dundalk at the opening of the new Heinz factory. It is a marvellous factory and investment. It is in Dundalk because it is close to Larne. Dr. Tony O'Reilly said this at the opening. The dependence on Larne is a scandal in itself. The logic of industrial location is tipping all the time and will continue to tip towards the east and those east coast ports from Larne to Rosslare. The east has other facilities which add to its attractiveness to industry. It has a higher density of third-level educational establishments.

If we are realistic and clear sighted we should acknowledge that an east-west divide is already emerging and ask what we can do about it. We must continue trying to industrialise the west. I do not suggest by any means that because the odds are against it we should weaken our resolve in that direction. We must continue to develop its transport infrastructure. We must also consciously and very deliberately give precedence to the west in those areas of the economy in which it is not disadvantaged. Those areas are, essentially, tourism and services. We should invest heavily to attract tourism to the west. Too much of our tourism business centres on Dublin.

The National Development Plan proposes a £50 million investment in a conference centre in Dublin. This should be situated in the west. I believe it should be located in the Limerick-Shannon area, even if the back up facilities to make it viable cost £100 million. We have been successful in attracting conferences to Ireland. The part of Ireland which Europeans, in particular, want to visit is not the east coast but the west. We should invest heavily in attracting conferences. This area already has an infrastructure which can be developed.

We should also make the west the nation's centre for industrial services such as remote data processing and telemarketing. Big developments are taking place in such services. These are businesses which can be located anywhere, particularly where there is a good telecommunications system. Such businesses are being located all around the country. As a matter of deliberate national policy we should say that if such services are to receive State help they should be located west of the Shannon. I would like to see Shannon become the national focus for more sophisticated international services, with other service industries spread out all over the west. We need positive discrimination in recognition of the fact that increasingly that part of the country is losing out as an industrial location.

Let us use the opportunity that exists for decentralising some Government Departments and agencies. We have never taken decentralisation seriously. It has just been a political play thing. Let us rediscover a more dynamic version of it as a central part of a strategy to address the east-west divide. The first Department I can think of which should be decentralised to the west is the Meteorological Service because, as far as I can see, the west has the best weather.

I will remind the House of my first three suggestions. The first was to frontend the spending, the second related to telecommunications and the third related to the east-west balance. My fourth suggestion is to sharpen the focus so that we are educating for change. There is provision in this plan for a vast amount of spending on education and training and I welcome this. This emphasis has also been greeted with a certain amount of cynicism. Someone even pointed out that we are planning to train more people than are at present in our workforce, I do not know how accurate this is. We need to sharpen the focus in this area. We should not be shovelling money at education just because education is a good thing or because we want to make our workforce more skilled in vague or in general terms.

Let us be clear about our need, which is very precise, to educate and train people for a world in which we will be challenged by change on a totally unprecedented scale. I was interested to hear Senator O'Kennedy talk in similar terms. We need to become more adaptable and flexible and to strike a mortal blow at the traditions and culture that have made us, as a nation, averse to change and risk.

At the end of a battle in, I think, 1888 during the war in the Sudan between the British and the Dervishes, 11,000 Dervishes had been killed. Deaths on the British side amounted to 20. The reason was that the British had obtained a new fangled gun, called a machine gun, so that they could wipe out the thousands of attacking troops who had to stop each time to reload. In that year the world of warfare changed. Anybody who thought they had everything planned right up to that year had to adjust to that change or they had no opportunity in the future.

I talked earlier about fax machines. Look at what is happening now in marketing, telemarketing, retailing and in so many areas. Change is occurring dramatically. We are seeing that sea change occur at this moment and it gives us opportunities we must be willing to take. We need to equip, particularly but not exclusively, our young people to survive and thrive in the new world we are about to experience. We should be investing in flexibility and adaptability and not get carried away with the need for particular skills which may be out of date even before we get to the end of this five year programme. If we lose the central urgency of that focus on change we will lose this opportunity and will, I suggest, fail our people.

My fifth and final suggestion is that in supporting industry we should target our investment where it can make a real difference instead of spreading it too thinly across a range of areas. In the industrial part of this plan, in particular, I detect a tendency to support too many things at too low a level of support to make a real, decisive difference. Nothing that is being supported is unworthy of support, but that is not the issue. The issue is that there is a bigger danger we will not make any major breakthrough because we have not thought big enough. We need to use a rifle — which brings us back to the Dervishes — rather than a shotgun or a blunderbuss which we are probably using here. I can understand why this is so. We are investing our resources all over the place. What really counts? Where would a massive investment produce a massive pay out? I see a policy of spreading our eggs around too many baskets and I want to risk putting in for a much smaller number of baskets.

If we go to the heart of what will create jobs, and just as important, what will preserve jobs, we should arrive quickly at the realisation that here the issue, as with the last one, is change. Companies fail because they do not adapt to changes. They go on producing products on which the tide has already gone out because cost structures or technology have changed or something has made a new leap which changes the very name of the game. It is happening all the time in business.

If we want to create and sustain large numbers of jobs we must dramatically increase the capability of Irish industry to respond effectively to the changes taking place in the world. How do we go about doing that? The key is what we invest in research and development. R and D is the way to cope with change. The more one invests in research and development, the better equipped one's company is and the better equipped the economy is to ride the wave of change instead of being wiped out by it.

This plan aims by 1999 to have increased the total national spend, including that from business, by £100 million a year. Frankly, I am not impressed by that. It is an improvement but it is not enough to make a dramatic difference. We still have not got the message that we are way behind on R and D spending. We are still way behind what other small countries spend and that kind of investment will still leave us playing catch-up at the end of those five years. We should be planning to increase the R and D spend by a much greater amount and to bring it up to speed much faster than we have planned.

We should select a small number of areas such as R and D and invest massively this £3 billion provided for industry. That is the way we will make a real impact over a short time scale. If we do not take that selective approach we will get to the end of this plan just as we got to the end of the last one and we will have no answer when somebody asks if it really made a decisive difference. We will not be too sure.

Let us use this money to make one big difference, not many little ones. Let us be bold and courageous with this plan. We have an historic opportunity now to change the direction of our future. I hope we can take it.

This plan is not about how we intend to use EC money to bridge the gap which exists between our standard of living and that of the rest of the EC. It is primarily a blueprint for the way we want this country to develop and change. It is about how we see ourselves, not only in five or six years' time but in 15, 25 or 26 years' time. This is our opportunity to set our country on a path of progress. I welcome Senator Quinn's constructive comments and I am particularly interested in his suggestion that the major conference centre should be located in the midwest area. I am sure the Minister of State, Deputy O'Dea, will join us in promoting this at every opportunity because we in the midwest would be well able to rise to the opportunity if it came about.

The opportunities are there for us but we must have the courage to take on the challenge. We have to take this opportunity to maximise the results. There is a great tendency among all of us to sit back and criticise and say we should have done this, it should have been £8.8 billion or £10.2 billion. It is easy to make such criticisms without suggesting alternative programmes. Senator Farrelly is not here to defend himself but his contribution was entirely negative. He constantly criticised and made no attempt to suggest any alternative to the proposals contained in the National Development Plan.

I would like to remind Senators that the National Development Plan is only one part of a national strategy, as the Minister emphasised. We have much to do ourselves internally. There are changes which we must make ourselves and which we do not need any assistance from Brussels to undertake. Essentially, we are setting out in this plan the programmes which we require assistance from the EC to implement. That is why there is, for example, no mention in the plan of the great changes taking place in education. The Minister for Education has realised that there is no point in throwing money at education — it must be targeted. That is why money is being spent on helping schools in disadvantaged areas to overcome their problems. There is no mention of that in this plan but that does not mean that it is not an aim of this Government.

This plan highlights the proper development of skills as the key to our success. Ireland's future prosperity will rest on a highly educated and skilled workforce, which must also be highly adaptable and versatile. The future prosperity of firms, communities and entire regions is determined by the skills and motivation of our workforce. It is important that we stress that motivation is as important as skills. We must develop a culture which encourages people to grasp the opportunities which are there. We have one of the youngest workforces in the European Community. That is one of our greatest assets and if we do not turn it to our benefit we will pay the price for generations to come.

This plan recognises the need for skilled personnel but there is also, perhaps for the first time, the recognition that the Government must intervene to ensure that the marginalised and disadvantaged are also given opportunities to attain skills. It was pointed out that unemployment in some areas is into the second generation. I would say that in some areas there is a third and fourth generation of unemployed people. For whole communities, our present educational structures — the leaving certificate, for example — do not mean very much. That is why we welcome the innovative vocational leaving certificate which ensures that from now on children can be examined in a range of practical as well as written subjects. There will be an opportunity for people in disadvantaged areas to become part of our education system. We have 67,000 school leavers annually. We must ensure that each school leaver is fully equipped to enter the workforce when work becomes available.

A 1991 Labour Court survey showed that 75 per cent of those who were unemployed did not have the leaving certificate. Forty per cent of those who are currently unemployed do not have second level education. Therefore, I welcome the commitment in this plan to make educational facilities available to people in areas where this is prevalent.

The IRDAC report has underlined that in the future there will be a demand for more skilled workers and that our present unskilled or under-skilled workers will be unemployed. We must ensure that our present under-skilled workforce are given an opportunity to update their skills through in-service training. As Senator Quinn stated, technological changes are taking place and we need to be ahead of the posse instead of ten years behind. We should identify changes and adapt our workforce by providing necessary training so that they can keep abreast of technological changes.

The same report identified that future needs will not be for workers who are not skilled in one particular area but for multi-skilled workers and that the emphasis will change from manufacturing to service industries. Our workforce must be equipped to deal with the change from blue collar to white collar jobs.

The Culliton report identifies the differences in skills between firms in Ireland and our competitors abroad. We should emphasise the need for research and development not in a particular industry, although this is necessary, but in relation to developments abroad. We must be aware of the changes which are taking place in companies abroad and what they require. For example, in most companies quality assurance is done when the goods come through the factory gates. Many companies, particularly large German companies, are now adopting a system where, instead of waiting for the product to come into their factory, they send personnel to the suppliers to test the product and see how it is produced. If one wanted to supply a product to Mr. Robert Bosch, a German manufacturer of automobile parts, Mr. Bosch would send someone to scrutinise the company's standards and, if one is not aware of the standards required by the large companies, the product will not be considered. One does not get a chance to tender for a product if it does not meet the required standard. It is important to be aware of the standards required by large firms abroad.

This will create difficulties for small indigenous firms because few will have the resources to employ people who are sufficiently skilled to study the required standards abroad. In this context I would like Forbairt to play a major role, in conjunction with Eolas, in providing scientific and technological backup to small indigenous manufacturing firms. This is necessary if we are to study the technological advances and the standards required abroad.

Senator Quinn was correct when he said there is no point training personnel in one particular skill because by the time the person is trained, the skill will not be required. FÁS has a specific skills training programme which identifies the skills required by industry. This is done by monitoring and liaising with companies. In this way industry's training needs are identified and relevant courses are supplied. Some 70 per cent of those who availed of these courses have been placed in local industries and this indicates the success of the programme. This is an area which should be encouraged and developed. Training has been provided as a result of co-operation between companies and FÁS.

I also welcome the commitment in this plan to use CERT to train approximately 2,000 people each year so that they may take their place in the tourist industry. This plan relies on the development of our tourist industry and there is no point providing heritage centres and facilities if people are not available to work in them. Continentals appreciate information written in their own language and meeting people who speak their language. I welcome the commitment in this plan to advance training for people in the tourist industry and, in particular, in the marketing and language areas.

One advantage of our link with Europe is that a number of our young people will be free to accept employment abroad. Greater emphasis should be placed on training our young people to converse and do business in the language of the country to which they are going. However, there is one part of this plan which should have been reversed. A number of young people are already working in continental countries, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Iran. Most of these people, are between the ages of 25 and 35 and have developed skills and abilities abroad which could be used at home. It is to our shame that we have no record of how many young people have emigrated, what they are doing and how best we could use that resource which we, as taxpayers, have funded but have been unable to use at home. Greater effort should be made to find out who these young people are, where they are, what they have learned abroad, and how best we could use those skills. If and when there is an improvement in our economy, many of those young people will be anxious to return home. They may have married and settled down abroad but the yearning for home is still felt by most of our emigrants, and it is a resource we are not tapping into sufficiently. We do not use our emigrants as a marketing force abroad. We do not keep sufficient contact to encourage them to buy Irish products, and that is one gap in the plan which I would like to have seen addressed.

I also welcome the emphasis on local and community development, particularly the community enterprise boards. This is a step in the right direction when trying to harness local development. However, some areas have been so drained of talent that the initiative is no longer there. If too many young, bright, innovative people are taken out of an area, it is robbed of its life's blood and the area cannot be expected to rejuvenate itself. We need to identify the areas where initiative is weak and special help will be needed to encourage people to get up and go.

One would be surprised at the areas that applied for and were successful in getting funding under the Leader programme. They were often not the areas that needed it most but the areas that were best equipped to capitalise on the funds. The better equipped the area was, the more it made use of the resources. However, there are areas where that initiative is missing and will continue to be missing unless the areas are identified, given resources and helped to develop and put them on a par with areas that are capable of doing things for themselves.

This plan is building on the success of the last round of Structural Funds which raised our GDP per capita from 62 per cent of the EC average in 1988 to an estimated 73 per cent in 1993. We were so successful that we nearly talked ourselves out of this current round of funds by being almost outside the limit. This plan builds on the strengths already there. I welcome the approach in this plan to help the disadvantaged by identifying the need for greater emphasis on training and education.

Much more needs to be done. We need to broaden our tax base so that the burden on the PAYE sector can be reduced. However, broadening the base means that somebody else will have to pay, and if that happens, there will be grousing and cribbing. The statistics speak for themselves. The PAYE sector is carrying far too much of the burden already.

This is something we can tackle ourselves; we do not need help from the EC to implement that kind of project. It will not be easy because people will not be happy if they are asked to pay more. Those working and with good jobs should not begrudge help to those who are not working and are disadvantaged. We have to share and share alike. This plan is not just for the wealthy but has to be shared among rich and poor to raise everybody's living standards.

I wish to share my time with Senator Norris.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the national plan. The Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Fitzgerald, came here before the drafting of this plan and we had the opportunity to say what we would like to see included in this plan. At that time I highlighted the needs in the county roads structure. As I said on that occasion, county roads, potholes and so on have become a national joke; potholes were always the butt of media jokes. It is now recognised, even in this plan, that the county road system is an important link for industry, agriculture, tourism and the natural development of any rural area. Where countries are being developed, one of the first things done is to create a road system and, in many cases, a rail system. In latter years we were drawing up plans, spending money, talking about creating jobs in tourism and so on, but nothing was done for the county road systems and the railways.

It is not surprising to hear that it now takes about six or six and a half hours to travel from Sligo to Dublin by train — that happened no later than Sunday night, yet 50 years ago on the same journey, one would have reached Dublin at least two hours earlier. That is an example of how we have handled our resources and funding.

The plan's strategy is good provided there is a genuine approach and it is not seen to place demands on the ongoing resources, expenses and expenditure of the national Government. If that is the case let the Government say so or if it is a new approach or a transformation, which is the in word at present. It certainly was a transformation in the history of this State when the President of the European Commission used a particular word today. It is not as yet clear what he was trying to say but it is not a word one likes to hear in relation to any country or any politicians. Perhaps we will know before the end of the week who, if anybody, was actually telling the big "L". That is as far as I will go, I do not want to get involved in this discussion.

I hope we will get our fair share of the funds. That is all we will get; it is all we ever got. Many people in this country believe we got little funding from Europe, although so far we have received about £15 million. Most people would not believe that and would ask where did it go because they did not see it. They may see the odd sign that a certain bypass or water scheme was funded by the EC, but generally people would not believe that £15 million has come into this country. Now we are arguing about £8 billion.

The people who started that argument were members of this and the last Government. They set the headlines. They set themselves up as supermen implying that but for them this country would not get the money. I accept that there was a general election involving the formation of a government and that people play politics but, if they are caught out, the Opposition is blamed. The term "trying to undermine the Government" is used, yet if they go out and undermine the system and our image abroad by taking figures out of the sky — perhaps to suit the political moment or their survival as politicians — that is not undermining anything, that is in the national interest.

If a problem arises the Opposition comments as it should. We hear criticism daily that the Opposition is not functioning properly yet as soon as it starts to function it is told it is undermining the Government and the nation. This is, I hope, a lesson to politicians at national level when they go abroad and represent this country to seek what they are due as members of the EC. That is all we will get when all is said and done. If there is trouble with the present round of Structural Funding and the national plan, it has nothing to do with the Opposition.

I mentioned the Dublin-Sligo railway line earlier. In the plan funding will be available for that line. That funding should be forthcoming immediately because the line is currently carrying 30 year old engines and cannot carry extra coaches. The line travels across the midlands into the west servicing areas such as Roscommon, Sligo and Donegal. It is a huge area and if we are serious about getting tourists into these areas and maintaining the normal structures there, it is important that the money allocated is spent immediately. Senator Quinn said how important it was to immediately spend the allocated funding on roads; the same should hold true with regard to the railways.

I also welcome the county enterprise boards. I had experience in this area when I was a member of the regional development organisation. There were many good ideas and proposals put forward at that time but funding was not available and eventually the rural organisations were disbanded. That created a vacuum in the regions for development at that level. It has always been a source of complaint and friction that people were obliged to visit Dublin and the various Departments to discuss development. This structure with funding at county level gives people an opportunity to initiate development at that level. I hope the county enterprise boards will encourage local groups and industries. However, I have one reservation. I am a member of one of those boards and, to a certain extent, there is confusion with the old county development boards. I foresee initial problems but with good will and effort they can be sorted out.

I wish to express my gratitude to Senator Belton for giving me the opportunity to say a few words this evening because I will not be able to contribute tomorrow as I will be in Belfast.

May I say in passing that there is so much agony about £500 million that I wonder in what context this places the substance of the Hume-Adams talks and the possibility that we may face a referendum to create a unified Ireland. I understand the minimum cost of that to the Irish Exchequer would be £3 billion per annum. If this referendum goes through, I will found a movement called the "Troops In Movement" so that British troops can be employed to defend the Borders. I do not believe the Irish taxpayer will be happy, at least in the present economic climate, to maintain the people north of the Border in the luxury to which the British taxpayers have unwisely accustomed them.

I wish to comment briefly on the comments made by Mr. Delors. I believe he was misunderstood when he used the word "liar". I understand his Gallic temperament and I think he is a friend of Ireland. He intervened when Bruce Millan was taking a strict accounting point of view with regard to the Structural Funds. The difficulty is a political one in that the Government clearly and specifically nailed their colours to the figure of £8 billion. To people like myself and to the vast majority of Irish people, anything over a couple of hundred pounds is an abstract notion. However, the figure of £8 billion is imprinted so that expectations have been raised. If people are disappointed a difficult political situation will ensue due to this clawback.

I wholeheartedly support the Government and I congratulate the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste on the work they did in apparently achieving that figure. Unaccustomedly I must also say I was struck with admiration for the footwork of our Commissioner, Mr. Flynn, listening to the wireless a few minutes ago. He has managed to use an obscure regulation of the Community, Regulation 4, to postpone the decision until tomorrow, so there is still room for manoeuvre. It is possible, taking into account the way in which these figures are arrived at and the notion of a range of figures with a low, intermediate and a high range that we may — if we are lucky and use the skills of our effective people in Brussels - come out with a figure of £8 billion. I hope we get as much as possible. I do not mind the notion of the begging bowl and if we can get anything put into our begging bowl, particularly with our unemployment problems, we should use it as much as possible.

The problem is what we do with the money. I notice from the reaction in the press there is a lot of scepticism about the capacity to create jobs. This is one of the fundamental problems we are attacking with this plan. Looking at the Government's targets, they have four points. One is direct investment in key sectors with long term job potential, investment in infrastructure. Some American friends recently, when driving around the country, saw the signs indicating various road or bridge projects funded by EC money. Then there is investment in education which I fully welcome in order to raise productivity and growth capacity particularly when it is targeted at third level — I would talk for half an hour on that if I had the time. Finally, there are the special area developments with programmes for unemployment black spots.

The problem with this is highlighted in an article by Dr. Dan McLaughlin in the Irish Press of Tuesday, 12 October, 1993 where he talks about the plan as “an agenda for despair.” That may be an extreme view of it but every article, including the leading articles, questions how significant the impact on employment will be. Dr. McLaughlin asks the question: “How does this total capital expenditure affect the economy?” He answers in two ways:

The nature of such expenditure is designed to increase the supply potential of the economy ... spending on education, training and infrastructure should allow the economy more readily to produce additional output if demand increases ... the additional spending directly increases demand anyway. The plan ... tentatively assumes net job growth outside agriculture of 12,000 per annum.

This scales down to 10,000 per year. When one looks at the increase in the potentially employable people and works out the figures one realises how critical the situation is. We have 25,000 people coming onto the job market per annum and the figures are astonishing if they are projected into 1999, the end of the plan. There would be 90,000 more people unemployed even by the Governments own figures by 1999. That would make a total of 390,000 people unemployed. We must look at the basis of this and see how it can be addressed not just by pouring money in but by looking at the entrepreneurial skills in areas such as tourism or horticulture.

I am sorry I did not have more time but I am grateful for the time I got. I wish the Government well and at least they have until tomorrow. I hope their skilful negotiators will manage to pull off the result we all require.

I welcome the opportunity to say a few words on this important development and I welcome the Minister of State to the House. This is an opportunity that no Member should be careless about. We all have a contribution to make and we should have an opportunity to express our views on the National Development Plan. I hope my few words will be positive although I have my concerns about the implementation of the plan.

There is a lot of concern in the county I represent, enough to merit the headline of the Derry Journal of 24 August, 1993 which read “Donegal Projects Overlooked”. In the article a former member of the other House, Mr. Hugh Conaghan, made this point. Perhaps more seriously, a Member of this House is cited in the Donegal People's Press of 17 October, 1993 under the headline “North-East Donegal Neglected In National Plan Claims Labour Senator.” I hope to be constructive and I welcome the plan and that a lot of money will be provided by the State, the taxpayer and by the EC.

I am disappointed that more emphasis is not placed on the Border regions. Our difficulties there merit discussion. Many people are concerned about the Border and think that if we could get rid of the difficulties there this country would be fantastic. They encourage the paramilitaries to cease their operations and get together to develop the economy. We are not demonstrating that, even now when we have funds available.

I do not have to run to the newspaper because when the Donegal People's Press contacted me I welcomed the plan, as did the Minister of State at the Department of Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht, Deputy Gallagher and Deputy Coughlan. We were and still are positive about our attitude to the National Development Plan. If there is no plan or funding then we have no chance. The implementation of this plan is vital for County Donegal. We do not need to emphasise how peripheral we are. We stand on the edge of Europe.

Around £1.2 billion was spent in developing natural gas and that puts the whole of the west of Ireland at a disadvantage for generations to come. No industrialist coming to the country could consider anywhere in the west against an area where there is a stable and cheap source of energy. Any foreign industrialist looking to see where he could set up could not consider anywhere in the west. This was borne out recently when there were serious problems in the Shannon and Limerick areas and there was concern about the Shannon stopover. The Irish Times of Saturday, 24 July 1993 stated:

The Government has decided on a major expansion of the natural gas grid to the Shannon Industrial Estate, one of the largest concentrations of factories in the State. Bord Gáis yesterday confirmed to the Irish Times that it proposed to extend the network to include "this major industrial centre". Work on the £5 million project will begin in 1994.

If we had any doubt as to the value of developing the natural gas grid that is proof beyond doubt. The whole of the west is put at an all time disadvantage. I will give all this information to the Minister.

It is right and proper to express our concern about the implementation of the plan. We look first at the expenditure of £1.2 billion in developing natural gas and secondly at where the major funding is going under this National Plan. The Dublin-Dundalk-Belfast road and rail systems will take roughly £1 billion. Dublin transport, necessary as it is, will take another £1 billion for rail or other developments. There is port and harbour development from which the west will not benefit. There is no counterbalance of funding going to the west.

I welcome Senator Quinn's contribution. He mentioned high unemployment in the Dublin area. The reason is that the youth of the nation has been forced out of the west to live in this city in the hope of getting jobs. If we do not address these problems during the period of this plan we will not have another opportunity within the lifetime of these young people.

Senator, you have exceeded your time. I have given you some leeway. Would you move the adjournment of the debate? You are free to resume tomorrow at 2 p.m.

I have been here since 2.30 and I appreciate your assistance but I am speaking about something that is dear to me.

My hands are tied. The Order of Business says the debate on research facilities should start at 6 p.m. Senator Lee is ready to move the motion.

I am willing to give some of my time.

Unfortunately I cannot allow that. The previous debate has now gone over time by four minutes.

I take your direction a Chathaoirligh and I will finish my contribution tomorrow.

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