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SELECT COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE, EQUALITY, DEFENCE AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS debate -
Wednesday, 27 Mar 2002

Vol. 3 No. 10

Extradition (European Union Conventions) Act, 2001: Motion.

I welcome the Minister of State at the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Hanafin, and her officials. The purpose of this portion of the meeting is to consider the proposals:

That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the convention drawn up on the basis of Article K.3 of the Treaty on European Union, on simplified extradition procedures between the member states of the European Union, done at Brussels on 10 March 1995, a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 12 March 2002.

and

That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the convention drawn up on the basis of Article K.3 of the Treaty on European Union, relating to extradition between the member states of the European Union, done at Brussels on the 27 September 1996, a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 12 March 2002.

I now invite the Minister of State to make her opening statement. Members will then have an opportunity of asking questions.

Are we dealing with the two issues separately? In relation to the bilateral agreements, are we dealing with each country separately?

I understand they will be dealt with collectively.

Everything.

I intend to deal first with the extradition agreements and then to move on to the readmission agreements, which we will deal with in bulk rather than separately.

There are motions about three different agreements. Would it not be more correct to take them individually? We can talk about all three together, but when asked whether the committee recommends them, we should not put Poland, for example, in the same position asNigeria. In that context, we should take them separately.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I thank members of the committee for allowing me to bring these resolutions seeking approval for the terms of the two EU conventions on extradition, the 1995 and 1996 conventions, before them for their consideration and deliberation. They are being brought under Article 29.5.2° of the Constitution, which provides that any international agreement must, if by its terms it imposes a charge on public funds, as extradition agreements would, have its terms approved by Dáil Éireann before it can bind the State.

Title VI of the Treaty on European Union, otherwise known as the Maastricht treaty, established the framework for co-operation among EU member states in the fields of justice and home affairs. Under Article K.3.2(c) of that treaty, the Council may draw up conventions which it then recommends to member states for adoption in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements. The 1995 and 1996 conventions were drawn up pursuant to Article K.3 of the treaty. The importance of common action on judicial co-operation in criminal matters is now specifically recognised by Article 31, formerly Article K.3, of the Consolidated Treaty on European Union which provides, inter alia, that it shall include “facilitating extradition between member states.” On 7 March 2002 the Minister for Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, obtained Government approval for the moving of resolutions in Dáil Éireann seeking approval of the terms of the convention on simplified extradition procedures between the member states of the European Union, the 1995 convention, and the convention relating to extradition between member states of the European Union, the 1996 convention, and subject to such approval, the subsequent lodging of the instruments of ratification of the 1995 convention and adoption of the 1996 convention.

Is that it?

I will say it in Irish in one minute. The 1995 convention was signed by Ireland on 10 March 1995 and the 1996 convention on 27 September 1996.

Is this a simplified convention?

Yes. The Extradition (European Union Conventions) Act, 2001, which was signed by the President on 19 December 2001, gives effect in Irish law to the terms of the 1995 and 1996 EU conventions in Parts 2 and 3 respectively of the Act which was commenced on 20 March 2002. We thus have the domestic arrangements in place to enable Ireland to meet any obligations arising under the conventions, once ratified. The realities of the modern world, particularly the threat posed by terrorism to the lives of people and our democratic systems, make it essential that we examine ways of improving co-operation in combating crime and ensuring fugitives cannot escape justice by fleeing to another country. While the exceptional improvements in communications and transport in recent decades have facilitated greater cross-frontier movement generally, they have also helped fugitives to escape justice by fleeing from the state where they have committed offences to another jurisdiction. They often cross, not one, but several borders to escape justice. To counteract this we need efficient and effective extradition arrangements.

The tragic events in the USA last September were a shocking reminder that we must continue to ensure international boundaries will not be used by criminals to their advantage. Consequently, co-operation between states worldwide has taken on increased importance in the fight against crime. It is essential that law enforcement agencies actively promote measures to ensure those boundaries do not impede such co-operation. The 1995 and 1996 European conventions provide for more effective co-operation between EU member states in combating crime by expediting the bringing to justice of suspected criminals who seek to avoid prosecution by leaving the jurisdiction where the crime has been committed. There have been a number of initiatives at European Union level to combat the threat of terrorism. The Justice and Home Affairs Council of 20 September 2001 urged member states to take all necessary steps to bring the two conventions on extradition into force. In addition, the Justice and Home Affairs Council and the European Council the following day approved the commencement of negotiations among member states on a framework decision for a European arrest warrant. Intensive negotiations took place on this proposal, culminating in political agreement being reached before Christmas. The European arrest warrant has yet to be formally adopted, but it is expected it will happen soon. When it is adopted and the necessary legislative measures are put in place in member states - the indicative timescale is 1 January 2004 - it will replace existing extradition provisions between member states, including the 1995 and 1996 conventions we are considering today.

I will now outline some of the main features of the two conventions. The 1995 convention on simplified extradition procedures between member states of the European Union provides for a simplified procedure where the person sought consents to his or her surrender, with such consent to be given before the High Court which must be satisfied that the consent is given voluntarily and in full awareness of the consequences. Once consent is given and, where the person claimed is a citizen of Ireland, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform agrees, the person will be extradited. A person who has consented to his or her surrender may also consent to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform renouncing his or her right to the specialty rule - the rule whereby a person extradited for one offence may not be tried for other offences committed before his or her extradition - such consent to be recorded before the High Court. While the 1995 convention also provides that consent to surrender or revocation of the rule of specialty may not be revoked, it allows parties to opt out of this requirement by making a declaration to this effect on ratification. It is proposed that Ireland will make a declaration allowing persons to revoke their consent.

The 1996 convention relating to extradition between member states of the European Union extends the range of extraditable offences by lowering the threshold for extradition from 12 to six months imprisonment for the offence in the requested state, while remaining at 12 months in the requesting state. It also makes revenue offences extraditable and provides for the further improvement and simplification of procedures in a number of respects. For example, it makes changes in relation to the authentication and certification of documents and provides that extradition requests, documents and correspondence may be sent by facsimile transmission provided the facsimile machine is fitted with a cryptographic device to ensure authenticity and confidentiality. The convention also requires all states to designate a central authority to be responsible for transmitting and receiving extradition requests and supporting documentation. It is proposed that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform will be the central authority for Ireland.

The conventions provide effective and modern legal instruments which will assist in bringing to justice suspected criminals who leave the jurisdiction where the crime has been committed by providing for a more streamlined extradition procedure between member states. All Deputies will agree that we should constantly strive to update and improve extradition arrangements as we develop and reinforce co-operation in the judicial area between member states of the European Union. Ratifying these conventions will meet our international obligations and strengthen and considerably improve existing measures in the extradition area. I recommend that the committee should recommend to the Dáil that it approve the terms of the 1995 and 1996 European Union extradition conventions pursuant to Article 29.5.2° of the Constitution.

Obviously, we have entered a new era. At one time motions that sought to simplify extradition procedures between member states of the European Union would have caused a huge public focus within the House and externally. I recall in my early days in the House the focus on such resolutions which were often justified because of our fears in regard to the treatment of Irish citizens and the absolute protection that should be afforded to those facing legal challenges and charges elsewhere. Part of the changing atmosphere which has conditioned us all to be more open to such proposals is the issue of terrorism. Terrorism, particularly in the context of events post-11 September, is a new issue to be addressed in all deliberations of this kind. The completion of the project of the European Union in regard to the free movement of people must be counter-balanced with some mechanism to ensure people cannot, using the free movement provisions and the lack of document checks between member states, even limited document checks for those of us who have yet to opt into the Schengen agreement, flee from justice. For these reasons, all shades of opinion in the House are now more amenable to support procedures of the sort being proposed in this proposal, even though it is to be short lived since the application of the trans-European arrest warrant is envisaged to take effect in less than two years. A new structure and procedure will then take effect which will require some focus by the next Dáil to ensure the rights of citizens are protected.

It is in regard to the fundamental question of the protection of citizens that I want to pose a couple of questions to the Minister of State. Although the European Union has provided for commonality in a range of areas, largely in trade, the free movement of goods and services, open competition and market issues, there are limited synergies in regard to criminal jurisdiction. This relates, for example, to Ireland and Britain vis-à-vis France, which has a very different code and criminal prosecution system. These matters would be much better understood by my colleague, Deputy Shatter, who is a practising lawyer. However, I had occasion in recent weeks to deal directly with a constituent of mine who is facing charges in France. When the issue of bail was raised for someone I believed would merit bail in this jurisdiction, the response of the legal authority in France was that bail is an Anglo-Saxon concept which was not well known and certainly not well practised in French law. I want the Minister of State to address this issue specifically. We often extradite people to a jurisdiction where someone, who in this jurisdiction would be at liberty as being innocent until proven guilty, may be held for a protracted period in custody. Are there any safeguards to ensure someone will enjoy the same rights of liberty until proven guilty of an offence in another member state of the European Union if extradited from this State that they enjoy under our Constitution and law?

The second point I wish to raise relates to the specialty rule where, in essence, one must be charged with the offences specified in the extradition warrant and may not face other charges upon extradition. The Minister of State said it is envisaged in the terms of the treaty that it will be possible for an individual to revoke consent. What exactly does this mean? Is the Minister of State suggesting someone may consent to waive the specialty rule and allow himself or herself to face matters not specified in the arrest warrant, even though I cannot envisage circumstances where that will apply? How will the revocation of consent apply and when will it be envisaged to apply? Will it be before or subsequent to extradition? What enforcement procedure will be available from this State to ensure the recipient state within the Union will ensure revocation is complied with? I am not clear as to how the specialty rule will operate in principle. I will await the Minister of State's response to these questions before determining if we need to do anything further before passing the resolution.

I want to raise just two issues. One is similar to that raised by Deputy Howlin. I support in principle what is proposed. However, I have concerns about its workings in practice. I also have a concern which I mentioned previously in the context of European Union issues. I suspect the manner in which this House is doing its business in these areas is making it practically impossible for the general public to feed into the work we are doing or for organisations to make representations. Many of the legal mechanisms now being adopted will give rise to difficulty in future years. I also suspect this House will be accused of not having teased out implications sufficiently. A future Government will be at risk of being accused of that.

If we are to move forward within the European Union, as Deputy Howlin said, in the context of the free movement of persons, we need to have a more efficient system to deal with those who are alleged to have engaged in criminal or terrorist conduct.

Deputy Howlin mentioned an issue in relation to France which applies to other countries within the European Union where there is a tradition of people being held in custody pending trial. In some countries - I think I am correct to include Greece and Italy - people can be held in custody for very long periods before their cases come to trial. If they are found not guilty of the offence they have no recompense for having been held in custody. The system of bail as operated in Ireland, England and the United States is not the same as operates in continental Europe. What procedures are being put in place to monitor the workings of the new arrangements? Should it turn out that what is proposed is not working satisfactorily after it has been in place for two or three years, will we have that information and be able to make a case for reform? Will we, for example, monitor the outcome of every extradition from this country under the new procedures, whether of an Irish national or a citizen of another state residing here? Will we monitor the length of time people are held in custody in other EU jurisdictions or the outcome of trials which take place in other jurisdictions so we can report back to the House the number extradited, the number convicted of offences, the number found innocent and the number who spent a certain period in prison pending trial? Will we be able to monitor the number of people who, having been kept in prison for a long period, were found innocent of the offences alleged against them? These are important issues. All too frequently international arrangements are put in place and are inadequately monitored.

Having spoken for longer than I intended I have forgotten the other issue I wished to raise. The 'flu must have hit me. I will return to the other issue later.

As Deputy Howlin said, the fact there is no great public pressure or interest places a greater onus on us to ensure that checks and balances are put in place. The rule is that someone would be extradited to face actual charges, so that a person could not be left in a prison in France, for example, waiting for a case to be investigated. I know the point Deputy Shatter is making.

A trial could take a long time. Charges may have been levied but the trial might not take place for two or three years.

Yes. It is not possible for us to interfere in the business of other European countries, other than to respect their arrangements. There are monitoring arrangements under the arrest warrant, for example, which also addresses Deputy Shatter's question.

That is separate legislation which will not come into effect until January 2004.

That is right.

It will supersede these.

We do not monitor individual cases to see whether individuals who are extradited from Ireland are found guilty or otherwise. We do not have that information to hand and I do not know if it is feasible to collate it.

There would not be many extradition cases.

We have a diplomatic mission in every EU state. It would not be difficult to ensure that the expected standards would apply, either to an Irish citizen or to a third national.

We are dealing with EU countries and we have to be able to trust their systems.

They are very different.

Yes, but there must be a mutual recognition of each other's systems and procedures. We would expect them to respect ours. We do not have a formal system for collating information relating to what happens.

There is a difficulty. New arrangements are being put in place and at some time in the future the Government of the day will need objective information about how these arrangements are working so as not to be relying on outside bodies, who may be lobbying from one particular perspective or another. It is easy to put monitoring arrangements in place from day one when new arrangements commence and extremely difficult to look back some years later and try to work out what occurred. I suggest that, whether it is happening on an EU-wide basis or not, we put an administrative monitoring arrangement in place so we can, in three or five years time, assess how the new mechanisms are working and, if necessary, raise the need for reforms or improvements at EU level. If no monitoring is carried out one does not know how arrangements are working. Part of the problem with the working of our courts system has been that we have not researched what happens in practice or maintained information to allow other people with expertise assess the desirability of our procedures or the need for reform.

I appreciate that this is not part of what is happening here. I suggest that it is in the national interest to have some degree of monitoring. It could be arranged very simply by giving an individual in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform the responsibility for collating information from the number of cases that occur. Embassies could feed the outcomes of trials into that collection of information. It is not a complex thing provided it is done from the start.

I accept what Deputy Shatter is saying. Perhaps something might be suggested for the future. Not many Irish citizens would be involved and it would be useful to keep such things under review. I will certainly suggest that. Recognising that we must respect other country's systems, such information would be useful for future discussions.

The speciality rule would be revoked before extradition. There would be no question of someone coming along and doing it afterwards.

If there was an application to the High Court what would be the timeframe?

We discussed this in full when we passed the legislation. It is 40 days.

I think both members are satisfied that their questions have been addressed. I thank the Minister for her replies.

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