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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Dec 1945

Vol. 98 No. 14

Finance (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1945—Committee Stage.

Section 1 agreed to.
SECTION 2.

I move amendment No. 1:—

In sub-section (2), line 25, after the word "authority" to add the following words:—"or such other stocks or securities for the time being approved of in that behalf by the Oireachtas as the Minister for Finance thinks proper".

Before dealing with the amendment, I want to refer to the context in which I gave notice that I proposed to move this amendment on the last day, that was, that I desired first of all to have one thing established as a fact and, secondly, that being established, by way of a security, that I would move then to enlarge the scope of the investments in which these particular Post Office Savings Banks moneys may be lodged. The Minister's reply to me on the first point purported to give the assurance which I looked for. I am quoting the Official Debates of the 6th December, Vol. 98, column 1619. I am there told by the Minister for Finance that what I proposed to do is already the law. The Minister then went on to say:—

"The State—that is, the community as a whole—is the final guarantor to the depositors in the Savings Bank... that they will get 2½ per cent. interest on that money so long as they leave it in the Post Office Savings Bank. That guarantee has always been there, to supplement the guarantee that the depositors always have, that the moneys deposited by them have been invested in certain securities."

I do not know whether the Minister is to be taken as particular about a phrase but I notice he says, "the depositors will get 2½ per cent. as long as they leave it in the Post Office Savings Bank". Of course, that is not what we proposed to do. The proposal I was making was that this money should be invested and I was asking that there should be a wider range of investments considered, not merely trustee securities, for the use of this money. The Minister went on to say:

"Every year the Post Office Savings Bank publishes a list of the securities in which these moneys have been invested. The final guarantee to the ordinary depositor that his money is safe is the guarantee of the State that, even in the event of these securities which have been published going by the board or depreciating in value, the State guarantees the depositor his money."

Then he says he felt—as a matter of fact, he thought—that on one or two occasions before 1920, the State chipped in and paid the interest on the deposits.

To get that matter absolutely secure, I want to know what Act or part of an Act puts the State behind the Post Office Savings Bank as the final guarantor of these securities? I do know that in reports made by the National Debt Commissioners a statement of that type appears but it may be nothing more than what the Minister was saying the other day, and that was: "Oh, of course, if anything happened, the State would have to be there to guarantee." What I am asking about is, is it laid down by a piece of statute law anywhere that, if these moneys are invested in certain securities which do not yield the amount required to pay 2½ per cent interest, the State then comes in with a special guarantee? Originally, of course, these moneys used always be handed over to a group known as the National Debt Commissioners, and I have seen a quotation in a book that the National Debt Commissioners, in a report which they made in a particular year, do assert that the State is there as the final guarantor. That is not the exact point. I want to know, is there any statute law anywhere which says that this guarantee must be given by the State? I would be very glad to get the assurance that that is so, because it would relieve me of any particular difficulty.

It is in an old Act of Victoria.

What is it called?

24 Victoria.

What is the Act?

"An Act to Grant Additional Facilities for Depositing Small Savings at Interest with the Security of the Government for Due Repayment Thereof".

What is the section?

Section 6.

I take it that the Minister knows that Act and is now reasserting, very definitely, that by reason of that section the State is in the background to make up any deficiency that there may be arising from the investment of those funds; if these funds do not bring in the necessary 2½ per cent. that the State then makes good the deficiency?

And that Act will be carried over?

It was actually operated in that regard.

That is before 1920?

I am speaking of since the National Debt Commissioners, so to speak, disappeared. I suppose their functions have been taken over by the Department of Finance?

Yes, carried over.

Very good. That would secure principal as well as the 2½ per cent. interest?

Very good. That, therefore, makes the whole situation very easy to deal with, because if the guarantee of the State is there, there seems to me much less reason than there would have been if the State was not there as the final guarantor, for confining these investments, to the narrow range of trustee securities. I was looking for a precedent for this and went back to a very recent Act— the Transport Act, 1944, whereby Córas Iompair Éireann was set up as a railway company. It was laid down in that statute how the funds which Córas Iompair Éireann may have at its disposal could be used. It was a bit of happy optimism that they thought they would have funds at their disposal, but the contingency, remote as it was, was provided for. It was there laid down in a section with two subsections that that particular company might invest these moneys in the ordinary approved list of trustee securities and thereafter it stated that these funds might be invested—the way that particular Act runs—"in such other securities for the time being approved by the Minister for Finance as the company thinks proper". I adapt that phrase to this measure. I have asked that these funds should be permitted to be invested, not merely in trustee securities, that is to say, trustee securities of local authorities, or other trustee securities, but also in such other stocks or securities for the time being approved of in that behalf by the Oireachtas as the Minister for Finance thinks proper.

The scheme I should like established under this would be that by motion moved by the Minister for Finance, or possibly in some measure he may introduce, this Oireachtas would get notice that there were certain securities not technically of a trustee type which the Minister regarded as a proper fund for investment of moneys, say, of the Post Office Savings Bank type and that once the Dáil had approved of that general list of securities—I want publicity in this matter—thereafter on a particular occasion it would be for the Minister, inside that list of approved securities, to discriminate and say in which one or other of these he would permit Post Office Savings Bank deposits to be invested.

I do urge that this should be done. I would regard it as the start of a completely new movement if we could successfully get this amendment through the Dáil. Up to date we have been very definitely hampered in this country by lack of capital for development. We have the situation that is very well known and has been talked of so much in the Dáil, that we have the combination in this country of two apparently opposite things—a superabundance of capital and at the same time a dearth for productive works of the capital which is required in this almost entirely undeveloped country. When these matters are talked about in Dáil Eireann we generally get the answer that there are trustee securities and that these are the particular funds in which the particular type of investment must be located, but when it comes to ordinary development matters, then, no matter what be the security, as long as it is not technically inside the trust security terminology, the only resource a person who wants to develop has is either to go to the commercial banks and submit to their rates or else the Government raises a loan giving a very definitely higher rate of interest than what would be provided if the various funds that we have from various sources could be applied to production. I regard this as merely a beginning. If we do take the step of putting Post Office Savings Bank funds into securities other than trustee securities, all the time giving the depositor the guarantee of the State so that he cannot lose, then a very good case could be made for such other cheap interest funds as Savings Certificates or trustee bank funds. I ask the Minister to accept this as an indication that the depositor will have the security of the State behind him, and that it is considered desirable to use this particular type of cheap money, not because this is so cheap, but because it will lead on to the use of other very cheap interest types of money for the productive purposes of the State.

It is quite easy to see what Deputy McGilligan desires to do, but I am afraid that the amendment he proposes would not bring us much further, because it simply asks that to the powers in the Bill to invest in the trustee stocks of local authorities should be added the words "or such other stocks or securities for the time being approved of in that behalf by the Oireachtas as the Minister for Finance thinks proper". There is no machinery suggested in the amendment by which the approval of the Oireachtas could be sought, and, in the absence of such machinery, the only means by which the approval of the Oireachtas could be sought is by an Act of Parliament. I am quite ready to admit that this amendment could be amended so as to secure that the approval of the Dáil could be obtained to the tabling and passing of a motion. But I think that, in regard to these Post Office deposits, what I propose in the Bill is reasonable, and, secondly, that it goes far enough, at least at the present time. I am not binding any of my successors not to do what is done in other countries. I realise that in other countries. Post Office Savings Certificates are pretty well available for general investment. But I think that, even though that is so, the Deputy will find, if he examines their accounts, that Post Office funds and trustee savings bank and other funds are largely invested in Government securities and that very little of them are invested in the securities of local authorities.

The section, as it stands, definitely limits the powers of the Minister for Finance, without further legislation, to go further than to invest in the trustee stocks of local authorities. At the present time, at any rate, I think that extends the Minister's power sufficiently to enable us to meet the difficulties that present themselves at the moment. In the next section we can debate still further the powers with reference to the Local Loans Fund. That matter was questioned by the Deputy on the last day, and he will probably raise the matter again when the question of the power with regard to the utilisation of the Local Loans Fund comes up. As the law stands, the Post Office Savings Bank funds can be invested in the Local Loans Fund, and money out of the Local Loans Fund can be lent to local authorities for the general productive work that local authorities are undertaking at present. There is only a sum of £32,000,000 altogether in the Post Office Savings Bank. Even if we took it all, or if it were all invested in the Local Loans Fund, we could not possibly meet the capital requirements for even a portion of our rehousing programme. There are other means by which the Local Loans Fund can be fed—by loans issued to the public, and so on. It is to these means, rather than by the investment of the total holdings of the Post Office Savings Bank in the Local Loans Fund, that we must look to provide the money. I think that the Deputy's amendment adds nothing to the powers already in the Bill, because, even if it were accepted, it would require further legislation to give power to the Minister for Finance to invest in stocks other than the trustee stocks and the stocks in which he is already empowered to invest.

What portion of the Post Office Savings Bank funds does the Minister consider is available for investment in the Local Loans Fund?

There is no prohibition against investing all of them.

Taking the precaution of having some liquidity, how much does the Minister think is available?

There is no necessity for liquidity.

As I pointed out on the last occasion to Deputy McGilligan, it is very difficult, in relation to the Post Office Savings Bank funds, to say what is the normal withdrawal and pay in, because they have behaved most abnormally over the years.

Prior to 1939 you could get that.

Even prior to 1939 they took 40 or 50 years to get up to the level of £4,000,000. Then in a period of 20 years they suddenly jumped to £10,000,000. At the moment we have about £3,000,000 of the Post Office Savings Bank funds invested in the Local Loans Fund—£3,000,000 out of £32,000,000.

And you are getting 4½ per cent. on it.

A contract is entered into at 4½ per cent.

Is the full £32,000,000 available for investment in the Local Loans Fund?

Yes, according to the law.

According to what is considered to be sound practice, is it?

Is the Minister not able to say, viewing the regular growth year by year of these funds up to 1939 and taking an average up to 1939, what would be the amount which should be held to meet the most abnormal excess of withdrawals over deposits? I suggest that £250,000 would meet them at any time. In any event, surely when the Minister brought in a Bill allowing power to pay some part of that £32,000,000 into the Local Loans Fund, he must have had some figures in his mind as to the furthest limit he would give himself in that connection. What is that sum? If it is not the whole £32,000,000, is it even half of it? All we are told is that £3,000,000 is so far invested and invested at such a rate that there is 2 per cent. profit being made on it. That is not helping very much the Local Loans Fund or the purpose to which the Local Loans Fund is applied.

The Minister further says he does not want to be—I think I got the phrase correctly—"binding a successor". There is nothing binding in this amendment. It simply empowers the Post Office deposit moneys to be invested in certain stocks and securities other than trustee stocks. It puts two further impediments in the way of a free investment in other stocks. First of all, the Oireachtas must approve of a general list of such approved stocks and, after that is done, the Minister on any occasion may say he will not take any of them. All I want is to put the Minister in a position that he can come before the Dáil and on a financial motion present a list of the securities which he would like to have ready for his consideration if a suitable opportunity occurred for the investing of this fairly cheap money. All he gets then from the Dáil is the approval of X, Y and Z stocks being marked out for the possible investment of these moneys. When it comes to the actual investment that is still under the control of the Minister, as if my amendment were accepted, the section would enable the moneys to be invested in "such other stocks or securities for the time being approved of in that behalf by the Oireachtas as the Minister for Finance thinks proper".

The, list may be changed from time to time. The Minister may withdraw some stock if he feels that it is not one in which he ever will put money, and if he does not think he should leave any other Minister for Finance in the position of considering that stock without coming to the Dáil for further approval. He may diminish the list or add to it. I do not know that we are advancing very far by doing that. It merely means that we give an indication to the public that we are ready to do that in connection with the use of this cheapish money in something other than the ordinary type of security. We are not giving a wide and free run to the Minister, nor are we taking away any discretion of his. We are asking him to go to the Dáil from time to time to have a list approved and on each occasion he can close down on the list.

The Minister may say that, if the list is there and if it is found that he is not investing in the stocks on the list, Deputies may question him about it. If he has a case for not investing, he can make that case on a Parliamentary reply. That is one of the uses of the Parliamentary Question, to see that if an investment is available as a proper investment one may put a question as to why it is not being used. However, there is nothing binding in this. We are simply throwing open to him something in the way of better scope for the investment of these moneys.

The Minister said the Local Loans Fund could be used and we found out from Deputy Mulcahy's interjection that it was a question of a £32,000,000 loan at 4¼ or 4½ per cent. I pointed out the New Zealand example in housing, where this fund and also the Saving Certificates Fund lent money at 1¼ per cent. in order to carry on the housing programme. I am not so sure about it, not having seen it in serious literature, but I have read in a newspaper article that in New Zealand they also used this type of money for one particular thing which was considered a useful type of investment, that is, carrying farmers over the lag between their incurring expenditure in getting crops into the ground and their obtaining a return from the purchasers of the crops. In other words, the financing of farmers was done over that lag period between the purchase by them of the seeds and their getting of a return for something which they sold. That means that the Government was merely backing something, the history of which in New Zealand has shown was irregular. The moneys went out and came in with the greatest irregularity, but the Government carried them over the difficult periods by the use of this particular cheapish fund at a very low rate indeed.

I do not know whether the Minister may tell me that housing can be done by his particular proposal completely apart from the amendment here. He may say that certain types of housing can be carried out. Possibly that is so, but the type of housing campaign we hear on public platforms as contemplated could scarcely get through on £32,000,000, or even £16,000,000, if it were thought desirable to have another £16,000,000 in reserve. I think another project should be taken in hand and speeded up, that is, the question of rural electrification, and, if there is money to be got for that, would it not be possible to plough this 2½ per cent. money into it rather than obtain money at 4½ or 5 per cent.? I hope that very soon power will be taken to allow the Saving Certificate money—which is borrowed very cheaply now and is something which the State stands behind and guarantees—to be used to assist the farmers by the provision of cheap electricity. We will see how cheaply it works out. How far can the electricity be cheapened by obtaining the money at 2½ per cent. interest instead of at 4½ or 5 per cent.? I do not know if the Minister will agree with my proposal that rural electrification might be financed out of these Post Office deposits. I suggest that all this type of saving could be used.

About 12 months ago we set up a transport company, Córas Iompair Éireann, and gave it power to invest any moneys it had, not merely in trustee securities but also in such other securities approved of by the Minister as the company thought proper. All we insist on in relation to Córas Iompair Éireann is that the Minister would approve of a selected list of securities other than trustee securities, and then we hand over to this outside company the discretion to invest the money in them. I would not go so far in this amendment. I say that the Oireachtas should approve of a select list of securities and the Minister could decide on each occasion the security which he would use. I think that is very reasonable.

I listened very attentively to the argument produced by Deputy McGilligan in support of his amendment and while I am quite in favour of what is behind the amendment I would point out to the House and to him that I cannot quite follow his reasoning. There is an authority which decides which securities shall be trustee securities and that authority decides occasionally also which trustee securities shall no longer be trustee securities. Would it not be far better to leave the making of trustee securities by description to the particular authority rather than have this House put in the position of being the final arbiter as to what security shall be a trustee security? If Deputy McGilligan's amendment were accepted, this House would have to determine which was a proper security for the investment of Post Office money and if it were dealt with in the manner suggested it would be tantamount to being put as a trustee security. Deputy McGilligan forgets that this has more relation to the Government outside of mere Post Office money. The local authorities who build houses are subsidised in their interest charges from something like 40 per cent. up to 50 per cent. depending on the particular type of house built. So this House is going to say that the corporation is not going to be allowed to borrow money at a high rate of interest when this House in fact has to subsidise those rates up to as much as 60 per cent.

I feel that 2½ per cent. is not the best borrowing point for the purpose of having it taken from the collecting institution, in this case the Post Office, and then farmed out to the different local authorities, because you must add charges which will make that interest high. That was why, on the Second Reading, I pressed the Minister as far as I could to consider going a step further by removing the ceiling appertaining at the moment to Post Office deposits, so that you could try to attract into the Post Office not money on deposit at 2½ per cent., but money on deposit at a slightly higher degree than that accorded to depositors by joint stock banks.

I have every sympathy with the point of view expressed by Deputy McGilligan. There might be a way found whereby the savers of money in this country would place it so that the money would find its way into use in the State rather than follow the course that has been followed up to the present when it was, by an old Act of Parliament, invested outside and it was of no benefit to the community except in so far as there was a slight profit, if you like, on the investments of the Post Office.

I feel that it comes down to what Deputy Norton has in mind—how much money is, in fact, available and how much money can the local authorities get? At the moment there is a sum of £3,000,000 on loan, by way of local loans to local authorities. There is a difficulty in getting back the bulk of that immediately. What we should concern ourselves with is, that while the process of getting it back again may be long, we should endeavour to attract into this Government institution larger sums of money which would become available in substantial amounts for local authorities, in the first instance, for what may be immediately essential.

Do you want more than £32,000,000 in the fund?

What would you do with it? You cannot use £32,000,000 at the moment.

We cannot get it to use.

You would have £32,000,000 in the fund, but all you use is £3,000,000. What would you want, let us say, £60,000,000 for, if you are using only £3,000,000?

I agree with the principle the Deputy has in mind, but I am trying to see how far it is possible, by accepting the amendment, to achieve what the Deputy and I seek. I cannot see anything happening other than a continuation of the existing position. I think we should let this Bill go through, because it breaks with the past. I congratulated the Minister on making a departure, and I believe it is probably the first of such steps that he will take. It would be wise to go slowly in this matter. We will need very substantial sums, not only for the Dublin Corporation, but for authorities whose loans can be met in the manner adopted by the corporation.

The Deputy is making a Second Reading speech.

That is not my intention.

The amendment is pretty clear—to have the money invested in certain other ways.

The Bill says——

We are not dealing with the Bill; we are dealing with Deputy McGilligan's amendment.

The amendment proposes that the Bill should be so altered as to enable the money in the Post Office Savings Fund to be operated to a larger extent than is provided in the Bill.

The amendment proposes that the moneys should be invested in other ways.

The Bill says it can only be invested in trustee securities, One trustee security would be where a local authority, such as the Dublin Corporation, issues stock and the Post Office can buy that stock. To that extent the Bill would become operative. What Deputy McGilligan wants to do is to enable the authorities operating these funds to give loans other than in that way. In that connection the local loans have been brought in. These are given to local authorities directly from the Department through the Local Loans Fund and it is not as if the local authority is handing back to the Government trustee stock. I do not know whether I have made it clear how I relate the amendment to the Bill or the Bill to the amendment, but I think I have a perfect understanding of the difference between what the Bill proposes to do and what the amendment seeks.

The amendment proposes investment in such other stocks or securities as are approved.

Yes, as approved. One of the stocks or securities, as the Deputy said, would be some issue by the Electricity Supply Board. They have no security in the nature of a trustee stock that we know of. Now that we have a new departure with regard to the savings of the people in the Post Office, let us examine it carefully. We observed in the papers yesterday where the Dublin Corporation has received sanction to issue stock at 2¾ per cent. Deputy McGilligan laboured the point that we can get money at 2½ per cent. and I would like to point out that we will not, because, if we pay 2½ per cent., we have to take into consideration the cost of administering it, and I suggest the money cannot be loaned at 2½ per cent.

There has to be an extra charge related to the cost of management, as is instanced in the difference between the local loans charges and the interest given to depositors in the Post Office. There is 2½ per cent. given to the depositor and 4½ per cent. is charged to a borrower, and that represents a difference of almost 100 per cent.

I am in favour of moving to the point where the State will be able to get the money from the people by way of loan at a cheap rate in sufficient quantities to enable it to develop schemes all over the country. I am quite satisfied that this Bill is making a step in that direction and in view of the arguments adduced by Deputy McGilligan, I cannot see my way to agree with the amendment.

I think there is some merit in Deputy McGilligan's amendment, but I think he must realise that it possesses certain evidences of feebleness. While it does direct the Minister's attention to the possibility of creating certain funds and designating them for investment for the purpose of municipal activities at low rates of interest, I am sure he will recognise at the same time that that is just an effort on his part to get money made available at a still cheaper rate. If the Deputy had his way, he would probably move an amendment which would make money available for certain purposes without any of these tributes which capital exacts as the price of investing itself in nationally worth-while activities.

I cannot understand why, when we decide that a family living in a slum must be re-housed under decent, Christian circumstances, one of the first things we have to consider is the price we will pay for the money with which to build a decent house. The whole mentality seems to be wrapped up in the belief that, before you can take a person out of a disease-ridden tenement, you have to clear your mind on where you will get the money, the paper credits, to build a decent house for that person.

Would the Deputy relate that to the amendment?

I will, Sir, to this extent, that I want to put to Deputy McGilligan——

It is developing into a Second Reading speech and this is a very circumscribed amendment.

We could have it again on the Fifth Stage.

On the Fifth Stage, Deputies are supposed to debate what is in the Bill and not what they would like to see in it.

I think I could reasonably put that on the Fifth Stage, but I thought there was a general idea that, because of the character of the Bill, we would discuss its broad principles on the Second Stage, and, in attempting to amend a Bill of this character, one is inevitably compelled to impinge again to some extent on the broad principle of the Bill, namely, at what price can you get the money, and where can you get the money, and at what interest rate will you make it available?

The Deputy wants to go into the whole question of the financing of housing, which does not arise.

I can take rural electrification, but I do not want to go into that at all. What I want to say to Deputy McGilligan is that his amendment falls substantially short of perfection.

What we ought to do, instead of looking for money at certain rates of interest for the purpose of taking people out of disease-ridden slums, is to create State credits which would be made available either to take people out of disease-ridden slums and put them into decent houses, or——

Will the Deputy show me where that comes into this Bill? What is the purpose of the Bill? To invest Post Office Savings Bank funds in a certain way and to make loans available.

Surely I am entitled to point out that gathering up money from the Post Office Savings Bank, where an interest rate of 2½ per cent. is paid, and investing it in the Local Loans Fund for the purpose of shovelling it out to local authorities at 4½ percent. is an activity which will not give us cheap money, cheap houses or any other cheap type of national or municipal activity.

Is the purpose of the Bill to give cheap houses?

That is the case the Minister made for it; otherwise, we have been "spoofed."

It was a skirmishing attack by an advance force.

As against Deputy McGilligan's point of designating certain savings directed into a particular channel as the type of savings which might be utilised to finance certain types of municipal activity, I want to put it to him that we will get to reasonable perfection in the matter only when we take our stand on the principle that if we want to do a nationally worth-while thing, we ought to do it by the issue of State credits—that the State should make money available for the purpose of building new houses, for the purpose of rural electrification, for the purpose of water and sewerage schemes, and for the purpose of national afforestation, because these are activities which, in the course of time, will yield a national dividend. The State credits originally issued to finance them can in time be put against the original credits, and the credits wiped out, with the result that the national credit will be good again, and the national estate enriched by the activities of credits which have since been wiped out, having merely been used——

Under which clause of this Bill?

Under Deputy McGilligan's amendment, which says: "Take this cheap money at 2 per cent. or 2½ per cent." I say that that is cod, that Deputy McGilligan is aiming at that only as something better than the present position, and that the real solution is to let the State issue the credits to finance these activities. What I am rather surprised at is the reluctance of the Minister, in view of the past of Fianna Fáil, to do something of this kind. In the salad days of the Party, about 1931-32, they travelled the country and told the people that if they went into office they would produce an absolute revolution from the point of view of preventing the banks from almost giving away Irish money for the purpose of investment in British securities at extremely low rates of interest.

The Deputy is going very wide of the measure.

It must be remembered that, as I mentioned on Second Reading, Post Office Savings Bank securities were in fact invested in the London Transport Board and in Russian, Turkish and Greek securities.

The Deputy was right in mentioning it on Second Reading but we are now getting a repetition of it on this stage.

The point is that it would be preferable to put these moneys into funds which have something to do with the health of this country, even if at lesser rates of interest than the Turks, the Greeks or the Russians would give.

May I suggest that a reasonable attitude on this matter might very well short-circuit the general discussion on the Bill? As I say, it is a Bill with one main principle, namely, the price at which money is to be made available and one can scarcely discuss any amendment without getting back to that central problem.

There is no reference at all in the Bill to the price of money.

Deputy McGilligan was allowed to make a speech in which he said: "Here is my scheme—designate certain investments as a type of investment carrying a low rate of interest——"

And he dealt with this actual money and not the rate at which it could be got. He did not discuss the whole banking system or its villainies, or what wisdom or unwisdom the banks were guilty of.

The whole purpose of the Bill is to enable the Post Office Savings Bank deposits, carrying interest at 2½ per cent., to be switched to the Local Loans Fund and thereby relayed on to the local authorities.

And thereby reduce the price of money.

That is implied in it; that is the catch in the whole business, as the man at the fair said. We are told that this is a Bill to make money cheap, and when we seek to find out in what way the cheap money is to be made available, we are told: "Switch the Post Office Savings Bank deposits to the Local Loans Fund and then out to the local authorities." When we ask how much of the Savings Bank money is at present invested in the Local Loans Fund, we are told: "About £3,000,000 out of £32,000,000." We ask what rate of interest it is bearing and we are told 4 per cent. or 4½ per cent. That is the kind of scheme we may well be perpetuating in this Bill and I therefore do not see any cheap money in it at all. I do not even see cheap money in Deputy McGilligan's amendment.

Cheaper money.

I can see cheaper money, but I see no cheap money in this Bill. We have to consider in this connection that we have invested about £28,000,000 in British securities in the last six years at a rate of 1¼ per cent. interest. If the banks here can pour out money for investment in Britain at a rate of 1¼ per cent., what is the difficulty in our making money available for useful Irish activities at a rate of 1½ per cent., which, I suggest, is a lower rate than we will get from the Bill, constructed as it is, or than we will get from Deputy McGilligan's amendment?

It might be no harm to recall a statement by a former Minister for Finance. Speaking for the Fianna Fáil Party, he said:—

"Even before that Party went into the Dáil its members had directed public attention to the dangers to which our people were exposed by reason not only of our attachment to sterling, but of the short-sighted policy of the Anglo-Irish banks in investing their depositors' funds in British securities. The Free State Government under Mr. Cosgrave have been on the side of Britain; the Anglo-Irish bankers have been on the side of Britain; and the Currency Commission have been on the side of Britain."

That statement was made by no less eminent a Minister for Finance than Deputy MacEntee.

When did he say that?

It was reported in the Irish Press of 29th September, 1931.

An awful lot of money has flowed under the bridges since then.

He was not Minister for Finance in 1931 and not responsible to this House.

You are begging the question when you introduce responsibility.

I want to get back to that early phase, the phase when it was believed that the bankers were the villains of the piece and when the policy of shovelling out money at low rates of interest for investment in Britain was politically, economically and physically a mischievous policy. The other day I came across a cutting from the Irish Press in which they realised, some years ago at all events, the value of creating State credits for the purpose of financing housing, of making houses available for the people at low rates of interest. In the course of what I regard as a very informative article in 1931 they said that:

"Low rates of interest are essential to the success of any scheme for the rehousing of the slum population, and low rents (without putting an unnecessary heavy burden on the community as a whole) are possible only on the basis of long-term loans. Not until the Free State Government is prepared to place its credit at the disposal of the corporation (that is, the Dublin Corporation) is serious progress likely to be made in the abolition of the slums."

I think that is an endorsement of Deputy McGilligan and of the case that I have been endeavouring to make, that the Government should place its credit at the disposal of the local authorities so that out of the State-created credits the local authorities can attack the problem of the slums, the provision of water supply and sewerage schemes, and various other projects without having to pay the ransom which the investors of capital demand as the price of national progress.

That is very wide of the amendment.

Well, if the Chair persists——

The Deputy must realise that it is.

——I suppose I shall have to leave the matter over until the Fifth Stage.

Whether it will be relevant then is another matter.

I am endeavouring to convince the Minister that it is not by switching the Post Office Savings Bank moneys into the Local Loans Fund and reloaning them to the local authorities that he is going to get cheap money. He can get that only by creating State credits. He should make up his mind that in our approach to the solution of the problems related to the necessity for housing our people, for providing water and sewerage schemes, for the development of an afforestation policy and for rural electrification these problems can only be effectively tackled when we decide that the investors of money are not going to be allowed to make these schemes particularly costly for the rest of the community, or to impede them by demanding financial ransom which cannot be justified, having regard to the ability of the State to create credits.

Deputy Norton has correctly phrased my attitude. I am sure he has often seen a young child taken down to the water's edge to bathe, and how very reluctant it was to go in. Some adults are exactly in the same position. If the child puts his toe into the water and feels that it will not do him any harm he may take a good decent dip. That is what I am trying to do with the Minister, to get him to put his financial toe in and no more. To describe what is being done in the Bill, as Deputy Briscoe did, as a great new departure would be laughed at in any country except this.

It was not done by your Government.

In what year? There have been many new ideas in regard to finance since 1932. What I am trying to do is to persuade the Minister to take this timid step. It does not go any length to meet the problem, but if I can persuade him to take this step it will not do a great deal of harm to himself or to the depositors, and as a result of it, we may get a good enjoyable and luxurious bathe in the abundance of finance that there is in this country.

I have often stressed the fact that we have two opposites in this country. We have the vast amount of money which the people who have saved money are willing to put into certain securities and to take a very small return out of it. The Banking Commission talked about the £36,000,000 which the farmers—there may have been some shopkeepers as well—had on deposit at a small percentage. Then there is the vast amount of money going into Savings Certificates. That sum could have been greater if propaganda in connection with it had not been called off. I have suggested that the actual rate paid on it is about 1½ per cent. There is also the trustee bank money. Those who have their money deposited in the Post Office Savings Bank are entitled to get 2½ per cent. on it. The depositor is bound to get that unless the State collapses. We have all this flow of cheap money, which has not been forced out of the people but which they have been able to save, and which they are disposed freely to lend at 1 per cent. on deposit or at an actual 1½ per cent. on Savings Certificates, or at some figure between that and the 2½ per cent. paid by the Post Office Savings Bank. Why cannot we get the use of that money instead of doing what we are doing? The ordinary procedure for the State when it wants money is to go into the money market and borrow. The old rate on such borrowing was 5 per cent., but the impact of the times has brought the rate down to an average of about 4½ per cent. You have there, as I have said, the two opposites: the State requiring money and willing to pay anything between 4¼ and 5 per cent. for it, while there is an abundance of money which people are willing to lend at from 1 to 1½ per cent.

Is not that my suggestion, to remove the ceiling and get it that way?

Let us not be fooled by the Deputy's phrases in approaching this in a progressive way. With regard to funds lodged in court and which the court has established as trustee securities, it is not liberal with regard to advancing money from these. A security might still be on the trustee list and might for a period of years fail to retain its trustee position because it was not paying a dividend.

Would it not be taken off the court list then?

The court list is certainly narrowing down almost to National Loan. Take what happened during the emergency. With a view to winning turf, the Government heavily subsidised a return on turf when it was quite clear that those who were engaged in producing turf and getting it sold could not possibly lose on it. We had the amazing situation in the early stages of the war that local authorities had to run into huge overdrafts in order to pay men to get out the turf. The State could pay 5 per cent. commission to the people who lent money in order to finance the gap between getting the turf to Dublin and a return on it. Not a single per cent. ought to have been paid for that except perhaps some small thing to remunerate the banks, for dealing with this completely new type of business. I do not think that sort of thing should be allowed if there is going to be turf development. Unless we cheapen the production of national fuel by the application of cheap money, then it is going to be very dear. If there is going to be little else in the way of fuel, people, of course, will have to buy it and therefore there must be a return on its production. If the matter has to be dealt with under the auspices of the local authority, I do not see why those who have to incur a certain overdraft from time to time should not be helped to bear that overdraft. They should not be thrown to the mercy of the commercial bank. That is one thing.

Why should this Dáil not take over the control of credit? I am with Deputy Norton in that I hope, in the end, that is what will happen. This is the first and a very faltering step. I simply say in regard to this, here we have a certain situation; a certain number of depositors are willing to lend their money and willing to take 2½ per cent. for it. I do not call that cheap money, as Deputy Norton says, but it is cheaper than money will be if people have to go to the money market and bargain and get it at 4½, 4¼, 5 per cent. or whatever it may be. Why should not we say, "In these favourable circumstances, we will think of a list of securities, on discussion here, after they are brought forward by the Minister for Finance," and tell him, there is a list that he can invest in, but we will not impose upon him the necessity at any time of putting the money in them? We will let his judgement, with that of his responsible officials, operate behind that. I think that is putting a very severe impediment upon the enlargement that I seek to get by this amendment. But, of course, that is only the first step I should like to get.

Deputy Briscoe then brings up the question of housing. I find myself bewildered by what he says. As far as I understand his viewpoint, it is this— the State subsidises house building and the State is very heavily subsidising the interest rates. What are the interest rates? Those that are got commercially, 5 per cent. and the Government subsidises that. Whatever it is, call it 5 per cent. or anything, as long as it is above 2½ per cent., there will be less interest to subsidise if the Government can get it at 2½ per cent.

Then the Deputy is in disagreement with Deputy Norton?

I am not. It is better than paying five, it is not as good as paying nothing. I am quite in agreement with Deputy Norton.

We are only paying 1.2 per cent. on these.

If we can get this step taken, I know very well we are on the verge of getting a decent situation with regard to the application of the abundant money in this country to the abundant amount of development that the country requires. But the Deputy tells me that the Government is subsidising housing and subsidising the interest rates paid for moneys put into housing. They will not require to subsidise to the same extent if they can get money at 2½ per cent. instead of 5 per cent. Surely, that is the clearest thing possible. I say, "very good, let us then plough this into housing". I also suggest it should be put into rural electrification. The Deputy at that point says that the Electricity Supply Board have no securities. Have they not?

I did not say that. I said they do not issue any securities.

They do not issue securities. I tried to get them that power, which would be a good thing for them to have, on the occasion of the last measure that was brought forward. I thought it would be a very valuable thing for them. What is their security? The State is behind them and, at the request of the State, the Electricity Supply Board are embarking on what is, on the ordinary interest rates, an uneconomic proposition. They are going to develop electricity for sale in the rural areas. It is agreed by anybody who has considered the problem that you cannot produce electricity, to be sold economically, at such a rate as will attract the farmers to go in for electricity. The State is going to subsidise the rate at which the produced electricity will have to be sold.

Very good. Let us approach it from the other end again. How are the State going to get the money for rural electrification? Either through this sort of fund or the trustee banks money, or the Savings Certificates money or the moneys lying at deposit rate. Or else they will go to the people who own money, the people who have made money fast and fat in all sorts of irregular ways during the war and we are going to establish these people as the new reigning money families and if we want money for development we are going to say to them: "We have a lot of money offering at 1½ per cent. and 2½ per cent., but we would rather give you gentlemen 5 per cent. for the loan of your illgotten gains that you made during the war." Those people who have reached this high pinnacle of financial stability are going to be made the masters of this country, undeveloped as it is. I think we can impede those people by using this cheap money. I suggest that we should at least get it down to the rate of 2½ per cent., or if administrative costs have to be added, at 2¾ per cent. It is better than what has been done —the 4¼ at which money is lent at the moment.

I do not see how there can be any objection to this matter. Deputy Norton puts a general point to me, which I think impinges on my amendment, but goes much wider. I agree thoroughly with what Deputy Norton says but the Deputy must understand my position.

And the House must understand it. I am proposing one particular amendment. If I say the Minister should put this money into stocks and securities of an approved type—or into stocks and securities which he would create himself, I am quite certain the amendment would be ruled out of order because it would be imposing a charge on the State. I cannot do that because of the way the financial machinery works, but I can use this as a stimulus to the Minister to try to get him to take this very small step, after which we may get something better and wider and more liberal done.

I agree with Deputy Norton. It is not merely the question of the moneys in the Post Office Savings Bank. We have the trustee banks. We have the Savings Certificates. We have the vast amount of money lent to the banks, to be carried there. I should say it would be very soon, after what has happened in England, that no percentage of interest will be paid on deposits—no percentage at all. Whether that will make a change in our farming community or not, I do not know, but they have been content for years to lend big sums of money, getting 1 per cent. It is not that we are forcing people to take 1 per cent. They are very content to take 1 per cent. I was told, when I asked before, of other people who sat in the Minister's place: "You must remember it was short-term money, and the money is to be there at call." My answer to that all the time has been that if there were a very simple clause in the Central Bank Bill, or some other financial Bill, saying that in respect of any of these moneys there is a State guarantee all the time, at that point, I think, without any question of conscience arising, any question of using money for a different purpose from that for which it was lent, you can use the money as long as the State is there to give the man his money if and when he calls for it. We know well he is not going to call for it. There is, as has been observed by all economists, a statistical regularity about all these amounts of money and the rate at which they are taken out. In this country, while the country has been getting poorer and poorer, while people are flying from it, while disease is growing, and, apparently, according to the measure we were discussing to-night, dirt is growing—dirt and verminous and unhealthy conditions— while all that is there, the other thing that is occurring is an accumulation of idle money through all these forms. When we set out to try to do something to relieve all these things in the nature of poverty, disease and degradation of all types we adopt the well-known old course of going to the money market to see if we can get money at 5 per cent.

I want to get away from that altogether. I go one step further with Deputy Norton. We have the example given to us during the war, and people are not going to forget what happened during the war; they are going to ask, and inquire into the answer, why a particular thing that is possible during a war situation is not possible for the aggregate conditions of peace. We found the State creating credit and the State saying to the banks: "That is the money that we have made and we are going to let you circulate it, but we are not going to pay you the 1, 2 and 3 per cent. that people were supposed to get because the old theory was that you only got money by saving; that is to say you tightened your belt with regard to something you might spend money on. If you did not spend it for amusement or consumption, you got something for it. We know very well that for years back there has been far more money created than the entire wealth of England and America. That money was simply manufactured and handed out to the banks to be circulated, but they did not get 5 per cent., or even 2 per cent. They got administrative costs. One of these days we will rouse ourselves to the situation that these peace problems will have to be dealt with and, as long as you can avoid any question of inflation by very seriously increasing your amount of money over and above the amount of commodities that can be purchased for that money, then it is easy enough to manage the credit situation.

I do not want to follow Deputy Norton and Deputy McGilligan into the discussion of credit and so on. All I can say to Deputy McGilligan is this, that there is no intention to pay 5 per cent. for money. I think this country is entitled to get money at the same rate of interest as other countries which are no more credit-worthy, let us say, than this. There are a couple of points on which I want to correct both Deputy Norton and Deputy McGilligan in relation to the Post Office Savings Bank funds which you, Sir, remember we started to discuss some time ago. The rate of interest that we pay to Post Office depositors is 2½ per cent. There is no means by which we can invest that money at 1¼ per cent. and keep that particular fund afloat. We have to get the 2½ per cent., plus, if we want the fund to be self-supporting, whatever administrative charges are necessary. The administrative charges at the moment are fairly high because there is a very big daily turn-over in the Post Office funds and they are at call.

It is true to say that the money is guaranteed by the State and that, under no circumstances, will anybody lose the money put in, as long as the State is sound. But it is also true that the first and immediate guarantee for the fund is the securities in which it is invested. They have to be invested to give 2½ per cent., plus administration expenses. The reason why a very much greater proportion of them is not invested at the moment in home securities is that, during the fantastically rapid growth of these deposits in the last five years, the output of home securities offering was very small indeed.

This State has increased its debt since the beginning of the war by £16,000,000. Had we been going into debt at the rate of neighbouring countries during the last five or six years, we would have been going into debt at the rate of £194,000,000 a year. We increased the debt by only £16,000,000 altogether; so that these Post Office Savings Bank funds could not have been invested in an increasing State debt as those of other countries were, and, as there were no home securities offering, they were invested outside. That is the sum total of the reason why there is such a large percentage invested outside rather than inside the country.

Deputy McGilligan wants to add to the list of securities in which these funds may be directly invested. There is already a respectable list of securities in which they can be invested, all guaranteed as to principal and interest, or issued directly in the form of State loans. You have the various Irish loans that were issued: The Second National Loan, the Third National Loan, the Conversion Loan, the Financial Agreement Loan and so on, in all of which portion of the Post Office Savings Bank funds is invested. Then you have a series of Land Bonds; you have Ways and Means advances to the Exchequer; advances to the Local Loans Fund; and the Agricultural Credit Corporation Guaranteed Mortgage stock. Of course, that stock is guaranteed, as Deputies know, as to principal and interest by the State, but it is re-lent to the farmers of the country for improving their farms. Then you have the 4 per cent. Irish Sugar Company Guaranteed Debenture Stock, guaranteed by the State. A block of that stock is held on behalf of the Post Office Savings Bank funds. Then you have the Telephone Capital Advances, also, of course, guaranteed by the State.

This list of funds, plus the funds that I am adding in this Bill, that is, the trustee stock of local authorities, in my opinion gives us sufficient elbow room to invest the Post Office Savings Bank funds. Deputy McGilligan said that it is only putting the toe into the water. If you do not put your toe into the water you sometimes get an awful shock, and I believe that this step goes sufficiently far to enable us to use the small savings of the people that are invested in the Post Office Savings Bank for the building up of the State, as far as they will go. We are already able, through the Local Loans Fund, apart altogether from this amendment, to lend money for the building of houses, for sewerage works and so on, directly through the Local Loans Fund to the local authorities. We have the powers, as I have said.

What interest does the Minister think the Post Office funds invested in the Local Loans Fund will earn?

All I can say is that, up to the present time, it has earned 4½ or 4¼ per cent.

What do you think it will earn in future?

Say 4 per cent.?

I am not going to be drawn, if the Deputy does not mind. All I say is, less.

The toe is in.

It is hardly the nail of my toe. On the question of what the Post Office Savings Bank funds can do here as against that done in other countries, I want, first of all, to say to Deputy McGilligan that, if the New Zealand Government are lending money out of their Post Office Savings Bank funds at 1¼ per cent., they are subsidising the Post Office Savings Bank funds in order to do it or adding to the total.

New Zealand had Savings Certificates.

I want to get this right. I have here from the latest New Zealand Year Book the information that the deposit rates in New Zealand on Post Office Savings Bank funds or deposits are 2½ per cent. up to £500, 2 per cent. from £501 to £2,000, and no interest for amounts in excess of £2,000. These rates of interest have been altered downwards: they are lower than they were in 1942 when they stood at 3 per cent. up to £500 and 2½ per cent. and nil in the other cases. New Zealand cannot invest the money out of those funds at 1¼ per cent. They have other funds—the Central Bank and so on—and they must have a sort of composite fund into which perhaps the Post Office Savings Bank funds are fed at 2 per cent. or over it, and the fund draws on other sources at rates of interest so much below 1¼ per cent. that it enables the two funds to average out at 1¼ per cent. However, we could not directly from this fund do anything like that, as 2½ per cent. is what we pay.

In certain countries the Post Office Savings Banks pay no interest. Deputy Norton adverted the other day to the Post Office postal cheque, which rendered possible the payment by cheque from one Post Office account to another. In those countries in regard to that particular fund there is no rate of interest, that is, the depositor gets nothing. A service is offered, of course, in that the money is safeguarded when it is deposited, instead of being kept at home and subject to loss by fire or other accident. The depositor puts it in the Post Office Savings Bank fund and it is kept safely and he can get it and draw it by cheque, but the depositor gets no rate of interest on it. Here we pay 2½ per cent. and the money is payable on demand.

It is the desire for liquidity before the war in regard to these Post Office Savings Banks which brought about the situation in which there was roughly half invested at home and half abroad in easily marketable securities. The situation to-day is that there is 75 per cent. of these funds invested abroad, not for the purpose of securing liquidity but because there were no home securities offering in which they could be invested. If the securities are offering, we might get down to the 50 per cent. or maybe we could have a system, which I think they have elsewhere, by which you would have only a certain portion of the funds payable on demand and the others put into some type of bond which would be cashable like Savings Certificates and would only earn the full rate of interest over 12 years and be cashable prior to that date only with some of the interest deducted.

However, at the moment we have this £32,000,000 payable on demand and earning 2½ per cent. and we have to take cognisance of that situation. By doing what we propose in this Bill, I think we are providing ample opportunity for investing the small savings of the people, which are in the Post Office Savings Bank, in development works of various kinds. I think this step is sufficient to enable us to meet the need of finding home investments for these funds.

The Minister has a list. I would like him to give the details of the investments in the various national loans and other things.

The list is published.

Would the Minister say where it is published?

In the Annual Account of the Post Office. I have it here and can send it to the Deputy.

The Minister has an up-to-date list of how much of the money that make up the £32,000,000 was invested in various national loans. Could he tell us how they are made up?

I will read it. It is published by the Post Office in a little paper called Post Office Savings Bank Accounts of all Deposits. It is presented to the Oireachtas. The investments are as follows:—

5 per cent. Second National Loan, £17,683; 4½ per cent. Third National Loan, £311,218; 4 per cent Conversion Loan, £76,000; 3¾ per cent. Financial Agreement Loan, £185,080; 4 per cent. Exchequer Bonds, £40,370; 3¼ per cent. National Security Loan, £399,489; 4½ per cent. Land Bonds, £241,168; 4½ per cent. New Land Bonds, £15,912; 4 per cent. Land Bonds, £46,380; Ways and Means Advances to the Exchequer, £2,500,000; Advances to the Local Loans Fund, £3,043,000; 3 per cent. Agricultural Credit Corporation, £500,000; 4 per cent. Irish Sugar Company, £93,000; Telephone Capital Advances, £1,399,258. The rest are British stocks of various kinds.

The Minister says that the rest are British securities. Does that mean that we invest them with the National Debt Commissioners, and do we know what they are?

The Deputy is wrong about that and about the Commissioners. The funds of the Post Office Savings Bank since its inception in 1923 are invested by the Department of Finance here directly in any security issued either by our own Government or by the British Government or guaranteed by our own Government. The practice before that date, before the Post Office Bank was taken over in 1923, was that those funds were invested by the British National Debt Commissioners and that practice obtained in relation to the Trustee Savings Bank funds, which is a different, a rather private organisation and not a Post Office organisation. The Trustee Savings Bank funds were sent on to the British National Debt Commissioners until 1940, when an end was put to it in the Finance Act. Since that date the Trustee Savings Bank funds are paid over to the Post Office Bank and they get an extra ? per cent.; they get two seven-eights per cent. from the Post Office Savings Bank Fund. In 1923 an end was put in regard to the Post Office Bank funds, and in 1940 in regard to the Trustee Savings Bank funds, to sending the money to the National Debt Commissioners. The Deputy was quoting, on the last occasion, certain statements that our Post Office Bank funds were invested in 1938 in Turkey and elsewhere. That might have been true in regard to Trustee Savings Bank funds, but it was not in regard to the Post Office Savings Bank funds, and it is not true in relation to any of the £32,000,000 about which we are talking.

There was one matter about which the Deputy questioned me the last day and I want to refer to it to-night. He said as regards our Savings Certificates, that the interest we have to pay on those Savings Certificates averages 1¼ per cent. In fact up to 1938-39 it averaged 4 per cent. and this year it would average around 3 per cent.

Is it not a 3 per cent. issue now?

It is £3 1s. 5d.

Do you mean to say that the full amount has been earned?

There are a lot of other Savings Certificates which went higher.

I asked questions here, possibly of the Minister's predecessor, about the segregation of the moneys.

It is very difficult to do it.

But it was done in reply to my questions and there certainly was not 3 per cent. paid on the second issue.

The average rate——

Does not the Minister agree that on the second issue there was some infinitesimal fraction over 3 per cent. and that was only for the money left there for a period of years?

It is quite clear that if it is taken out, that breaks the rate. The reply that I got to my question indicated that the rate of interest on the 3 per cent issue was not anything like half the nominal rate. It could not be.

I cannot understand why the Minister is not in a position to give the House some indication as to what he is going to lend money for—at what rate he is going to lend money on which he has already guaranteed 2½ per cent. interest. This is a vital matter so far as the Bill is concerned. I worked out some statistics as to what the effect of interest charges on house rents will be. The Minister and Deputy Briscoe might be interested in the results. Take a house under the present subsidy scheme which costs £600, repayable over 35 years and with a State subsidy of two-thirds on the first £350 expended. You will find that that house can be let at a weekly rent of 10/-. If you have a loan over a period of 60 years instead of 35 years, the house can be let at 8/6 a week— that is, assuming the money is borrowed at 2 per cent. interest. Suppose the house costs £600 and the money is borrowed at 4 per cent. and is repayable over a period of 35 years, the rent which you will have to charge, with a subsidy of two-thirds on the first £350, will be 12/- a week. If the money is repayable at 4 per cent. over a period of 60 years, the rent will be 10/8.

Let me make some comparisons. If you borrow £600 at 2 per cent. over 60 years and the State gives a two-thirds subsidy on the first £350, the rent of the house will be 8/6 a week. If the same sum is borrowed at 4 per cent., the rent will be 10/8 a week, so that in fact by borrowing at 4 per cent. instead of at 2 per cent. you make the tenant pay an additional 2/2 a week over a period of 60 years. That represents an increased rent chargeable to the tenant because of the fact that the money was borrowed at 4 per cent. instead of at 2 per cent. If anybody suggested that a Bill should be passed in this House increasing rents by 25 per cent., there would be an outcry in the country, but if we borrow money at 4 per cent. to build a house when money can be got at 2 per cent. or credits created carrying no per cent. we are doing the very same as if we were to pass a Bill increasing rents.

Let Deputy Briscoe and the Minister put themselves in the position of a tenant. The local authority borrows money at 4 per cent. It is then compelled to charge the tenant 10/8 a week rent. If the State would give money at 2 per cent., or credits at nothing per cent.—but let us take 2 per cent. for the purposes of the argument—the tenant could have the house at 8/6 a week over a period of 60 years. If the difference is approximately 2/- a week or £5 a year, then for 60 years the tenant pays an additional £5 a year because money had to be borrowed at 4 per cent. instead of 2 per cent. Why should a tenant be compelled to pay £300 in interest charges in the form of increased rent over 60 years because the local authority must pay 4 per cent. instead of 2 per cent. for the money? If the Minister lends money through the Local Loans Fund, and assuming the money is utilised in the manner I have indicated, and that is, under the Housing (Financial and Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, the effect will be that tenants will be compelled to pay, on a £600 house, subsidised on the present basis, a rent of 2/2 a week more for 60 years if the money is loaned at 4 per cent. than they would have to pay if the money were loaned at 2 per cent.

It is because interest charges play such a vital part in the building and renting of houses that it is important the local authority should get the money from the State at no interest charge beyond the normal cost of keeping the credit accounts. It seems to me that when you face the problem of housing people decently the first consideration ought to be to build the house, the second to let the house at a reasonable rent well within the tenant's capacity to pay, and the third that it should be the least possible rent consistent with making provision for ultimately wiping out the credit created by the State. It is an intolerable position that when you try to take people out of slums, out of the mud-walled cabins throughout the country, you first have to see at what rate people will loan you money to do vital social work of that character.

I do not think this Bill will make any great contribution towards making money available for house building or other worth-while national activities. It is because I do not believe that, that I think the Minister ought to be tempted, if not on this Bill, at least on some other Bill which ought to see legislative light at an early stage, to embark on a policy of creating State credits for the creation of sound national assets like housing, rural electrification and water and sewerage schemes, so that we can elevate these activities to a plane on which we can say: "These are so essential to national life that invested capital is not going to get a ransom off them and the public weal demands that the State's credit-creating capacity should be made available to provide these with expedition and at the lowest possible price, and that their provision will not be thwarted by having to pay capital's levy for lending the money."

I should like to support Deputy McGilligan's amendment. The Minister has, I think, perhaps been made afraid of it by all the gigantic schemes which have been talked of in connection with it. Let us get back to the original idea, to the purpose for which this Bill was intended, that is, to provide temporary flanking for the Dublin Corporation while it is getting over a month or two of financial difficulty. The immediate intention of this Bill is to enable the Minister to make a loan, at a suitable and suggested rate of interest, to the Dublin Corporation over a short period to enable it to carry out a conversion at the end of the year and to avoid the necessity of having to borrow £1,250,000 from the Bank of Ireland at 3¼ per cent. for housing. It is merely designed to provide protective flanking for the Dublin Corporation for a couple of months.

The Minister indicates that the Bill as it stands will enable him to assist directly out of Post Office Savings Bank funds only Dublin and Cork Corporations. There are other small things which require to be done, and, as the Minister is facing up to the question at all, I think that, without looking at the gigantic things which might be done with £32,000,000 in the Post Office Savings Bank, if he looks around, he will see that there are a number of small things which could be done, and could be done without any strain on any of the Post Office Savings Bank funds and which would be a very definite relief to people who, under their stresses, are doing rather bad things at present.

The question of overdrafts for turf work by the county councils has been mentioned and, at the same time, the Minister suggests that, while 2½ per cent. is being paid on deposits in the Post Office Savings Bank, the overhead charges and cost of management of this fund are rather high. A Deputy of his Party, when we last discussed this measure, said that the cost of running the Post Office Savings Bank was £76,000, and if we add that amount to the 2½ per cent. on £32,000,000, the Minister will find that the cost of handling the Savings Bank and of paying interest on deposits is only 2.7 per cent. If he looks, then, at the condition of local authorities struggling under the weight of substantial overdrafts for the carrying out of turf operations, he will find that, on 31st March, 1945, the total amount of county council overdrafts was £595,000, on which they were paying 4 per cent.

The Dublin Corporation is being assisted by this flanking Bill so that it can see whether it cannot get from the public £1,250,000—a fairly reasonable amount of money—at 3¾ per cent. at 97, which works out at about 2.83 per cent. If we are working here to assist the Dublin Corporation to get a loan for housing and conversion purposes at 2.83 per cent., and, if by adopting this amendment of Deputy McGilligan's, we can step in and help the country councils, struggling under the burden of more than £500,000 overdraft for turf cutting—on 31st March this year it was £595,000 and, on 31st March, 1944, £647,000—and paying 4 per cent. on that amount, it is almost criminal on our part not to do so.

I have instanced already to-day the steps by which some of the county councils, with the vigorous support of the Government, propose to try to recoup themselves and their finances for some of these costs. The North Tipperary County Council has an overdraft of £14,360, on which it pays, approximately, £572 per year. It is dragging people 20 miles to the court at Nenagh and putting heavy law costs on them in order to squeeze £100 out of them. If the Minister, on the basis of his cost of 2.83 per cent. interest and administration costs, could take up that sum of £595,000, he would save a payment to the banks of one-third of the total amount. The total amount at present paid by the county councils is £24,000, and £8,000 could be saved by a stroke of the pen if the Minister, leaving all the bigger possibilities out of his mind, would accept Deputy McGilligan's amendment and put himself in a position to assist the county councils as he proposes to assist Dublin Corporation and as he could assist Cork Corporation. He could save the county councils £8,000 a year on the moneys they are paying for their turf overdrafts by accepting the amendment.

Amendment withdrawn?

No, Sir. What about the £8,000 on turf overdrafts alone?

Amendment put and declared lost.
Section 2 agreed to.
SECTION 3.
Question proposed: "That Section 3 stand part of the Bill."

May I call the Minister's attention to the general discussion we had on the Second Reading of the Bill? Reference was made to the sum of £800,000. The actual figure is £780,502, in so far as it relates to the holders of the 5 per cent. stock, which falls due for redemption on the 1st January. But that is not the full story so far as the Dublin Corporation is concerned, because there are mortgage loans also due for redemption, and in some cases the actual dates have expired. These amount to £300,000, so that the actual accommodation which the corporation needs is £1,122,000, and not £782,000 as was mentioned during the debate. I want to know from the Minister will the accommodation which he proposes to give the corporation under Section 3 apply to the mortgage loans.

This section enables the Minister for Finance to advance money to a local authority for the purpose of redeeming any stock.

Does it cover mortgage loans?

On the general question of mortgage stock or any other stock, I think it would.

Had the Minister that in his mind when drawing up the Bill?

One of the things that we had in mind was that the Dublin Corporation had given notice that they were going to redeem their ordinary stock on the 1st January. I do not know whether there is any limitation on the word "stock". The words in the Bill are "for the purpose of redeeming any stock of that local authority on or after the first redemption date".

Would that cover mortgage stock?

If it is "any stock" it seems to me that it would.

If not, will the Minister make sure that it does?

I will look into it. One of the purposes of the Bill is to get it through by the 1st January. If the Seanad were to put in an amendment I would have to come back to the Dáil. I think it is better to let the section go as it stands.

The position will not be affected whether we pass the Bill to-day or to-morrow.

The Seanad is meeting to-morrow, when I hope to have this Bill before it. I do not know if it is meeting next week.

Do I understand that the Minister agrees that mortgage loans come within Section 3? If he finds that they do not, will he be prepared, in all the circumstances, to give accommodation for the extra £300,000, the arrangements for the redemption of which the corporation had in hands?

I do not know whether the corporation will want any money from the Minister for Finance by the 1st January.

They have decided that they will.

There are other means open to them to get money. Deputy Everett mentioned the other day that his particular trade union was looking for opportunities to invest money in short term loans. There are plenty of other sources from which the corporation can get money. This Bill is to enable the Minister for Finance as a last resort—perhaps I should not say as a last resort—to be in a position to help local authorities to redeem stock.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 4 and the Title agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment.
Agreed to take the remaining stages now.
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