I did not intend to speak about this Bill but, on thinking it over I came to the conclusion that the University seats in the Dáil were one of the subjects dealt with in 1921 when the Treaty was made. A small number of us who represented what were then known as the Unionists of Ireland were called into consultation the day after the Treaty was signed. We were asked to go to Downing Street—Lord Midleton, the Provost of Trinity College and myself—and we were then told by the British Government about the Treaty, which was read to us. We were also told that the British Government could do nothing for the minority, that we had to make terms for the minority as best we could with the Irishmen who had signed the Treaty. We acted on that information. There were sundry meetings, to begin with, with Mr. Griffith, Mr. Collins, Mr. O'Higgins and, I think, Mr. Kennedy, who is now the Chief Justice. Negotiations were then instituted for the establishment of the Oireachtas under which we are now governed. We found that the signatories of the Treaty with whom we were in consultation were in favour of sundry things. They were in favour of a Seanad and of having in it quite a strong representation of the minority. There is no question that at that time what they had in mind was what you might call representatives of the old landowners, and of the business people of this country, who had held the view that the best thing was our association with the British Empire. They held that those representing these classes who were prepared to take their part in the future Government of the Free State, under the new conditions, should be provided with means to enable them to state their views and to get representation here. One of the main things they based that belief on was that they could give us that kind of representation in a Seanad in which there should be a strong representation —it would have to be by nomination —to enable our views to be put forward. We had also before us the question of University representation, and there was no doubt whatever that those who represented the Irish point of view, Mr. Griffith, Mr. Collins and Mr. O'Higgins, held the view strongly that in this country minorities should have very special means given to them to represent their views, and to have some influence in the government of the country. There was no question whatever that all those views, as put forward and expressed to us—with which I need not say we agreed— were extremely loyally carried out by the Government of this country until the present Government came into power. The Seanad was established according to the undertakings we had received, University representation was given, and the Dáil was constituted on the principles that we were told of. That state of affairs stood until the other day.
We are now face to face with a different state of affairs. As far as I can see all the promises that were made by Mr. Griffith, Mr. Collins and Mr. O'Higgins are being swept away. I am sorry to say that I hold the view that the thing of importance to this country is not that we, ex-Unionists, are being swept out of representation—not at all—not that the Universities are being swept out of representation, but that we are face to face with a state of affairs when the Party at present in power means to dominate the whole situation and to dictate to the whole of the Free State what it is to do. They are not merely putting out of business ex-Unionists, and the members for the Universities, but their whole effort is to put the political representatives of the people in opposition to them out of business. On thinking the matter over, we have seen the powers of the law strained absolutely to the limit to put the representatives of the Opposition, if possible, into jail; and anyhow to use every means that a Government could possibly use to attack them and to prevent them from getting a free method of stating their case. Let Senators think of the measures we have had here lately. We had a Bill dealing with the constituencies, so altering them as to bring in a large number of three-member constituencies which, undoubtedly, will do away with the chances of Independent members, representing minorities, getting into the Dáil. Then, we have a Bill at present before the House which proposes to take away representation which is also of an independent nature, University representation. Then, we had a Bill which, at the end of next year, will sweep the Seanad out of existence.
I should like the House just to consider what will be our situation towards the end of next year. If the Government do favour the country with an opportunity of expressing its opinion and having an election—which they need not do—they will then have prepared the ground work, to give power to a solitary Party. They will have a majority with the Labour Party or any other elements who will vote with them. They can make any laws they please. They can declare a Republic if they please. They can alter the laws to suit their views and to deal with their political opponents, so as generally to establish a Party dictatorship in this country. There is no use in our hiding these things from ourselves. This Bill about which we are now talking is only part of a great hoax. What this country will be face to face with at the end of two years is the domination of one Party and one man at the head of that Party, with all that Party bowing in acquiescence. There will be no man amongst them able to express his opinions unless he follows the dictatorship and the decisions arrived at by the Executive Council under the dictatorship of one individual. What they intend to do I think the Minister for Finance clearly explained to us the other day. I have been looking through what he said and I wonder if the members of the Seanad quite realise how far he went.
Mr. MacEntee introduced something about the generations that have gone before us and the lesson we were to learn from them. He said that "the mass of the people are not prepared for the full acceptance of the Commonwealth." How generations before us could have anything to do with the Commonwealth I do not really know. The Commonwealth did not exist in their day so I think we might cut out past generations and deal with the matter ourselves. He said that there was only one thing for all of us to do. We were "to align ourselves with the majority of the people and stand upon the fundamental principle that our people must be free to choose for themselves what the relations with the Commonwealth are to be." It never dawned upon me or upon anyone that there is any doubt at the present time about our freedom to effect any alignment we like. When he came to talk about the financial condition of the country afterwards, the Minister used some extraordinary words. This Minister for Finance of the present Government says: "Perhaps the best way to settle it"—that is the question as to whether we are to remain where we are to-day in our relations with Great Britain—"is to put them"—that is the people of this country—"in the position of complete independence with regard to the Commonwealth and then let the people of Great Britain, on the one hand and we on the other, negotiate as to what our future relations are to be."
What is the meaning of that sentence used by the Minister for Finance? Does it mean that the present Government believe that the only way to end the economic war, and all the troubles under which we are suffering as a result of our quarrel with Great Britain at present, is to free ourselves from Great Britain and declare a Republic and then as a Republic sit down at a table with representatives of Great Britain to make future arrangements? If it does not mean that, it means nothing. If it means that, had we not better take into account the fact that this country after two years is going to be a Republic and that that is the only way that we can hope to succeed with agriculture in this country; that it means that until this is accomplished we are not going to have any effort whatever made to settle our troubles with Great Britain? If that is so, what will be our financial position, not to mention the condition of our agriculturists, at the end of these two years? I am coming strongly to the conclusion that the whole state of affairs, as it exists at present, is so absolutely ruinous to this country that, if we are going to have a Republic, if it be necessary for us to go through a Republican stage before the condition of this country can be settled, the sooner we get through with it and let the people really understand what a Republic means, the better. It is sheer nonsense to talk about settling down here while we have pronouncements of that kind.
We all know that it will take two years to carry any arrangement to get out of the Commonwealth. Where will we be at the end of that time? If our agricultural industry is to be handicapped as it is by present conditions for the next two years, our condition will be such that we shall not be in a position to argue our case. Two years of the present method of carrying on our business will produce such a state of poverty as will not give us any chance of arguing. We apparently will have no voice in this matter. I have no doubt what the Seanad will do with regard to this University Bill. It is only a part of the general scheme of the present Government to get sole power in this country entirely into their own hands. They have told us that they mean to get a Republic and to get out of the Commonwealth. Then they have the belief, which to my mind is the most extraordinary feature of the whole proceeding, that they can sit down at a table, after having flouted the whole British Commonwealth of Nations and cleared out of it, and make excellent arrangements with the head of the British Commonwealth of Nations. If it is possible to imagine how most seriously to damage your chance of making good financial arrangements for this country, surely that is the best way of setting about it.
I think Senators ought seriously consider, in the short time we have, how we can possibly in any way aid in these matters. It looks quite evident that the present Government are not going to face the music and really carry out what they say they believe in. They are not going to ask the country now: "Will you go out of the Commonwealth and will you become a Republic? Will you put us in the position which Mr. MacEntee says is the only way by which we would have a chance of settling matters satisfactorily with England?" They are going to delay that certainly for a couple of years. They are going on with their present policy and at the end of these two years we shall be in a wretched condition. These are matters that I think the country should take well to heart. We know the arguments that were put forward for the abolition of the Seanad by the President. We know what was said by those who opposed us. We have seen the way in which the President made those arguments and I need say no more about that. It is all on record and anybody can judge what weight there was in these arguments and the manner in which he was able to support what he said.
This Bill before us is practically of the same nature as the other measures. It is quite evident that the Government have made up their minds as far as the Seanad is concerned, that they will not waste any time in giving any reasons for these Bills. They have made up their minds and that is the end of it. Just listen to what was said here the other day by the Minister. He put it quite shortly in this way:
"The Government could find no reason why the Universities should get special consideration."
The Minister also said something about people being on double registers. He admitted when I questioned him that he had no evidence whatever that any use was being made of that double registration. We know a good deal about personation in this country but he repudiated the idea that University electors resorted to it. The end of his argument was that he could see no justification for this special representation at all. These are the main arguments which the Government bring forward for this special legislation which, going back to what I said at the beginning, is, in every single bit of it, an absolute repudiation of every promise Mr. Griffith, Mr. Collins and Mr. O'Higgins made to those who took up this matter with them at first at the request of the British Government. If any of these three gentlemen were alive now, they would probably be as bitterly opposed to this policy as any of us could possibly be. There is not a vestige of doubt about that. I knew all three of the men intimately and I can say this for Mr. Griffith, that there is no man amongst us who was more desirous to let all the different people who live in this country have a voice in its management and of giving them an opportunity of being represented in our parliamentary institutions. The whole policy of this Government, as shown in every measure that has been brought before us recently, is an entire repudiation of that. I do not, as I say, object to-day as far as we ex-Unionists are concerned. We have become so amalgamated and merged with the people of the country that nobody bothers their heads about whether we were Unionists at one time or not.
We are part of the present composition of the Free State, and nobody dreams of throwing this kind of thing at our heads. Therefore, it is not of importance as far as the ex-Unionist Party is concerned. But it is a danger to see University and educational representation going, and it is a danger to see one Party trying to get such power into their own hands that they can disqualify from representation all independent thought in the Irish Free State. There is also a tremendously strong inclination—I prefer to put it that way—on the part of the dominant Party to put their political opponents out of business. That they will have the power to do that within the next two years is a point deserving of serious consideration. I think we should make a great effort to compel the Government to tell us if it is their view that they have a better chance of making arrangements with Great Britain, and settling our future financial policy, by having a Republic and sitting down to discuss things as a Republic with Great Britain instead of as a member of the British Commonwealth. That is the vital question and one that is so important in regard to time that I think we should force the Government to come to a decision and let the country have their say. If the country wants that condition of things, well, let them have it. If we are to have a Republic, far better that the country should understand in this way and know that we are throwing away the opportunities that we have, and are manufacturing a dictatorship for ourselves instead.
