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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 13 Feb 1924

Vol. 6 No. 13

DAIL IN COMMITTEE. - CANALS AND INLAND WATERWAYS.

Motion by Deputy Darrell Figgis (resumed):
"That the Dáil is of opinion that the Executive Council should put into effect the recommendations of the Report of the Canals and Inland Waterways Commission, July, 1923."

When I first saw the motion standing in the name of Deputy Darrell Figgis I, naturally, decided, as one of the Commissioners responsible for the recommendations contained in the report, that I would be compelled to vote for the motion. At the same time, I decided that I would not take part in the debate arising out of the motion, for two or three reasons. The first reason is that I was fully aware, from previous statements made by the President, that he had a decided hostility to the recommendations of any Commission which involved the expenditure of State funds. That is quite clear from previous statements made in the Dáil by the President. The only Commission whose recommendations the President did not give any opinion upon was the Fiscal Inquiry Commission—a Commission composed of five Free Trade Professors, who made no recommendations because they were not given the power to do so. I was forced on the last occasion to move the adjournment of the debate because there was not what is known as a "House." When I moved the adjournment of the debate, there were only 14 members in the House, with the Minister for Finance, on behalf of the Government, supported by two members of his party. I did not think it was quite right, or in keeping with the importance of the subject under discussion, to allow the debate to proceed when there was not a House, especially as we were told that it was impossible for the Minister responsible to be present to make any declaration in connection with the policy of the Government arising out of the recommendations of this Commission.

Another reason why I felt there was no necessity for me to intervene in a debate of this kind was that I believed the report and recommendations and findings of this Commission are sufficiently lengthy, explanatory and detailed to allow either the Government responsible for the setting up of the Commission or any parties interested in its recommendations or findings to see in the report the very good reasons why these recommendations were made. While I am in absolute agreement with the terms of the motion moved by Deputy Figgis, I cannot, under any circumstances, associate my name with the manner in which he has supported the motion, or, perhaps I should say, with his supporting remarks. Deputy Figgis may be, to a greater extent, in the confidence of the Minister responsible, or in the confidence of the Executive Council, in regard to what they propose to do arising out of the report of this Commission, than I am. I do not know whether he is or not.

I am sure he is not.

If one follows his remarks closely one would naturally be forced to come to that conclusion. Deputy Figgis, while supporting the recommendations of this Commission, and supporting them in a certain section of his speech without qualification, goes on to assume that the Government has not the ability or the desire, or the money at its disposal, to carry out the recommendations of the Commission; and then he says: "I would urge that it is very important to this country that the Government should determine that the canals should be disengaged from the stranglehold of the railways and that the Government should see if any person or persons, failing their own undertaking of this control, are willing to undertake control and run the canals in competition with the railways, that they are willing to lend such a proposition their active assistance." As one who subscribes to the recommendations of the Commission, I cannot naturally be asked to subscribe to that alternative; therefore I cannot associate myself, so far as that part of Deputy Figgis' speech is concerned, with his supporting remarks.

The seconder of the motion said he was only seconding in a formal manner, and he went on to give certain reasons why he was doing so. To show to the Government and everybody else the kind of misrepresentation and ignorance that exists in regard to the findings of the Commission, let me draw attention to what he says: "I do not expect the Government will nationalise the canals. As a matter of fact the farmers were opposed to nationalisation in any shape or form." I assume every Deputy is interested in this matter and has read the report of the Commission. I want to assure every Deputy, including the seconder of the motion, that the recommendations of the Commission do not propose nationalisation of the canals so far as the carrying section is concerned. All that is proposed is that the canals, natural highways as they are, which have been constructed at a very high expense to the taxpayers, should be acquired and made available for the use of anybody who likes to use them as natural highways in the same way as the roads are utilised, provided that those who claim the right to use the canals are prepared to pay tolls that will meet the cost of maintenance and administration.

That is the proposal of the Commissioners, and I cannot help thinking that Deputy Wilson, in seconding the motion, was in complete ignorance of that part of the recommendation. The Commission was composed of five members drawn from different sections of the community, and they were asked to come together and to advise recommendations, not in the interests of the sections they represented, but in the interests of the nation, as to whether or not the canals were of any use to the community. Without the slightest pressure of any kind on behalf of the Commission, or the officials associated with it, we had evidence from eighty witnesses, including representatives of railway companies, big business interests, and people who were concerned in development in this country. That in itself gives some indication to those who have an interest in this matter of the interest taken in it by every section in the community.

If Deputy Figgis is not prepared to father the motion, and if he is ashamed of the child he has produced before the Dáil, then I, as a member of the Commission, am prepared to take it up, though I would prefer the Government would adopt it as their own child. I have no reason to doubt, or even to assume, that they will not do so. One of the main reasons why the Commission was forced to the conclusion that the canals and waterways should be acquired by the State was due to the fact that their acquisition, ownership and control by private companies has hindered the development of trade over those canals, so far as what are known as bye-traders are concerned. In the case of the Royal Canal, which was originally constructed at an expense of £1,421,000, we have seen that when it was acquired it was stated to be in a hopeless financial condition. It was acquired by a railway company at the very modest figure of £289,000. When you realise that the taxpayers contributed to the construction and maintenance of that canal to the extent of £359,777, you can easily understand the shame it is for a company such as the Midland Great Western Railway Co., who acquired that at the cost of £298,000, and by so acquiring it put it out of use, so far as the trading community is concerned.

The representative of the M. G. W. Railway Company stated to the Commission that the capital expenditure was £325,000. That may be so, but this is a fact: Having acquired a concern which originally cost so much money, they proceeded to build their railway between Dublin and Mullingar upon the property originally belonging to the Royal Canal Co. The principal terminus, the Broadstone, is built on what was originally Royal Canal Company property. To show how the concern has been put out of use so far as the general community and traders are concerned, I may be pardoned for having to quote a few figures. The canal was taken over by the railway company in 1846 under certain very definite conditions so far as the maintenance was concerned. In the year 1867 there were 54 boats plying on it; in 1877 there were 36; in 1883 there were 45; in 1892 there were 31; in 1906 there were 22, and in 1923 there were 13. So far as the tonnage is concerned the following figures may be of interest: In 1898 the tonnage was 32,140; in 1905 it was 25,336, and in 1921 it was 11,063. You can now ask yourselves whether or not this reduced tonnage is due to the activities of the railway company, in having acquired the canal in order to put the Canal Co. out of competition with the Railway Co. as such. I do not suppose there would be any good reason for the Government agreeing to the proposal that Deputy Figgis has put before them as an alternative. That is, if they are not prepared to adopt the recommendation of the Commission, they should take the Royal Canal from the M.G.W.R. and hand it over to some company that Deputy Figgis may know of, which may carry out the same policy as the M.G.W.R. have already carried out.

We were told in the evidence before the Commission, by the General Manager of the Midland Great Western Company—and General Managers giving evidence before a Commission of this kind are not necessarily giving their own opinions, but giving evidence on behalf of a body of Directors whose first concern is profit—that the concern as at present circumstanced is of no marketable value. We contend that if it is not of any marketable value, that, then, it will be a very easy matter for the Government to take it over at a very low figure, and to do what is necessary to put this canal in a position that will enable those interested to increase the traffic of the concern as it stands to-day. The General Manager, in summing up his evidence, was asked: "The summary of your evidence, as I have read it, is that the Royal Canal is a useless concern so far as the trading community is concerned," and he stated: "I would rather put it this way: I look upon it that the Royal Canal is of little practical use to the community as a whole. The suggestion I did make yesterday was that if anything in the way or nature of such expenditure was contemplated, that such expenditure would be better employed in being devoted not to the canals but to the roads and railways." I trust the Deputies will understand the reason he was offering that suggestion. And then he went on: "If there is to be money available for development purposes, I personally think that the money available for that purpose, if applied to railways and roads, would be more usefully spent than if applied to canals and waterways, seeing that such a large amount of money has been put into the construction of canals; I think you will have to consider whether it is desirable to increase that amount or to cut your loss. A large amount of public money was used when railways were not thought of. But to spend more public funds because, one hundred years ago, a certain amount of public money was used would be a mistaken policy." And then he goes on to say that the canals served no useful purpose so far as the trading community is concerned.

That evidence is the evidence of a railway manager who is not in this case giving his own personal opinion at any rate in the interest of the country, but the opinion of the directors who are, first and last, interested in the dividend earning capacity of the railway company. Deputy Figgis stated that the ownership and maintenance should be dissociated from the railway and carrying companies. With that opinion I am in entire agreement, but I was in doubt as to whether Deputy Figgis really suggested the taking over of the canal company from the railway company, and handing it over to the State, or to a private carrying company. I hope, in reply to the discussion before this debate closes, that Deputy Figgis will make that point quite clear. I happened to be listening to a debate, or at least listening to a paper being read on a recent occasion in the Rotary Club where the general manager of the Grand Canal Company made a statement in regard to the recommendations of this Commission. I cannot help quoting the statement that he made about this Commission in order to show the ignorance, or pretended ignorance, that prevails with regard to the findings of this Commission:—

"The General Manager of the Grand Canal Company recently protested his inability to understand why the Commission had not recommended the State acquisition of his company's carrying business when it recommended the taking over of the waterway, and urged that it should be the whole or none."

In this he failed utterly to realise or pretended to fail to realise the clear lines upon which the mind of the Commission moved. I am quite satisfied that the General Manager of the Canal Company, when he was making that statement, before the people who were not in a position to reply to him, failed to understand and realise what the recommendations of this Commission were. But no doubt his object in making that statement was to confound the minds of people in regard to what were the real recommendations and wishes of this particular Commission. The Commission, in its recommendations and findings, was unanimous. I presume that is well known to the Minister, and it is a peculiar thing, particularly in the circumstances of the times in which we live, that a body of men drawn from different sections of the community should come to an opinion of this kind. They unanimously agreed that the utilisation of the inland waterways for the purpose of transport is a factor of substantial value in the national economy. I want to ask the Minister whether he subscribes to that finding. If the Minister and the Government for whom he speaks are willing to subscribe to that recommendation, and if, as is the fact, that the present companies who have under their control the canal systems of this country, are either unable or that their financial position is inadequate to put the canals in such a state as will allow the passage of traffic, then I ask the Minister to state what is the alternative?

In the figures which were produced before the Commission it was stated that the amount of money given in grants to the construction and maintenance of the principal canal system of the country amounted to the very large sum of £2,049,684 originally. The cost of the Grand Canal, I think, I have already given. There is another point which I think it is only right that I should draw attention to, and it is this—that the carrying company in control of the waterway is likely to hinder and hamper the free trade of what are known as bye-traders in many respects. I will give you this case to prove what I am stating—in the case of the Grand Canal Company at the present time—and I think this is probably unknown to some people—the company's boats plying over the canal number 58. The bye-traders' boats number 55. That is practically half-and-half, whereas by the figures produced to the Commission it has been demonstrated that the bye-traders, who have a smaller number of boats plying, are called upon to pay 80 per cent. of the cost of maintenance and administration. I say that is an unfair thing, that the carrying companies controlling the system should be enabled, by imposing an unfair charge so far as the cost of maintenance is concerned upon those wishing to use the canal for the purpose of developing the traffic of this country, to hinder competition. Now, in the case of the Canal Company we very often hear what nationalisation may mean to the trading community. We are told on every occasion when nationalisation is proposed that it means doing away with competition. In the case of the Grand Canal Company, so far as the question of competition is concerned, they have entered into an agreement with the Great Southern and Western Company to get from them so many thousands per year, simply because they came to an agreement not to compete with the Great Southern and Western Company for certain traffic at certain points. I tell you this to show you how this competition under private ownership is abused. We had one individual coming before the Commission who informed the Commission that he had got certain boats working on the canal, plying between Dublin and certain points where the Companies' boats were working. And immediately he set out to use these boats, the Grand Canal Company increased the tolls on this particular point so that they might cut this particular trader out of competition with themselves.

The one important thing the Government should take into consideration, that is if they have any idea of carrying out these recommendations, is this: the canals at present are in a very bad condition, and some of them are, perhaps, in a derelict condition, due to the fact that the companies which acquired them under certain very definite conditions have not carried out the dredging work which I think was clearly understood they were to do when they acquired them. That has resulted in a reduction of the carrying capacity of the boats, and consequently an increase in the tonnage rates so far as the rates to traders are concerned. If the canals were in a navigable condition it would mean that the boats would be able to carry a far greater amount of traffic, and in that way the cost of transport would be reduced.

took the Chair.

I speak on this matter also as one who represents an area over which the Grand Canal Company should have a very big trade. I believe that if the Grand Canal were put into a proper condition many people who have business establishments or mills on its banks would be inclined to get boats and to put them into use. However, I am particularly interested in the development of one industry, and that is the peat industry. I claim, and I have claimed in any cross-examination that I carried out before the Commission, that the canals are peculiarly suitable for the development of that industry. As far as I know, the railway companies are not in a position to carry peat at what might be called economic rates. That can be shown by reference to the rates at present in existence over the Midland Great Western Railway and the Great Southern and Western Railway for coal, as compared with peat. As a matter of fact, there is a higher rate for a lower grade traffic which peat and turf is, over the railways than there is for coal. It is well known that a canal boat can carry a greater amount of coal than it can of peat. The tolls at present in existence on the Grand Canal Company for peat, as compared with coal, are, strange to say, the same, and I do not think that should be the case. Professor Purcell, who is an expert on the question of peat, in giving evidence, stated that peat is at present used to the extent of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 tons per annum, and supplies 43¾ per cent. of the heat required, native coal to the extent of 1¼ per cent., and imported coal to the extent of 55 per cent.

I contend that if we are to become a self-supporting country we must give every assistance to the development of industries, which will not put us in the position we are in at present of depending upon England for 55 per cent. of our fuel requirements. Therefore, if the peat industry is to be developed, and if the canals are the only natural transport routes for the carrying of peat, I say it is the duty of the Government to make these canals available and to give favourable and, if possible, preferential rates and tolls for the carrying of such traffic. Strange to say, the amount of peat fuel carried over the Grand Canal, and that is the canal which comes in contact with most of the bogs in the Midland areas, amounts only to 9,000 tons per annum. You can see from these figures that there is room for improvement, as far as the traffic over the canals is concerned. I understand, also, that 43 per cent. of the total cost of peat on the canal bank in Dublin represents tolls, loading, and unloading charges. I think that should not be so, and it would not be the case if more favourable rates and tolls were given by those who control the canals.

There is another section in the Report in which the Commission left open a matter for the Government to decide upon. They were not quite clear as to what should be the proportion, either to the local authorities or to the State, of the cost of erecting suitable stores and cranes to deal with canal traffic. It may, perhaps, be said that the local authorities should bear some of these charges for the erection of stores and cranes to deal with any increased traffic that might come along.

I have dealt with the question of the Grand Canal and the Royal Canal, and I come to the question of the Shannon Navigation. The Shannon Navigation is at present under the control of the Board of Works, and I understand that one of the officials of the Board of Works recently stated at a public meeting that he could not understand, or could not believe, that the Commission in their recommendations in regard to the expenditure of money in this case, really meant what they recommended. When the Board realises that every one of the locks on the Shannon Navigation from Limerick to Killaloe is of a different size, I think that they will recognise that there is something radically wrong on the Navigation, and if there is to be any hope of traffic development, the carrying capacity of the boats will have to be increased. I think it will be the duty of the Government to standardise the locks so as to allow boats to get through without the difficulties that they have now to contend with. The Commission, which went into this whole question, decided, I believe, on the advice of the Ministry, or at any rate with its approval, to go around the different systems and to see for themselves the difficulties which existed. I had not the pleasure of going over the whole of the systems, but I did spend a few days, in very cold weather, on some of the liners that ply over the Barrow and the Shannon Navigation.

It is quite clear to anybody that had the pleasure of living in one of these up-to-date liners that there are many things which somebody must do to improve them, and if the people in charge cannot do so I think it is the duty of the Government to do it. It was stated in evidence before the Commission that if the Shannon Navigation were put into a proper condition, if the locks were standardised to allow boats of from 70 to 120 tons capacity to get through, it would mean a considerable development of traffic from the port of Limerick into the Arigna coalfields. There is plenty of room for development so far as the coalfields are concerned, and one witness, who spoke on behalf of a very big company owning a number of boats plying over the Shannon Navigation, stated that if they were in a position to run boats with a carrying capacity of between 70 and 100 tons it would enable them to carry big loads of coal to Limerick at the rate of 6s. per ton. I think that if that could be done it would be something to the benefit of the general community, and would, to a considerable extent, reduce the cost of coal to consumers in an area where there is a very bad railway service.

I take the view that the Shannon Navigation should be, and is, the principal waterway in the country, and that if the canal systems were in a proper condition, inter-connected, that the Shannon Navigation would be the principal waterway with the Royal Canal, and the Grand Canal-Barrow acting as main feeders, and in addition to that the Port of Limerick. At present every one of these seem to be disconnected. One can imagine, for the sake of argument, the position of the Great Southern and Western Railway Company if they had the main line railway a certain gauge, and all the different branch lines with different gauges and different types of engines working over the system, and you can see the confusion that would exist if that was the case. That is the position we find in the canals and waterways to-day. The cost of acquiring the canals, if such is the decision of the Government, may appear to be a very big proposition, but when one looks into the original cost of the construction, the amount of public funds at any rate that has been set aside for that particular purpose, the amount that would be necessary to acquire them in their present position would be small as compared with the amount of money spent on them already. I understand, according to the estimates supplied to us, that the cost of acquisition and of putting into a proper condition all the principal canals in the country, under present conditions, would amount to between £130 or £140 per mile. That is, considerably under £1,000,000 would be required, and it would, I think, in time bring a good return on the money.

Another thing that must be taken into consideration is that the cost of maintenance for the canals, especially when they are put into a proper condition, would be very small in comparison with the cost of the maintenance of a railway. Assuming, as I am sure it would be only correct to assume, that if the canals are put into a proper condition there would be a considerable increase in the traffic, that increase would not mean any increase in expenditure, so far as maintenance is concerned, compared with what it would mean having a very big increase in traffic on the railways. I stated in the beginning that I did not intend to take part in the debate, and I gave my reasons. I merely desired to draw the Minister's attention to these matters which I have brought under his notice, because I do not think they are dealt with in any detail in the Report. I stated also that while I am prepared to vote for the motion, I cannot, and will not, in any circumstances subscribe to the alternative its mover has put forward. I hope the Government when they produce their Railway Bill will consider it necessary and advisable to allow the clauses of the Bill to be so wide as to deal with the question of the canal systems. Deputy Darrell Figgis asked a question of the Minister some time ago as to when he would be in a position to introduce a Bill in connection with railway reorganisation, and the Minister said that he was not in a position to give the date of introduction of that long-looked-for measure. He was further asked by Deputy Figgis whether the Bill would include canals as well as railways and the Minister definitely stated it would only deal with railways. I understood from that that the Government in dealing with this railway question, and bringing in a measure in accordance with that promise, will not bring in any measure that will allow a greater combination of railway magnates to control the Royal Canal, that is at present in the hands of the Midland Great Western Railway. I assume that is the position. I hope that he will deal with the questions I have raised, and indicate to the Dáil that if there was a doubt in his mind when this Commission was set up as to whether the canal were of any use to the community that the doubt has been set aside by the detailed explanations that have been given in the Report and recommendations.

The Report of the Canal and Inland Waterways Commission is undoubtedly admirable, and on the face of it, and from its size, it shows close and exhaustive investigation into all the essential details. It comes to the definite conclusion, as Deputy Davin has pointed out, that the inland waterways are of very great importance, and a great asset in the inland development of the country.

They urge very strongly the expenditure of a very large amount of money, very much in anticipation, of course, of very great benefits that would be derived in organising and developing industry. The policy of spending money in anticipation of organising and putting on a proper footing the industries of the country is a good one, and may be admitted, but it must also be admitted that policy must accommodate itself to facts, particularly when the facts are of a financial nature. The Government have had to examine this question from the point of view of its consistency. When you consider the number of present demands on public funds, one has to consider whether it would be consistent at this time, taking into consideration all those demands, that they should attempt to spend the amount of money necessary if these recommendations were to be put into effect. The main proposal of the Commission might be summarised as follows:—No. 1, the establishment of a public authority to be called the Waterway Board, with a technical and administrative staff to manage waterways in all their aspects. No. 2, transfer of the property in all waterways, natural and artificial, and of their control and maintenance to the Waterway Board. The expenditure as an initial measure is estimated at £472,000 —£444,000 from the Central Public Funds, and £32,000 from the local funds—on developments of importance on the existing waterways. It is plain that these three main recommendations do not exhaust all the measures necessary that would mean financial support, or in other words, a good deal more than the figures I have just read out would be necessary before the canal or waterways could be made a real efficient service. The Waterway Board, it is recommended, should be comprised of representatives of people of standing in the commercial, agricultural, engineering, and labour life of the country. They are to work full time, and we must take it for granted that if they are to work full time they will need payment. That in itself would be a very large sum annually. Along with that they are to be provided with a staff, and that staff, taking into consideration the very large concern that they would deal with, would undoubtedly be a very big staff, and would cost a very large amount of money.

As to the transfer to a public authority of privately-owned concerns, such as the Grand Canal and the Royal Canal, Deputy Davin has not even made an estimate as to the amount that would be required to acquire those concerns. Even if one thought of a figure that would be adequate, it would be dangerous to mention it, as it might, perhaps, be referred to before some tribunal and taken as an official statement. Certainly, it would run into a very large sum of money. The Report contemplates that no charge should be made against the undertakings when acquired for the payment of interest on their purchase price; that the waterways should, in fact, be regarded as roads, and that the cost of acquisition should fall absolutely on the taxpayers. I would like the seconder of the motion to take that into consideration. Further, on the expenditure of £472,000 for works described in the Report as an initial measure, interest is not to be charged on the concern and not to be paid by the user of the waterway. One must strike some figure. I should say that in or about £700,000 or £800,000 at least would be necessary to put this Report into operation, and the benefits to be derived are certainly very indirect benefits. It would take a long number of years before the revenue of the country would derive any benefit from the increased trade brought about by the improvements. The Government must consider this. They have to look at it in this way: In view of the fact that the Budget is not yet balanced and that we do not know whether it will balance in the coming year, the Government could not undertake such an expenditure. In fact, we might go further and say that unless there was an actual surplus the Government would not feel that it was doing its duty by the taxpayer if it put this Report into operation. Deputy Figgis apparently appreciated the difficulties in the way of the Government. As far as I remember, I have not been speaking to Deputy Figgis on this matter. Consequently, I do not think he heard from me, at any rate, what the intentions of the Government were. He may have heard somewhere else.

I made a good guess.

The suggestion he made was that the Government should give an assurance that it would encourage and assist any person who is anxious to take the canals away from the control of the railway companies. It will be obvious, I think, that a general statement such as that cannot be made. If we made such a statement it might be taken that we were advocating the taking away of property from persons who are the rightful owners and giving it to somebody else. If Deputy Figgis knows of any persons, or body, who are prepared to do this thing and want to take the canals away from the railways, their course is obvious. If they promote a Private Bill and bring all the details before the Private Bill Committee they would be given an opportunity of putting up a case in full, and the present owners of the canals will be given an opportunity of putting up their side of the case. I believe myself, without anticipating the decision of the Private Bill Committee, that according to this Report a good case could be made. But, as I said before, the Government could not make a statement such as is suggested.

Deputy Davin asked me to make a definite statement as to whether the Government were satisfied with the conclusion come to unanimously that the waterways of the country are an asset of great importance to the internal development of the country. I cannot say definitely that that is correct. But, as I pointed out, the Report appears to be a very exhaustive one. If the surplus I refer to were available perhaps the Government would have to give a little more and deeper consideration to the matter before they would commit themselves definitely to the statement that the conclusion was a correct one.

I just want briefly to deal with some points raised, both by Deputy Davin and the Minister. I think it will be admitted that I made a fairly intelligent anticipation of what the Minister's attitude in regard to the Report of the Commission would be. There was a general feeling that the Government was not prepared at present to act upon the recommendations. I think that that decision is very regrettable. I have no means of working out in any detail exactly what the cost of putting those recommendations into effect would be, but I assume that the lines of canal to be acquired would cost somewhere in the region of one million pounds. I assume that putting the canals into efficient and effective repair would cost about half as much again. The charges on that would amount to about £75,000 per annum, plus whatever might be required, as the Minister pointed out, for the Waterways Board and the staff requirements, which means to say that something of the order of £100,000 per annum would cover the cost. Directly one mentions any figure of that order, one sees the spectral figure of the Minister for Finance looming up in the distance.

I think it would be good expenditure. If the State were to issue stock for that amount it would be a right good investment, not only directly but indirectly in cheapening the cost of transport and lowering the cost of living. I touched on these points before and I am not going through them in detail now. I think it would be good business for the State to carry out the recommendations of the Commission. What are those recommendations? As I understand them, the recommendations briefly amount to this, that the State should take over the waterways, holding them as the property of the nation for the use of anyone who wishes to use them in the way of conveyance companies, those conveyance companies being charged tolls which would be sufficient for maintenance. That is not nationalisation as nationalisation is ordinarily conceived. It is rather a question of public policy that the State should say that all the high-roads of the country, whether water or otherwise, should be owned by some public authority, and that people who desire to use them might be required to pay tolls. I think that recommendation is an admirable and a necessary one, and I believe it would prove very speedily that tolls so levied would be sufficient to carry the maintenance charges and also to redeem the initial capital outlay.

Now I come to the point in which Deputy Davin comes into conflict with me. I agree that it is an excellent recommendation, and I believe that ultimately that will have to be done. Now we are met by the statement from the Government that owing to the circumstances of the time, financial chiefly, partly administrative, the recommendation which they admit now to be a good one, cannot be put into effect, or at least it will not be put into effect. I ask what alternative is there? Are we to continue as we are now? If I understand Deputy Davin's criticism to-day it is that he will press for the entire 100 per cent, and if he cannot that he will accept nothing short of it. I feel that that is an admirable attitude, but I do not think it is an attitude that should be adopted to-day, because in the meantime these canals are being robbed of their effectiveness to the community by one supreme factor, and that is, that they are being controlled by railways.

They are owned by railways and they are not being developed by railways. The railway companies are actually not even keeping their statutory obligations in regard to the canals. What I meant in the alternative that I originally suggested, and I adhere to it in its full meaning, was that this is a question of public policy, that no two naturally opposed systems of transport should be permitted by the State to fall under one single control. Therefore, if the Government are not in a position to step in themselves and control the waterways and canals, I think that there ought to be some assurance given that facilities would be given to any persons who would be content— and I do not know that any such persons would ever dream of undertaking so hazardous a proposal unless assurances were to be given in advance—to run the canals, as the canals should be run, in competition with railways and not be controlled by railways, so that there is no competition whatever.

The only alternative to a State system is a competitive system. I am not going to say now which is the best system. What I do say is that only one monopoly should be allowed and that is the monopoly of the State. There is at the present moment practically a monopoly in respect of transport. I feel that my motion has achieved the purpose I originally intended. It was not put down merely for challenging a division, but rather to elicit from the Minister a definite statement of policy in regard to a public Report. Having achieved that purpose I leave my motion where it is. I do urge respectfully, that when a Commission has been appointed, and made a Report, that it should be the bounden duty of the Government, at the earliest possible moment, to make a statement of its own initiative to the Dáil as to what it intends to do in regard to the Report, so that the persons who made it might have the satisfaction, at least, of an answer from the persons to whom they communicated their decision. Hitherto that answer has not been available. It is now available and therefore my motion has achieved its purpose. I think it very regrettable that the Government will not put these recom mendations into effect. Its difficulties, I think, are difficulties which should have been surmounted and not be met by the admission that nothing can be done. That being the position, however, I do urge that the Government may consider laying it down as a question of public policy that two separate and naturally opposed systems of transport will not be suffered to fall under one single control, in order that one of them might be stultified and rendered useless for the sole and single advantage of the other.

Motion put.
The Dáil divided:—Tá, 17; Níl, 37.

Tá.

  • Seán Buitléir.
  • John Conlan.
  • Séamus Eabhróid.
  • David Hall.
  • Tomás Mac Eoin.
  • Risteárd Mac Fheorais.
  • Pádraig Mac Fhlannchadha.
  • Tomás de Nógla.
  • Aodh O Cúlacháin.
  • Seán O Laidhin.
  • Domhnall O Muirgheasa.
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (An Clár).
  • John J. Cole.
  • Darrell Figgis.
  • Séamus Mac Cosgair.
  • Risteárd Mac Liam.
  • Liam O Daimhín.

Níl.

  • Earnán Altún.
  • Pádraig F. Baxter.
  • Earnán de Blaghd.
  • Máighréad Ní Choileáin, Bean Uí Dhrisceóil.
  • Patrick J. Egan.
  • Henry J. Finlay.
  • John Hennigan.
  • Tomás Mac Artúir.
  • Pádraig Mac Fadáin.
  • Pádraig Mac Giollagáin.
  • Seán Mac Giolla 'n Ríogh.
  • Eoin Mac Néill.
  • Liam Mac Sioghaird.
  • Liam Mag Aonghusa.
  • Seosamh Mag Craith.
  • Peadar O hAodha.
  • Críostóir O Broin.
  • Seán O Bruadair.
  • Próinsias O Cathail.
  • Eoghan O Dochartaigh.
  • Peadar S. O Dubhghaill.
  • Eamon S. O Dúgáin. Aindriú O Láimhín.
  • Séamus O Leadáin.
  • Fionán O Loingsigh.
  • Séamus O Murchadha.
  • Seán M. O Súilleabháin.
  • Seán Príomhdhail.
  • Connor Hogan.
  • Patrick McKenna.
  • Mícheál O hIfearnáin.
  • Domhnall O Mocháin.
  • Seán P. Mac Giobúin.
  • John T. Nolan.
  • Martin M. Nally.
  • James Sproule Myles.
  • Pádraic O Máille.
Motion declared lost.
Barr
Roinn