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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 8 May 1930

Vol. 34 No. 13

In Committee on Finance. - Vote 32—Gárda Síochána.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £1,024,005 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1931, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí an Gárda Síochána (Uimh. 7 de 1925).

That a sum not exceeding £1,024,005 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1931, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Gárda Síochána (No. 7 of 1925).

This Estimate shows an increase of £44,697 upon that for the previous year. This increase is mainly attributable to increases in sub-heads A and B and to a decrease in the estimated amount of the Appropriations-in-Aid of the Vote. The increase in sub-head A is due to two causes, one of which is the automatic increments in the scale of pay, and these increments are increments which we must expect to go on from year to year, because the Guards, starting as young men at a minimum salary, have not yet, in the majority of instances, reached the maximum pay of their rank. The second cause of this increase was the fact that provision has to be made this year for fifty-three weeks' pay for sergeants and Guards serving outside Dublin because, as Deputies are aware, certain years have fifty-three Saturdays. This year is one of such years, and in consequence the present Estimate shows a week's more money for salaries and allowances than last year or than next year will show.

Increments on the existing scale involve an increase approximately of £25,000 and the extra week's pay which will fall due involves an extra charge of about £22,000. On the other hand, a substantial saving will be effected owing to the fact that a number of vacancies have arisen, owing to retirements and dismissals, and have not been filled. During 1929 recruiting was suspended and the strength has now fallen, through normal wastage, to approximately 7,000 men of all ranks. That is the strength for which provision is made in the Estimate, and the reduction of £9,825 is being taken on the assumption that not all of those vacancies will be filled during the coming year.

Sub-head B shows an increase of £11,747, which is mainly due to the increased number of men who will be entitled to rent allowance during the coming year. The remaining sub-heads show little variation and such variations as there are, are mainly a decrease on the figures of last year. The sum of £500 in sub-head P is a grant towards expenses of a scheme which has been approved for developing the use of the Irish language in the Guards. This involves the transfer of numbers of men from time to time to Gaeltacht stations where facilities are available for speaking Irish. It also involves provision for linguaphone outfits for all stations. It is estimated that the cost of gramophone and linguaphone records will be £2,500. It has been decided to make a grant in aid of £500. The remainder of the cost, that is approximately £2,000, will be borne by members of the force themselves. Deputies opposite will, I am sure, easily recognise that if the Guards have a linguaphone and Irish records their ears will be accustomed to Irish sounds and they will make a certain amount of progress so that when they are moved to stations in the Gaeltacht, as it is hoped they all in rotation will be they will have a fair knowledge of Irish on which to build. That is much better than sending them to stations in the Gaeltacht without having any previous knowledge of spoken Irish.

The estimated amount to be received as appropriation-in-aid shows a decrease of £4,933. That is due to the fact that the police rate for the coming year will be threepence in the pound as against fourpence for the past year. This reduction involves a loss to the sub-head of £6,500. A reduction of the police rate is provided for in the Police Forces Amalgamation Act, 1925. The rate stood originally at eightpence and it is being reduced by one penny each year so that it will finally disappear in three years' time. None of the other sub-heads, I think, calls for any special remarks, but during the past few months twenty-four Gárda stations have been closed permanently and nine have been closed temporarily pending the provision of suitable barrack accommodation. Those nine stations are stations which must as a permanent measure be kept open. The Board of Works has not found it possible to keep the supply of barrack accommodation up to the actual necessary requirements of the Gárda and, in consequence, since those nine barracks were unsanitary and a danger to the health of the men stationed there, it was found necessary to close them. New barracks will, however, be erected in course of time in their place and will be opened. So far as the twenty-four Gárda stations which have been permanently closed are concerned, I want to say that it is the belief of the authorities in charge of the Guards that these stations can be closed and at the same time that the policing of the country can be satisfactorily carried out. I have received complaints from practically every district in which a barrack has been closed and I have received many deputations and many representations from persons living in the neighbourhood of almost all these barracks requesting that they should be kept open and stating their views, as residents in the locality, that they did not think that they could receive from the law the protection which they, as citizens of the Saorstát, are entitled to receive if these respective stations were closed.

I fully recognise that it is the duty of the Government, indeed it is the main and primary duty of this, as of every other, Government, to afford full protection in person and property to citizens of the State and also to see that the law in this country is effectively and properly administered. While we believe that that can be done, in spite of the fact that these stations have been closed, if we find that our calculations are wrong and that there is an outbreak of crime, whether petty or serious crime, in the neighbourhood of any of these closed stations and that they cannot be effectively policed from other stations we will re-open any such stations in districts where we find that that condition of affairs exists. I say that because, as I have already remarked to the House, very strong representations have been made to me from almost all quarters and a very real disquiet seems to exist in the various neighbourhoods. I am anxious to dispel such feeling of disquietude.

I move:—

"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration."

I think that everybody who is concerned with or interested in, the burden of taxation imposed on this country will regard this Estimate as very disappointing. When last year's Estimate was being considered it was suggested from this side of the House that, if the Minister was really anxious to try and reduce the burden which this Estimate imposes, he would have set up a committee of inquiry to inquire into the various duties of the Guards and to see what reductions could be made. It was represented to the Minister at the time that the force was redundant and that there was a large number of stations that could be closed down. So far as I can recollect the Minister at the time more or less put on one side, or at any rate was not disposed to give that matter the consideration that one would give it who was interested in bringing the police forces down to a normal strength—a strength that was necessary for the country and not a strength that we say is entirely out of proportion to what the people can afford to pay.

The Minister at that time stated that he proposed to stop recruiting and as a result of that we had hoped that there would be a substantial reduction in the Estimate this year. Looking at the Estimate, we find that for this part of the country about £2,000,000 has to be provided to maintain a police force. It is not all embodied in this Estimate but it comes from sources that are provided by the taxpayers. It does not matter therefore under what head the various amounts are provided. The people of this country have been continually complaining that it has been over-policed. The Minister is living up to the reputation which the country has had for being over-policed and the economies which he indicated last year have not borne much fruit. We have a net increase this year of £44,000 on last year's Estimate. It is true that salaries, wages and increments account for about £30,000 and allowances £11,707. Of course if the Minister was genuinely anxious or made a real effort to bring down the cost of the Guards to reasonable proportions, to proportions which would not impose the crushing burden of taxation on the people that it is now proposed to inflict on them, he would have effected economies in various ways, by having more retirements from the Guards and by setting up a committee to inquire into the ways and means by which they could recommend to him certain lines of reduction and economy.

The Minister more or less made the case this evening that though they had closed down 24 stations it was a step in the dark. Now we have had a report from the Gárda authorities that they could be quite safely closed down. If the Minister went to the trouble of having this matter more carefully and fully gone into, he would not be confined to 24 barracks; he would be able to close many more. We would like to know what is the policy of the Minister for the coming year, whether he proposes to have any investigation carried out or to take any further steps to ascertain how many more stations can be closed. If economies along that line were effected, it is not only possible but probable that the Estimate we are asked to vote to-night would be very much smaller than it is. The increments in wages and salaries and the increased allowances are no justification for the Minister coming along here this year with an increased estimate. If the Minister had endeavoured to effect economies in the force he would have been in a position to bring it down to a much lower figure than it was last year.

I cannot understand the Minister's attitude with regard to discontinuing recruiting. The Minister is satisfied apparently that there are too many Guards. He was satisfied as to that last year because, if he were not satisfied of that, he would have filled any positions that became vacant through retirements, dismissals or otherwise. If the Minister is satisfied of that fact and satisfied that he is not going to recruit in future, that he is not going to fill the positions which have been vacated by retirements or dismissals, then the Minister is satisfied that there are too many Guards. The Minister shakes his head. What does it mean? If there are not too many Guards why does not the Minister fill the positions which became vacant during the year? The Minister does not fill them of course because he is satisfied that there is no necessity to fill them. The only explanation that one can supply as to the Minister's attitude is that he does not want to deprive those men of positions. The Minister has a method of dealing with positions which are redundant and for which no necessity exists. Does he think that no employment can be provided for men who retire from the Civic Guards? Does he think that there is no employment in the country? Is he convinced, as a result of the economic policy pursued in this country, that that is so, or is he convinced that men who have served in the Guards will be so useless when they leave the force that they can get no employment? There must be one or other of those explanations for the Minister's attitude.

It is not much consolation to the taxpayer who knows, as the Minister and the Government know, that he has too many Guards, that he could do with less and that at the same time he takes no steps to reduce the force, except to see that when there are dismissals and retirements the positions so vacated are not filled. There is one item in the Estimate for which the Minister has not given any explanation. That is the allowance for casual expenses for those engaged on detective duty. This year the item is £6,242; last year it was £4,000. One would expect some explanation of that. What is the reason for it and what peculiar circumstances have arisen now to necessitate that expenditure? There is a further item for members employed on duty in plain clothes, which shows an increase of practically £1,000. That is an item on which I would like to get some explanation. Does the Minister propose to close down other stations? Can he give the House any indication of the number of those stations? Can he give the House the number of expected retirements or dismissals during the coming year? Supposing there are 500 retirements or dismissals during the coming year, is not the Minister satisfied that the force is of sufficient strength minus these 500 men? If the Minister is satisfied of that, why does he not take steps to relieve the people of portion of this burden which is inflicted on them?

Another matter is that you have ex-R.I.C. men in the force who at some future time will be drawing double pensions from the State. The Minister admitted that last year on this Estimate. That is a position that should not be permitted. If the Minister is desirous of effecting economy, he has a very ready and easy way of doing it. Being now convinced that he could have done last year with fewer Guards than he has, and that he could do with fewer for the coming year, is it not time that he should get some committee together to investigate the whole position with a view to being definitely advised as to what the strength should be and what alterations should be made in the force in order to effect some reasonable and proper economy?

Other matters that arise on this estimate have been discussed already. One of them was referred to by me when the Minister was being nominated a few weeks ago— that is, the attitude of the Department where complaints have been made as to the action of certain Guards in various parts of the country. I do not want the Minister to misconstrue our attitude in any way when we bring before the House flagrant and glaring cases by saying that we are trying to attack the Guards as a body. In the opinion of decent and high-minded persons, cases of blackguardism have undoubtedly occurred, and certain acts have been committed by the Guards, and the Minister has continually put himself in the position of accepting the word of the Guards absolutely and disregarding evidence given or affidavits produced by respectable members of the community. We have even had cases where public bodies have sent resolutions to the Minister asking for a public inquiry, which he has declined to give.

That would come more properly on the Vote for the Office of the Minister.

I suppose it would. I want to know from the Minister what is the position with regard to those Guards who have been decreed? Who is going to pay the decrees given for illegal acts committed by them in the City of Dublin and elsewhere? Is the Minister going to ask the taxpayers to pay for what he himself, through his Guards, has been responsible for when they committed illegalities with the encouragement of the Minister, because every time any question with regard to them has been raised here the Minister has repeatedly and deliberately, parrot-like, stood up to defend them without any proper investigation. He just accepted their word; of course, I suppose, in the name of law and order. But it is a rather peculiar interpretation of law and order to encourage members of the force to commit illegalities. The House would like to get an indication as to who is going to provide the money to pay for these illegalities.

I move that the Estimate be referred back, because economies can be effected which the Minister, if he would take the trouble, could very easily have effected by having this matter of police work investigated and a report submitted to him. I think the people, seeing the number of Guards in the country and the very small amount of duty they have to perform in many country districts, in any case, must regard the number of Guards as absolutely redundant and unnecessary.

Criticism of this Estimate divides itself into two parts; criticism of the general policy of the Department and criticism of what might be called matters of detail. In the second matter, the attitude of the Fianna Fáil Party might be considered to be analogous to those industries which are trying to achieve rationalisation. We want to see the forces of law and order rationalised. In fact, by playing upon the word, it covers both my points. From the point of view of general policy, the policy of the Cumann na nGaedheal administration seems to be to regard the Gárda as the lynch-pin of their Party. So long as the Guards can be got to think that they would be in a position of insecurity under a change of administration, apparently the Government are satisfied. But, if a change of opinion came amongst the Guards, if those amongst them who are earnest and conscientious, could consider themselves as safe in their position, then their minds would be free from the necessity of considering political issues and the Cumann na nGaedheal administration would consider their own position very dangerous; what they regard as their instrument would be lost to them. It would be of enormous value to the country if we could get the Cumann na nGaedheal administration to give up that idea entirely. I know it would require a tremendous effort on their part to do it but it would be greatly in the interests of the country. It would be very fair to the Civic Guards; it would put them in quite a different position.

One has evidence of that attitude of mind in the speech made by the Minister for Finance on the 6th April in Monaghan. In that speech he referred to the Fianna Fáil Party and said that "if the Fianna Fáil Party were in power for a month army officers would be discharged and zealous and conscientious Civic Guards would be dismissed." That is an indication of the attitude of mind of the Cumann na nGaedheal administration towards the Civic Guards. They want to frighten the people into a sense of insecurity if there was a change of administration, and at the same time they want to frighten the Guards into feeling that as the Fianna Fáil Party gains power in the country so every man's hand will be against the Guards. That position is about as unhealthy a one as you could create in any country.

At the present time the people feel very little else except the emptiness of their pockets, and they are not prepared to regard the expenditure at present upon the Guards as the sole source of their security, because in their present economic condition they are indifferent as to what persons like the Minister for Finance has to say about Fianna Fáil and the Guards. And that attitude of mind is particularly dangerous because it gives evilly-minded persons in the State encouragement; it makes them think that possibly if there were a change of administration, they might get an opportunity of creating anarchy where the party coming into power was supposed to be in sympathy with anarchy. It is thoroughly inconsistent with other statements made by members of the Ministry, because in a more recent speech the Minister for Finance claims and boasts that he and his Government have brought the country back to peace and to normal conditions. If he makes that boast he should live up to it. He should take up the attitude that would be taken up in any normal country, where a change of Government becomes a normal part of the life of the people. Everybody realises that a change of Government is fairly imminent. This is the oldest Government in Europe and taking this country as a normal country a change of Government would become obvious.

I should like to hear the Deputy upon the Estimate.

I do not think it is a proper or right thing for the Ministry to be using this force for political purposes, and inspiring members of this force with political prejudice against the largest political party in the State. As indicating the attitude of the people generally and their assertion of commonsense it is worth our while to look at the results of certain actions that were taken against certain detective guards in the city of Dublin. I shall take four cases which occurred and the results of which were published in the Press.

There was a case of Donal O'Donoghue who took proceedings against Detective Officer Rogers for having been arrested, searched, detained and assaulted. He got damages from a judge and jury amounting to £50. In the course of that case certain things were stated to which I would like to draw the Minister's attention. It appears that Superintendent Ennis remarked afterwards to Mr. O'Donoghue that he did not know he was in prison. It, also, came out in the evidence that Detective Officer Rogers had not told the station sergeant what was the charge, and, further, in cross-examination, he refused the name of the person who gave him information against O'Donoghue. The other detective officer, who was with Rogers at the time, was not proceeded against, and he was not called as a witness. I would like to know from the Minister what disciplinary action he took in this particular case. Obviously when a judge and jury bring in a verdict like that, the officers have exceeded their powers, they have been excessive in their zeal, and some disciplinary action should be taken.

After all, no matter how heinous the crime is, no matter how necessary it is to detect that crime, at the same time, the procedure must not be of such a kind as to become a danger to ordinary citizens in the community. If an ambulance has to go out in an urgent case of accident, no matter how urgent that case is, the driver of the ambulance is not allowed to run over people and to maim them or to kill them. He has to take ordinary precautions which will protect society and the individual. So, too, there must be some limit, some control of those forces which are there to carry out certain onerous duties that are difficult to carry out. The counsel defending the detective in this case tried to press home the point that Mr. O'Donoghue and others were members of the I.R.A., but the jury and the judge paid secondary consideration to those matters. Their common sense asserted itself against a sort of feeling of panic and over-zeal, apparently, that was existing, and generally they reflected public opinion in the matter that the force had gone too far.

[An Ceann Comhairle resumed the Chair.]

I think O'Donoghue was arrested six times. The other persons who took actions were John Sugrue, who was awarded damages amounting to £40; Charles O'Neill, who was awarded damages amounting to £80; and Patrick McKee, who got damages amounting to £75. One of these men was asked if he recognised the court, and he said he recognised the court to the extent of its being a necessary operation in the country, but that he was a Republican and had strong Republican views. He recognised the court very much in the spirit laid down in that famous letter—he did not say this, but it occurred to me on reading his evidence—of Cardinal Mercier when the Germans were in occupation of Belgium when he told the people that they should recognise the courts for necessary purposes; and that appeared to be the attitude taken up by this man.

Although that was the attitude, the jury seemed to take a thoroughly sane view of his evidence and they did not allow themselves in any way to be influenced by the political opinions of that particular individual. Really the Minister should thank God for the Sinn Féiners because if they did recognise the court in cases where they do not recognise the court they could take action after action. Thousands of actions could be taken against his Department and awards given upon exactly the same lines as these have been given. In fact, if they were to adopt that policy and to have recourse to the Courts on the principles I mentioned they could do very much more effective work in bringing the Department of the Guards as administered by the Minister for Justice very much more quickly to a sense, shall we say, of normality. It is very little use for us getting up in the House and repeating time after time the delinquencies of the Minister as represented by the actions of his Guards because it simply means the same thing is repeated time after time. We are as much interested in the Guards as the Minister is. The Minister laughs but I can assure him that we speak with sincerity. We regard it as absolutely necessary to have certain forces of law and order in this country but we also think that force should, as well as politically also economically, be rationalised. It would be impossible to make suggestions how it should be done from the Opposition benches because we have not got the material before us. Anyone who had any experience on the Courts of Justice Committee would realise that the amount of statistics and details required to make any changes in the organisation is such that it would be impossible for us to suggest how the Guards should be reduced or how their work should be changed. One would require to have the programme of the day's work of the typical Guard or the week's work or the month's work and the various work done by the superintendents and other officers.

Unless some such inquiry were made it would be impossible to make any suggestion, but I think if an inquiry is entered into it should include some scheme whereby these men can be carried over into some industry or occupation suitable to their training. Even the Guards' barracks mentioned by the Minister as having been closed down, I suppose, like the empty unions, will be allowed to go to wreck and ruin. Surely the Minister should exercise his ingenuity, get in touch with the Minister for Industry and Commerce and see that these empty Guards' barracks be turned to some useful local purpose. While the Minister will not recognise the necessity of using rationalisation in the case of the organisation of the Guards his Ministry are all in favour of rationalising the industries outside this country which are affecting industries such as the milling industry in this country. Now, I think that the Government which thinks upon the lines of rationalisation at least in an acquiescent way in one case should be prepared to adopt the same attitude in the other case.

In the debate last year it was suggested that on account of the increased facilities of transport, telephones, and so on, that one could dispense with a certain number of the police force. One cannot dogmatise on that. The Minister offered an answer, and I am sure in some places that answer would hold good, but in a great many places more reliance could be put on methods of transport to bring officers around, and in that way actually reduce the cost. But at the same time, while doing so upon sane lines, it should not justify such an expenditure as occurs under sub-head D, where, in the Public Accounts Committee, it was mentioned that 126 officers were responsible for the spending of £18,000 per annum on locomotion expenses. The mileage rate is 6d. If you calculate that out you will find that it will constitute a single journey of about thirty times around the world, or it would allow for each of these 126 officers to go on a journey about as far as Persia. I would like to know from the Minister if he has a close check upon the duties carried out on those journeys, and whether he will give the House some idea of why it is that that particular item should be so high and why superintendents should have to travel so much.

Thirteen thousand pounds is spent annually upon cycling allowances at the rate of £2 10s. per head. I would like to know from the Minister whether all the bicycles now being purchased for the Guards are of Irish make. There are excellent Irish bicycles, quite up to anything that can be imported. I mentioned this matter and drew the Minister's attention to it before, and I would like to get an answer from him in reference to it.

Deputy Ruttledge pointed out the increase under sub-head B in reference to the detective forces. The total increase is something over £3,000. On sub-head H there is an increase from £1,000 to £1,300. The significance, although it is a small increase, is that it is also an increase in the transport of the detective branch outside the Dublin metropolitan area. I do not know why all this increase should have taken place in the Department. I do not know whether it is the result of the recent sudden menace of a change of Government or not that we saw Ministers and others with an enormous number of Civic Guards surrounding them. Perhaps some of us have too strong a sense of humour and not a sufficient sense of the possibilities of the situation, but really the increase in the number of guards for these people seems to be altogether out of proportion to the results; certainly we do not grudge them all the protection they can get.

I may tell the Deputy that the Guards do not guard Ministers.

The detective officers who protect the Ministers do not belong to the Guards?

No detective officers protect the Ministers. The Ministers are protected by the military.

Who are the people?

I thought all the detective forces were amalgamated.

Members of the National Army are not detectives and detectives are not members of the National Army. I hope that is clear.

Or detectives are not soldiers.

I hope my words will bear fruit all the same and create a little more common sense.

I am afraid they cannot on this Vote.

I would like to see the Minister co-operating with the Fianna Fáil Party in trying to create greater respect for the law in this country, because really we are anxious that the law should be reverenced. At a meeting recently I made remarks something on these lines. I pointed out that we wanted to see a police force in Ireland which would be looked up to as the upholders of the law made by the people and reverenced by the people, an absolutely impartial force. After the meeting was over a man came up to me who had suffered very severely at the hands of these forces, within quite recent years, too, a man who had been severely beaten and tortured not so long ago. I said to him: "What do you think of what I said?" He is a friend of mine. He said he agreed thoroughly with everything I said. I mention that here because it shows that the men of right spirit, no matter how strong their views are as Republicans, want to see this country with a high respect for the laws of the country, and it is not merely platform talk when we say these things on public platforms. It really represents the views of the men who have been most devoted to the Irish Republic and have suffered most for it. There were a few details also mentioned in the Public Accounts Committee which I would like to ask questions about. There was the case of two R.I.C. men. One of them at any rate was an accountant clerk and so he was receiving his pension and his salary at the same time.

Which report of the Public Accounts Committee?

The last one issued.

What year did that deal with?

That would be 1928-29.

This is 1930-31.

The particular report which was published last year.

There are two points—first that it is the practice, though not always followed, that there should be a discussion on the report of the Public Accounts Committee; and secondly, that the report of the Public Accounts Committee is always published too late to be relevant to the Estimates under discussion. For both these reasons the Deputy is not in order.

I was not going to comment on the matter. I was asking whether that person was continued in the position, whether any arrangement had been arrived at?

I should like to raise a point of order. Are we to understand that any reference to the Committee of Public Accounts and their work in connection with the Civic Guard Departments would be out of order in this discussion?

The report of the Public Accounts Committee is generally discussed as a separate thing in itself rather than discussed on the Estimates. That has always been the practice, and the reports of the Public Accounts Committee which have been published and could be quoted from would not be relevant to anything that has happened since April, 1929, and would therefore, for that reason, not be relevant.

One of the items in this Estimate is an estimate for the transport of officers, and I submit that it would be in order to refer to the investigations which this Committee made with regard to the cost of transport of officers, for example. It ought to be in order, I submit, for a Deputy, while discussing this question, to refer to the recommendations or discussions of the Committee of Public Accounts on that matter.

It might possibly be, but the general question of using the Public Accounts Committee report on the Estimates is one that has to be dealt with rather carefully. While certain things might be relevant, as Deputy Little just pointed out, when referring to a continuing problem, still the general idea of using the Public Accounts Committee is not particularly desirable.

That also raises a question which I think ought to be taken into consideration. If members are expected to criticise these Estimates, in what other way can they get information as to the way in which the money is being spent? The only other source they have is the Appropriation Accounts, which are also out of date, because it can be argued that since they are two years' old they are not relevant to the Estimates under discussion. I think the Report of the Committee of Public Accounts is the only place where we can get information as to the details of the expenditure.

As to the scheme of expenditure rather than to particular incidents which may not be relevant at the moment.

At the moment.

The scheme of transport is in order. Deputy Little's point, I thought, concerned individuals.

Perhaps I did not make the matter clear. I had it in the back of my mind that I was not going to raise anything from the Public Accounts Committee which had ceased to have a bearing on the present administration. Another question arising out of that which I would like to ask the Minister is whether in the course of this year it has been possible to do anything in reference to tracing the superintendent who absconded with a sum of £199 and as to what powers he has for dealing with people outside Saorstát Eireann in tracing persons who get away with money like that.

There is one item in the Estimates under sub-head O—Food for Prisoners in the Bridewell—which I would like to refer to. I have always heard from those who have gone there, and some people are taken there very constantly, that there is no food, or very little food, to be had, and that it has to be supplied from outside. The Estimate would bear that out. The cost was £90 during the year 1929-30 and the Minister has made a saving on that this year. He has reduced it to £40 next year. God help the prisoners in the Bridewell. It is really scandalous. It is a place of detention, not a place of punishment, where persons are taken and detained and they should, at least, be given sufficient food to prevent their health being impaired. They should at least get enough normal food. I do not know—perhaps the Minister has made up his mind that everyone who goes into the Bridewell is guilty until he is released and on that account that it is going to be turned into a kind of starvation penitentiary. We have let down the Minister very lightly this year considering that there have been at least between thirty-five and forty cases mentioned in the House in which allegations were made against the Guards in different parts of the country. But we want the Minister to try to get back a little commonsense, to try to regard his forces as non-political forces, because it would be infinitely better for the state of the whole country if the Guards could be regarded as being absolutely neutral, and as persons who, like Cæsar's wife, were above suspicion.

Mr. Sheehy (West Cork):

I rise to support the Minister's motion. The Guards have now been in existence for over eight years and they have won for themselves the admiration, the respect, and the esteem of every class in the community. From one end of the Saorstát to the other the Guards are respected, and as an instance of that respect, at this moment if the Minister asked for 10,000 respectable young Irishmen to join the Guards he would have them in less than twenty-four hours. That is surely a token that as far as the general body of the people are concerned they are fully satisfied with the Guards. I was very pained by Deputy Little's opening remarks. He certainly slandered the Guards, slandered the Executive, and slandered my colleagues on this side of the House. We wanted no partisanship when we went into the elections. We fought them perfectly impartially. The Guards did their duty as a capable and conscientious body of men. I defy any member of this House to prove that the Guards lined up in the elections with any class——

The elections took place too long ago to be relevant to this Vote.

Mr. Sheehy

I am going back to the elections because the Guards, who are now in the scale, have been maligned by Deputy Little. They are a conscientious, solid body of men who are prepared to stand by their oaths, and who are standing by them, and many of the electors would not sleep easily in their beds if the Minister were to reduce the Guards further. When it was proposed to withdraw the Guards from Castletownshend, an important town in connection with the southern fisheries, there was a large memorial sent in, signed by every section of the community, asking that they should be allowed to remain. The Minister gave it his careful consideration, but as a result of the economy policy and the pressure of those heroes across the way he had to close twenty-four barracks against the wishes of the people, who would be perfectly satisfied to pay the money in order to preserve the good name and the morality of the country.

I would like to say a word on this matter, arising out of the speeches which were made by the mover and the seconder of the motion that the Estimate be referred back. I listened very carefully to them, because I was particularly anxious to hear the case that would be made for referring this Estimate back. Deputy Little made certain references to the sense of insecurity that exists among the Guards at the prospect of a change of Government, and to a certain extent I agree with him. To a certain extent I agree with him, too, that that feeling was —I will not go so far as to say is— fostered, certainly at the time of the 1927 election. I hope I am not going back too far, but I want to make this point, that undoubtedly that sense of insecurity at the prospect of a change was fostered. But I do feel —and I agree with Deputy Little entirely in this—that there should be no such sense of insecurity among the Guards, or among any other body of public servants, at the idea of a change of administration. That should be a normal condition of affairs, and no matter who our public servants are—civil servants, army or police—there should be no sense of insecurity among them as a body at the idea of a change in the administration, but they should regard it as their duty to serve faithfully and well any body of men who would be charged with the government of the country.

But if that sense of insecurity is there, I would ask Deputy Little and his colleagues what have they done and what are they doing to remove it? I honestly do not think that they are going the right way to remove it. I will not refer to the various things that have happened from time to time, but I did think, from a statement that I saw recently, that a step had been taken in the right direction when one of their leaders—I think it was Deputy Lemass but I am not quite sure— stated at a public meeting that there would be no question of dismissal or of interference with members of the Gárda Síochána if and when his Party came into power. I regarded that as a sensible statement. But I listened to Deputy Ruttledge to night and as far as I could gather—because I will not refer now to the things that Deputy Little went into, and that Deputy Ruttledge went into to some extent, which are more proper to the Vote for the Office of the Minister for Justice—Deputy Ruttledge's only case was that economies should be effected in this Vote, and the way in which these economies should be effected was by some means or other to get rid of redundant members of the Gárda Síochána That statement is not calculated to bring about the sense of security which Deputy Little and I would like to see among the Guards in face of a possible change in the administration.

Deputy Ruttledge made the case that in fact we are over policed, that there are too many Guards. But assuming for a moment that that is the case, he was not satisfied that that problem could not be dealt with merely by the stoppage of recruiting and the non-filling of vacancies when they occurred. He pointed out that there should be some way of getting rid of them. Even Deputy Little followed Deputy Ruttledge in that when he said that there ought to be some way of getting members of the Guards into industries. I submit that you will not create a sense of security in the Gárda Síochána by suggestions of that kind, because members of the Gárda Síochána will perhaps take it that if another Government came into power they would propose a drastic reduction, or a transference to some form of industry to which the Guards would not be particularly anxious to be transferred.

I make that criticism because I feel with Fianna Fáil Deputies that it is not good and not well for the country that there should be any idea amongst public servants that it would be necessary for them to do things in order to maintain one particular set of people in charge of the administration, and that it is, in fact, wrong that they should do such things. I am not satisfied that we could not get more service from the Gárda Síochána. I am not satisfied that we are over-policed, although I think in small rural areas four, or even three, members of the Gárda Síochána are scarcely necessary. However, that is a matter on which I would require much more evidence before I would be satisfied that we are over-policed. My approach to the matter would be rather that we should charge the police with other forms of duty. In some things at least there is too much temptation on the part of policemen—possibly because they may not have more important work to do—to pick up little trespass cases and cases dealing with lights on bicycles—not that it is not necessary to look after these matters, but law and order might be well maintained by efficient policemen who would very often look with a blind eye on some of the petty cases that are brought into the District Court regularly. That would be my approach to the matter.

I quite recognise that of late we have put on the Guards duties that the R.I.C. were never asked to do. There is the important work of the enforcement of school attendance and other duties in connection with statistics and questions of that kind. I believe that their services should be employed, and can be employed, in that direction, perhaps, even to a greater extent than is the case at present. I listened carefully to the debate, and I do not see that any case has been made to warrant referring back this Vote in the circumstances in which it was proposed, and I do not propose to vote for the motion.

I think the Opposition Party are to be complimented on the exceedingly mild character of the speeches that were made when compared with similar speeches on previous occasions. It is a good, healthy sign, and one which I feel sure will further increase the confidence which this country is enjoying. The Guards perform a service for which the people are quite satisfied to pay, and the Minister was quite correct when he stated that when a suggestion is made in a country district to close down a station there is always uneasiness and anxiety amongst the people there, and petitions are signed and deputations sent up requesting reconsideration of the matter. The Guards are a body of men who enjoy the full confidence of the vast majority of the people, and no case whatever has been made for referring this Vote back, and I feel sure it will be passed by a very large majority.

I am glad Deputy O'Connell raised the point he raised with regard to the attitude of Fianna Fáil towards the Garda Síochána in general and on the question of administration with regard to the Gárda, and particularly their numbers. I would like to back up what Deputy Little said with regard to our attitude towards law and order, so far as the Gárda Síochána is concerned. We would do anything we could, and we are prepared at all times to do whatever lies in our power, to secure proper and due respect for law and order. We have always stood for that. But what we have protested against, and what we will continue to protest against is the misuse of the police force for political purposes. I do not want to go into the past. I do not want to go into the question of excitements at election times, because perhaps things will happen then that even the Minister for Justice—and he can stand a good deal—might not be able to stand for. We realise fully that out of the origins of that force, considering its history, considering the time it was formed, and the state of mind of the people who formed it, as well as of those brought into it, there is bound to be a certain amount of political prejudice. We cannot get over the fact that a very great number of men concerned, as well as the Ministry that formed it, are bound to have strong prejudices against people who were, as strongly as they could be, against the formation of the Free State, as well as the formation of the Gárda Síochána at the time. That was our attitude. Some of us did our best to prevent the Free State coming into existence. We do not regret doing so, but we did not succeed; the Free State came into existence, and also the Gárda Síochána, but the prejudices that were there have not all evaporated— not by any means—and they have not evaporated on our side any more than on the other side. I like to be frank and candid in what I say, and I repeat that we are anxious for the growth of respect for law and order, and the institutions of law and order. We realise, as I heard Deputy Little say more than once, that if there was a free and independent Republic in this country we would have to have a police force, and we would have to encourage the people to respect that police force and to carry out the law. I do not want to go into the cases that Deputy Little referred to, but we know that there is not on the other side that mentality that would assist us to encourage people to have proper respect for law and order. We do not get that help, but we are certainly anxious to do what we can to promote respect for real law, and respect for a real Constitution that the people would accept. But leaving politics out of the question, I think we are over-policed. I am satisfied of that from my own observations and from my knowledge, such as it is, of other countries. I lived in other countries for fairly long periods. I lived in England for my sins at one time for a period of six months. I was sent there, and lived in a country village in which there was one policeman for a radius of 20 or 25 miles, and in the next village, about 20 miles away, there were two policemen.

I happened to come in contact with police in rural parts of England, because I, with a number of others, some of whom are not politically associated with me now, used to have to report to them. We got to know a good deal about their system there from discussions that we used to have with the heads of the county police. The rural areas in England in which I and others spent six months was not any more law-abiding than any typical rural area that one might take in Ireland. In any of the villages in these rural areas in England, except the one chosen to be the headquarters of the local sergeant, you have not more than one constable. In view of modern methods of transport and communication, we think that you could do very well with a similar number of police in rural areas in Ireland. In thickly-populated rural areas you might perhaps have a larger number of police, but to say that it is necessary to expend on police in this State almost two millions of money annually, almost one-tenth of the total taxation of the country, is preposterous.

We think that amount could be very considerably reduced with great advantage to the country as well as with advantage to the men themselves. It must have a bad effect on the morale of the men themselves when you see, as I have seen, in small villages in this country— sometimes in very tiny villages—a sergeant and four or five men with nothing to do, simply lolling about the roads and lying about the ditches half their time. I am sure those in authority over them try to find work for them to do, but the fact is that there is not enough work for these men. I am afraid that oftentimes they do not fill in their time with advantage to themselves. I know that a number of Deputies have stated that in a few cases where the Gárda Síochána barracks were closed recently appeals have been made to the Minister to re-open them. I think a similar situation used to arise in the times depicted in "The Eloquent Dempsey." The Gárdaí are in some cases—I do not want to say that this is typical of the Guards generally—very good customers of certain shops, say, provision shops. They certainly are good customers, and naturally the shopkeeper does not want to lose their custom.

I can assure the Deputy that any appeals that have reached me for the reopening of barracks have come from the farming community residing in the neighbourhood.

They must have daughters.

I can assure the Minister that in one case at least that I know of where an appeal was made for the reopening of a barracks the appeal was not inspired by the farmers. The reason given to me was that the person who inspired the appeal was a shopkeeper, and that the closing down of the barracks mcant a loss of £200 a year to him. We think that a number of these Gárda barracks could be closed down. So far as the Gárdaí themselves are concerned, we are not out to victimise individuals. Taking them as a whole, we have no fault to find with the ordinary uniformed Guard who does his duty as a Guard and carries out the law in a law-abiding way. Our grievances, and they have been frequently expressed here, have been against the ununiformed men, and even as far as these men are concerned, I think our grievance is more against the Minister and the Government than against individuals, although individuals have frequently broken the law, as the Minister knows by now as a result of certain cases that have occurred.

We think that there should be a reduction in the number of Guards. We thin that there is too much money spent on the police force. I would not like to pin myself to any figure. If I were to do that, I would have to go into statistics and, as Deputy Little said, go in a detailed way into the work done by the Guards generally throughout the country, but while not pinning myself to any figure I think that the sum of close on £2,000,000 which the Gárda Síochána is costing at present could be very considerably reduced with advantage to the country. While doing that we do not want to victimise anyone. We might be able to bring about a reduction in the manner Deputy O'Connell mentioned, by stopping recruiting and refusing to fill vacancies that normally arise. But even if we had the power to do that, it might still be necessary to be more radical and reduce the strength of the police force at a much more rapid rate than the carrying out of that suggestion would mean. I do not want to commit myself to that as I do not know the facts. We would like it to be understood that we stand for the ordinary work done by the Guards, so far as that work is done in strict accordance with law and order, and with impartiality as between every class of citizen without relation to or any cognisance of citizens' political opinions. We are not satisfied that in some respects certain elements of the Gárdaí have been doing that. We are convinced that a considerable reduction could be made, and should be made, in the cost of the Gárda Síochána.

I hope that the economies which the Minister indicated it was the intention of the Department to carry out in connection with the Gárda Síochána will not include a refusal to connect the various Gárda stations with the telephone system. This matter was discussed on the Estimate last year. It was then urged that there should be a further extension of the telephone to all Gárda stations on the main routes. Several main routes pass through my constituency. There is a tremendous amount of traffic on them and accidents are constantly taking place. I know a number of Gárda stations which are not connected by the telephone system and ought to be. Failure to connect them with that system would, I think, be a very bad kind of economy to practice. When accidents occur on these main routes they can be almost immediately attended to if the local Gárda station is connected up with the telephone system. In this connection I would like to mention the Gárda station at Kill, which is a couple of miles outside Naas. It is at the end of a long stretch of lonely road where very little help would be available if it was not for the station being there.

I do not think that anybody I have come across views with any degree of satisfaction the closing down of Gárda stations. I never heard anybody talking in enthusiastic terms of the good that is done by the closing down of stations. Generally it is the other way, that they do not like it being done. I think whatever economies are being practised, or whatever way the money is saved, the people would prefer that it should not be done in that way. Deputy O'Kelly compared the position in English villages with that in Irish villages. He said that he spent six months in England. For a great many years, perhaps for twenty years, I was in the habit of spending at least four months every year in the North of England, and I know that part very well. What Deputy O'Kelly said about stations being run in very quiet rural districts by one man is perfectly true, and in a great many places in the North of England it could be done quite easily. But to compare these kind of villages with Ireland is quite impossible. We have been through a revolution and civil war here, and the reflex of all that must remain for some time however matters quieten down. Then we have such things as the making of poteen, which does not occur in England, as far as I am aware.

Does it occur in Kildare?

Mr. Wolfe

It does not. We have not got sufficient cover for it. As I said, the countries are not comparable for we have had years of misrule in this country before our native Government took it over, and that is a matter that cannot be settled down in a day. We must proceed slowly and quietly to get the country into order, and when that happy day arrives then Deputy O'Kelly may be satisfied perhaps by a considerable reduction in the police forces, but until then I think very few people would view with anything but alarm any considerable reduction in the force. If a plebiscite were taken on this subject I have not the slightest doubt that there would be a large majority against any reduction whatever. From these remarks it may be taken that it is not my intention to support the amendment to refer this Estimate back. I propose to give my support to the Estimate and to the Minister, as I have always done and as I intend to do for the future.

I suppose Deputies on every side of the House regret that it has not been possible to bring in an estimate in which the figure would be much lower than £1,600,000. We know that the claim has often been made that there should be a reduction. If the sentiments expressed in the speech by Deputy O'Kelly on this matter were shared by every party and by the people in every corner of our land, that there should be respect of law and order, it would lead the way to the time when our police system here would correspond with that in England. Mention has been made to-night of fears in the minds of the Civic Guards in the event of a change of Government. I do not think these fears are deeply grounded. I am in rather a unique position, because members of parties of all shades of political thought talk to me now and again, and I know that everywhere young men want to join the Civic Guards. If there were any fears for the future, or of the Government in power or of any Government that might come into power, I do not think there could be the huge waiting list there is for the Civic Guards. There has been some talk about the Civic Guards not doing right. I have some experience of the Civic Guards and I think that in the main they have carried out, and are carrying out, their duties with credit. It is not their fault that their numbers are larger than we would like.

Deputy Wolfe referred to illicit distilling. There is not the amount of illicit distilling that there was some years ago. In that respect the Civic Guards have done good work, and also in regard to the licensing laws, and in other ways I think they are doing their duty very well. They have extra duties to perform in the Border counties. I agree with Deputy O'Connell that perhaps it is desirable other services should be provided for the Guards which they might find time to attend to, and economy could be effected in that way. In all bodies there is the human tendency to err, and I suppose we cannot look for perfection in the Civic Guards any more than elsewhere. But as I said, on the whole I think the Civic Guards are doing their duty very well. I was very glad to hear the sentiments expressed by Deputy O'Kelly. I think that speech gave a hopeful sign with regard to the possibility of a reduction of the strength of the police forces. If the people generally re-echoed these sentiments we could have a reduction in this Vote.

I do not agree with the statement that we have too many Civic Guards. I believe we have far too few in the City of Dublin for the purpose of controlling traffic. There are several important and congested street-crossings in the city of Dublin, and it is almost a scandal that at some of these there is not a policeman on point duty. I agree that in the rural districts the Civic Guards should get more work of a civil nature. I do not see why—I made this suggestion before to the Minister but he did not adopt it—the Civic Guards after six months training in the Depot should not undertake sanitary inspection. This is work for which we have no adequate staff in Ireland to do justice to and I know of no better man for this purpose than the Civic Guard for he is young, active and capable of penetrating the most inaccessible parts of the country.

Another way in which they might be employed would be to utilise them as rate-collectors. I think you could very well employ them as rate-collectors and thus save a good deal of trouble and a good deal of money. In that case the Gárda would be a man who would carry some authority with him. When he would call for the rates the defaulters would come to the conclusion that he meant business. There is another way in which the Gárda might be employed—that is, for postal deliveries in rural areas. I do not see why the Gárda would not deliver the post. If I were a revolutionary I would suggest it. If there is any sincerity in saying that the Gárda should be given more civil administration work then we cannot say that this is not the sort of work that should be given them. In that way there could be a good deal of economies effected.

What would you do with the existing postmen?

I want no postman dismissed. But according as new vacancies would arise the Gárda could be brought into the work. There are areas within 25 miles of Dublin and if you post a letter there at 3.30 on Saturday it would not reach Dublin until the Tuesday following. If the work were done by the Gárda there would be a better postal service got for the people by availing of motor bicycles, and so on. In my suggestions I am not disemploying anybody. I am merely recommending the putting of the Gárda at additional useful work that they could do better than anyone else. Another thing they might usefully do would be road inspection. Owing to the road mileage in the country and the limited number of county surveyors and their assistants one finds it quite a common thing to see a bridge broken down for a day or for a week without anybody reporting it. That should be work that the Gárda might do for the safety of the people. I did not expect that my remarks would cause so much mirth, and I quite fail to see why they are the occasion of so much amusement to some Deputies on the opposite benches.

They will cause no mirth to the Gárda.

When we say that the Gárda should be employed more than they are on civil administration we do not mean that as just a phrase that may sound well. I am giving the House instances of work at which the Gárda might be usefully employed and with advantage to the country. I think it was a mistake on the part of Deputy O'Kelly to say that the cost of the Gárda was nearly £2,000,000. On looking at the Estimates I see that the figure for the Gárda is put down at £1,604,005. I think that is the correct sum.

I listened with a great deal of interest to the mover and seconder of the motion to refer back for reconsideration this Vote for the Gárda Síochána. But neither the mover nor the seconder has satisfied me that there is any reason whatsoever for referring this Vote back. It has been suggested, for the purpose of economy, that a number of stations would be reduced and, incidentally, that the personnel of the Gárda should be reduced. If we are to have economies, these economies must be consistent with efficiency. When I say efficiency I do not refer to the sergeant-major type of efficiency, but I mean the efficiency that we expect to find in a good police force and peace officers. I want to submit to the House that for a young force the Gárda Síochána have undoubtedly created a very favourable impression all over the Saorstát, and not alone in the Saorstát, but they have received encomiums from many visitors to our shores.

I was rather surprised at Deputy Dr. Hennessy, who is usually very interesting and at times very amusing, when he set about getting further employment for the Gárda. In my view the Gárda have quite enough to do as peace officers without being turned into postmen, rate collectors, and perhaps the next thing we would find is that they would be asked to collect doctors' bills, which, I am sure, would be very satisfactory from Deputy Hennessy's point of view and those of his profession. At the moment at any rate I do not think that it would be good business on the part of this State to reduce the personnel of the Gárda in any way whatsoever. I deprecate also, and I am sure that every peaceably disposed citizen of this State must deprecate, the constant nibbling at the Gárda in recent years. The Gárda were deprived of a number of allowances. And it is an unstabilising thing to find from time to time, when this Vote comes up, that criticism is directed usually against their allowances, or that it is directed towards adding extra duties to their already quite sufficient duties.

In my view any reduction of the Gárda Siochána at the present moment would be almost criminal. A sense of security is felt in the country at present by virtue of the fact that we know that we have a good and efficient police force. In saying that I do not want to be taken as defending in any way the attitude or conduct of individual Gárda. We know that there are in every police force in the world black sheep and I am prepared to admit that in the past there have been, and possibly at present there are still, some back sheep in the Gárda. But that is no reason why we should condemn the whole body of the Gárda. There is another argument and that is, that we know that there are in this country as well as in other countries evilly-disposed persons. We also know that in this country there are numbers of people who are not prepared to help, but rather to hinder the administration of the law. We quite recently had a manifestation of that spirit.

Too many gestures have been made in this House to certain classes of the community who have been encouraged to break up public meetings called for specific constitutional purposes and in furtherance of the constitutional rights of the people. Attempts have been made to prevent these public meetings being held. In view of these facts it is not right nor is it a proper policy on the part of any person or Party to criticise, unduly the Gárda Síochána. Deputy T.J. O'Connell said that the Gárda were called upon to discharge duties that were not discharged by the police force that preceded them. This is so. I can bear tribute to the work done by the Gárda in the matter of policing the rivers of the country, preventing poaching and thereby largely adding to the wealth of this country. I know they have also quite recently undertaken duties as school attendance officers and things of that kind. They are performing these duties effectively. I should say that if it is found later on that circumstances may warrant its being found possible to reduce the personnel of the Gárda, other functions might be added to the work they discharge at present. I have in mind many things which they could be asked to do and usefully do in the country. The time will come when I will be able to indicate what these functions are, not the kind of duties which Deputy Hennessy proposed that the police should be asked to do.

Why not name them now?

I could for instance get back to certain proposals made for the agricultural development of this country. These proposals were supposed to spell greater expense but I could show the House how the Gárda could easily perform the duties which would be imposed upon them under a national scheme for increased acreage under wheat. In such a scheme the Gárda could act as surveyors and inspectors. I just mentioned that matter in answer to the interruption by Deputy Dr. Hennessy.

Deputy Anthony is improving my scheme.

It is the common experience in this country that in the Gárda Síochána we have a very excellent force. I would be very sorry to see this motion, proposing the reconsideration of the Vote, passed in this House. It would not tend towards stability. We can easily understand the psychology of a young policeman who enters the force with the very best intentions of adopting it as a career and ambitious enough to seek promotion. If we are to keep nibbling at this particular service it will have a very discouraging and disturbing effect on those young men. I do not care whether it is a Cumann na nGaedheal, a Fianna Fáil or a Labour Government is in power, I suggest with all due respect that it is not a right or proper thing, particularly at this juncture of our history, to do anything that would disturb the confidence of the members of the Gárda Síochána. They have very important duties to do and they are frequently brought into conflict with certain elements in the country. They have to carry out duties which to them are frequently distasteful. Nevertheless, the general experience is that they carry out those duties as well as they are carried out by police forces in other countries.

There is another point which should have some weight with all Parties in this House. I think there is common agreement amongst all sections of the community who have any regard for morality in this country—when I say morality I speak in general terms—that the Gárda have performed one very useful duty. We do know it was the common practice in this country for many years before the advent of the Gárda and before we got control of our own affairs to have what is known as personation at elections. I will pay this tribute to the Gárda, and I think every Party in the House should pay them this tribute, that, irrespective of Party, they sat or stood, as the case might be, in the various booths during two, three or four elections and recorded the names of voters as they passed into these booths. That was one of the greatest deterrents to one of the most immoral practices ever prevalent in this country—the foul, filthy practice of personation. The two big Parties have often charged one another with this practice of personation.

Not in this debate.

No, not in this debate, but I merely want to say——

Let us have no more references to personation.

There is common agreement between these Parties that the Gárda have very largely, if not altogether, stopped that practice.

Not altogether.

That is a tribute to the Gárda. Perhaps at some future date this might appeal to Deputies in a larger measure. It may be that at a later period the candidates for election will be saved a good deal of expense by the Gárda Síochána delivering the letters, papers, etc., composing political propaganda in the manner suggested by Deputy Hennessy. We know that the various parties send large bundles of these things out. Undoubtedly the Gárda have done very good work during these elections.

These Gárda have not done it. The salaries of the Gárda who did the work at the elections are not on the Vote. Let us forget about the elections; we will be destroyed if we go back to the elections.

I agree. I propose to vote against this motion. I would ask the mover and the seconder to withdraw, but I suppose that would be asking too much. I want to register my protest against this proposal.

Deputy Anthony said that no reason was given by the proposer of the motion in support of it. I wonder was Deputy Anthony here when the proposer was speaking. If not, I would ask him to refer to page 109 of the Estimates, where he will see that the total estimated cost of this service during the coming year will be £1,909,608. The main reason why the Dáil is asked to refer this Vote back for reconsideration is that the service is costing more than the country can afford to pay. As Deputy O'Kelly said, almost one-tenth of the total tax revenue of the State is being expended to maintain this single service. Deputy Anthony said that, in his opinion, there were not too many Guards, but he appears to be alone in that opinion. Deputy Hennessy, Deputy Haslett, and Deputies from various benches, expressed the opinion that there is an excessive number of Guards in relation to the work they are asked to do. There appears to be running through the minds of some Deputies the idea that under no circumstances must any Guard be given the impression that, regardless of what the financial and economic circumstances of the country may be, he is likely to be asked to leave the service. Deputy Hennessy is even prepared to recommend the disemployment of a number of rural postmen and rate collectors in order that the Guards may be provided with adequate work.

I must correct the Deputy. I distinctly said when a vacancy occurred.

The fact is that not merely have we got an expensive police force, but the cost of it is yearly growing. Deputies think there is an excessive number of Guards, but this year it is proposed to increase the number. The reason for that increase is very hard to discover. The usual attitude taken up here by members of the Government Party when we suggest that economies in the Guards are possible is that members of Fianna Fáil attack the Guards because they are animated by political bias. That is not the case at all. The number and cost of the Civic Guards could be reduced with, in my opinion, an increase in the efficiency of the force. Deputy Wolfe made a suggestion which I would like to support for several reasons; that is, that every Civic Guard station should be equipped with a telephone. It seems ridiculous that Civic Guard stations are not equipped with telephones because one of the quickest ways of getting information about a crime to the police is by means of the telephone. The telephone would also provide a rapid channel of communication between the local Guards and central police stations. By utilising the telephone, by substituting for isolated stations a system of motor patrols, and by the introduction of other methods of a similar nature, the cost of the Guards could be substantially reduced. Like other Deputies, I cannot give an estimate of what the minimum amount required to run an efficient police force would be. I remember, however, the late Michael Collins submitting an estimate to the First or Second Dáil, before the establishment of the Free State, in which he put the figure of half a million pounds as representing in his opinion the amount which would be required to pay for an adequate police force for the entire thirty-two counties.

I agree that may appear to be an under-estimate, but it does indicate that there was at one time a very different idea prevalent in the minds of members who now constitute the present Government as to what an efficient police force could be run for in this country. It may be argued that the strength of the Guards cannot be reduced because any suggestion that such would be our policy would create a sense of insecurity in the minds of the Guards. I was glad to hear Deputy O'Connell refer to the danger of having a sense of insecurity created in the minds of members of the Guards. However, it should be made clear, in the first place, that a member of the Guards is as liable to suffer during a period of severe economic depression as a person in any other employment. If economies have got to be practised everybody has got to share in them. On the other hand, if there is room for improvement, the Guards can hope to get their boot allowance or some other allowance restored to them if finances permit of it. The position is that any feeling of insecurity created in the minds of the Guards in reference to a possible change of Government has been deliberately fostered by responsible members of the present Ministry.

The Minister for Finance went to Monaghan within the past two months and made statements deliberately designed to create that sense of insecurity in the minds of the Guards and thus, of course, induce the relatives of the Guards throughout the country to vote for the candidates of his Party at a general election. He was deliberately jeopardising the efficiency of the service for political purposes. The only attempt made to repair any damage which the Minister for Finance might have caused came from the Fianna Fáil Party. It was never the policy of Fianna Fáil, and I do not think that it ever will be to victimise anybody because of his political opinions. Members of the Civic Guard under a Fianna Fáil Government will be enlisted, promoted, or removed because of the efficiency or inefficiency with which they perform their duties and for no other reason. Any member of the Guards who is conscientiously carrying out his work can feel as safe in office as any employee of any firm in the country who is doing the same thing. No sensible employer will dismiss a man who is doing his work properly unless the circumstances of his industry make a reduction of staff absolutely essential.

Deputy Corry would not agree with that.

Deputy Sheehy told us that there are the names of 10,000 people on the waiting list of the Civic Guard. That is true. It disproves the statement that the attitude of Fianna Fáil has created a feeling of insecurity in regard to the future of the force. There are 10,000 people waiting to get any soft job that is going. Under present circumstances, a position in the Civic Guard is a soft job. It is one of the best paid jobs in the country for the type of individual required. Any member of the Dáil who has had experience of travelling to any extent through the country has, I am sure, noticed the general air of inactivity that prevails around a police barrack which is disturbed only when the sergeant and one of his men play hand-ball against the gable end. In quite a number of cases the Guards themselves will tell you that they are killed with boredom because they have nothing to do.

I have quite a number of letters on my file from Guards who have complained that, because of some false charge of indiscipline brought against them—of course, the charge is always false—they were removed to what they term "bog stations," where there is nothing to do from one end of the day to the other except watch the grass grow. It is well known that, outside the cities and towns, the majority of the Guards have not got sufficient work to do. I am not altogether in favour of Deputy O'Connell's suggestion that we should make work for them. We have a very large amount of official interference with our ordinary lives and I would not like to see it increased unless it was necessary. Nor would I like to see the Guards used, as Deputy Dr. Hennessy suggested, to disemploy other people.

I did not suggest that.

If there was any new work which could be undertaken that would not disemploy other people but that might increase the duties of the Guards, it should be considered by the Minister. The position at the present time is that there are too many Guards and the method of organisation in the force is such as not to provide the greatest degree of efficiency. That is the main reason why we are asking that this Vote should be referred back.

There is another reason which concerns the Minister for Justice and the Minister for Justice only. I refer to the policy which he has put into operation and in pursuit of which he has been using the Guards and which has resulted as he knows, in several verdicts being given by juries against the Guards. In so far as that is the case, we can take it that public opinion is against that policy. Each of the Guards who was charged with assault in the Courts, defended himself on the plea that he was merely carrying out the orders he got. That was, as far as he was concerned, a perfectly legitimate defence. The person responsible for giving these orders, the person who should have known that they were illegal orders, was the Minister for Justice. We think that the Dáil, if it is half as anxious to preserve respect for the law and for the Guards, as it pretends, should indicate that fact by expressing disapproval of the Minister's policy by voting for the reference back of the Vote. The Minister has done more within the last twelve months to bring disrespect and discredit upon the machinery established by the State for the maintenance of law and order than any other individual in the country. If we got an assurance from him or from the Government that the policy which has been declared to be illegal by the Courts is not going to be followed in the future, then we could perhaps treat the situation as being less serious than it appears, but apparently the Minister, despite the fact that Judges and juries have repeatedly declared that policy to be illegal, is still enforcing it and compelling members of the Guards to carry it out.

I do not know what the ultimate aim of the Government may be in this matter, but it does seem that they are anxious to foment a sense of insecurity and disorder amongst the people, because they believe that only in such an atmosphere can they pose as the cast-iron strong men whom the country needs to save it from anarchy. That is the one card they can play at election time, and they can only play it, of course, if the necessary atmosphere exists. Because it does not exist of its own accord, they are trying to create it.

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate accordingly adjourned.

The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until Friday, 9th May, at 10.30 a.m.

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