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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 22 Feb 1934

Vol. 50 No. 13

Vote 69—Relief Schemes (resumed).

I had not intended to participate in the discussion on this Vote, but when I came into the Dáil yesterday evening I found Deputy McGilligan engaging in the usual pessimistic propaganda which characterises all speeches delivered by members of his Party. They can, of course, spread all their pessimism unchecked when speaking to members of their own organisations at meetings throughout the country but Deputy McGilligan ventured in here forgetting that every statement he made could be examined and rebutted. He delivered a speech which, no doubt, he now knows by heart because it must have been spoken quite frequently by him at all the meetings held by his Party and addressed by him during the past 12 months. He will not be able to deliver it any more. I am sorry that he is about to be put to the trouble of getting a new speech. No doubt, the facts contained in the new speech will be no more accurate than those contained in the old speech now delivered for the last time. Deputies opposite are pessimistic by nature. They always seem to consider it their duty not merely to show the worst side of things in relation to any national development but to pretend that things are much worse than, in fact, they are. That pessimism is, of course, the natural outcome of their Party history. I should like to impress upon those of them who are capable of receiving new ideas that pessimism of that kind, even though it may be in tune with the speeches delivered by their leader, is bad for the country. It is doing harm. There are still in this country a minority of people—a dwindling minority, I admit—who accept their ideas from members opposite and who believe that any facts stated by them are necessarily accurate. These people think that the pessimistic speeches which Deputies opposite deliver, on occasion, must have some background, that there must be in the situation some cause for pessimism which induces Deputies to make speeches of that nature. There is not. I know that it is not possible for any member of the Government or of the Government Party to set out to prove that the conditions here are not as Deputies opposite describe them without leaving himself open to the accusation of saying that things here are exactly as we should all like to see them. They are not. Conditions here are capable of improvement. Conditions in every country are capable of improvement but the fact I want to get Deputies opposite to grasp is that conditions here are improving and that every available index points to that fact.

I mentioned here yesterday that evidence made available in official publications and from other sources indicates a gradual and general improvement in conditions here. Not merely was there last year increased consumption of those commodities which are always examined by economists as giving an indication of economic movement—increased consumption of tea, of sugar and of wearing apparel of all kinds—but there was an increase in the volume of bank clearances and in the volume of money in circulation. Other developments of that kind support my contention that although things in this country are still capable of considerable improvement, they are, in fact, improving at the moment. I might add to the facts which I gave yesterday the fact that for the first time in a very long number of years railway receipts are increasing. Deputy McGilligan based his whole argument on certain figures, obviously misunderstood by him or, otherwise, misrepresented by him, relating to the work of the labour exchanges. I was not present for the whole of his speech but that part which I did hear made it quite clear that either he did not understand the statistics supplied to him or, understanding them, he was deliberately trying to make them prove contentions which they were incapable of supporting. I mentioned the fact that the sole reason why there has been a substantial increase in the number of people registering for employment at the labour exchanges as compared with the number for 1930 or 1931 was that there is now a much greater prospect of getting work through the exchanges than ever existed before, a fact which is substantiated by the figures published, which show that for seven years up to 1931 the number of vacancies filled through the exchanges was, on an average, about 17,500, which figure is to be compared with 75,000 vacancies filled through the exchanges in 1932 and 100,000 filled in 1933.

The Deputy appeared to be making some argument when I entered the Dáil, based upon the figures published by my Department concerning receipts into the Unemployment Insurance Fund for the sale of stamps and the expenditure from that fund in respect of benefit paid to work people. He argued that the increase in receipts indicated a net gain in employment, in consequence of industrial activity, of only 1,500, if I understood him rightly. The exact figures are: receipts from the sale of stamps for 1931, £744,000; for 1932, £767,000; for 1933, £784,500. These figures are adjusted proportionately as if the rates of contribution had not been reduced by the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1930. On the basis of wholetime employment, these figures indicate an increase of 8,000 for 1932 over the figure for 1931 and of 6,000 in 1933 over the figure for 1932. That is a net increase despite the efforts of Deputies opposite to induce farmers to dismiss their workers, despite the campaign they have been conducting——

Therefore, farmers' workers would be on the insurable list?

Some of them.

Let him go on.

Despite the other attempts they have made throughout the country to create as much economic damage as they possibly could for Party purposes, there has been that net gain in employment in insurable occupations and Deputies will remember that workers engaged upon relief schemes under the Land Commission and in the majority of relief schemes financed by the Board of Works are not insured. The benefit paid to work-people in 1933 was £633,000, representing a reduction of £24,000 upon expenditure in the previous year. The number of unemployment books exchanged and issued in Saorstát Eireann in the financial year 1932-33 was 359,500, representing an increase of 45,000 on the figure for the previous financial year. These figures are generally taken as an indication of the number of persons in insurable employment. I do not claim that that figure of 45,000 represents a similar number of people put into employment for 52 weeks in the year, but it does represent a substantial increase in employment in insurable occupations, a much more substantial increase than has been recorded in any previous year.

On the figures for 1930-31 as you gave them out here before?

There was an increase of 18,000 in the first year.

As you gave them out before?

The figure for 1930-31 was 295,000, and for 1931-32 was 314,000.

Would the Minister read out the figures for 1930?

I have not got them.

You had them before.

The fact is that if we adjust our figures, taking into account the fact that the contributions were reduced in 1931, we received in the year 1933 a larger revenue from the sale of stamps.

By how much? The Minister says that the figures are £744,000 for 1931, £767,000 for 1932 and £784,500 for 1933.

And the Minister says that the difference between 1931 and 1933 represents 14,000 people placed in employment—8,000 in the first year and 6,000 in the second?

The difference divided by four, as representing £4 per man, will give the number placed in employment?

The Deputy can make it out for himself.

The difference between £784,000 and £744,000 is only £40,000. If you divide that by four it represents only 10,000 instead of 14,000.

The Deputy can explain that later if he wishes.

It is only for the purposes of the debate that I wish to have the matter explained. I know I am not in order, but——

If the Minister gives way the Deputy may ask a question.

I am not going to give way. The price of a stamp is 1/1, and if the Deputy cannot work it out for himself, perhaps he will get some of his colleagues to do so.

£4 represents 50 weeks that a man is in employment?

Who gave you that figure?

You did. I shall quote you.

I do not remember it.

It is like many other things that the Minister has forgotten for the purpose of this debate.

The Deputy has admitted that the movement is upwards. Every single one of the figures proves the same thing. Every economic index proves that conditions are improving. We are not out of the wood yet. No other country is out of the wood. I gave Deputies some facts last night about the European situation that apparently they had not heard before.

They were horrible.

If we are to judge conditions existing here we ought not to judge them in relation to the conditions that existed in the period before——

——before sterling went off the gold standard and other changes which produced an entirely new set of circumstances in the world. Let us relate them to conditions in other countries. Denmark has been mentioned very often here as an example. I should like to see any Irish farmer who would willingly exchange his position in this country, no matter how bad it is, with any farmer in Denmark, no matter how good his position may be in relation to other farmers.

That was your own standard some years ago. You were always talking about Denmark.

The Deputy is engaging in his usual campaign of putting up bogeys created out of his own imagination for the pleasure of knocking them down. If he will try to be orderly for a little bit I shall endeavour to educate him. The products that farmers are mainly concerned with are cattle, sheep, pigs and butter, and tillage crops of various kinds—potatoes, wheat, oats and the like. The price of creamery butter in the Saorstát last week was 136/6 per cwt., which is to be compared with a price of 120/- in the same week of last year. The price of Danish butter recorded the week before last was the lowest since the year 1894, the lowest in 40 years. The price of bacon pigs last week in the Saorstát was 62/9 which is to be compared with the price of 46/6 in the same week of last year. The price of porkers was 59/3 dead weight as compared with 46/9 in the same week last year. The price of potatoes was 3/5 per cwt. as compared with a price of 2/8 in the same week of last year. The price of fat sheep in the past week was the same as the price in the same week of last year. Two commodities show a decrease in price—cattle and oats. I informed Deputies yesterday of some of the measures that had been adopted in other countries because of the catastrophic fall in the price of cattle. Deputies pretend from time to time that our difficulties in the British market arise entirely out of what they call the economic war. They do not read the speeches made by British Ministers. They, apparently, did not know of the very definite statement made by the British Minister for Agriculture, that the measures they have taken to restrict the imports of agricultural supplies from this country into Great Britain had nothing whatever to do with the financial dispute between the two countries but that they had been dictated, as he said, by stern economic necessity. They ignore the fact that in Denmark in the last year, in a vain attempt to maintain the price of cattle, the Government purchased and destroyed 200,000 head. They ignore the fact that the Dutch Government this year, in a similar attempt, is providing funds for the purchase and destruction of 200,000 cattle. They ignore the fact that no matter what our relations with Great Britain might have been, this problem of our huge cattle surplus will have to be faced. We have got to reduce that surplus.

I am going to tell the Deputy in a minute. There are various forms of agricultural production into which it would pay us to enter in a greater degree than at present, but it is sheer lunacy to be going out advising farmers to concentrate upon the production of certain products that other people cannot sell and that we, any more than they, cannot find a market for.

Such as wheat.

The Deputy, if he sits still, will be a little wiser in half an hour's time.

I do not think he will.

I shall do my best. The measures that will have to be adopted to deal with the cattle situation will be submitted to the House in due course by the Minister for Agriculture and, if they are going to be effective, they must reduce in some way the surplus, which must be disposed of in other countries where other Governments are endeavouring to increase home production to meet local requirements and are obviously going to succeed in doing so. The British Government has succeeded in its agricultural policy to a great degree. It will take them a long time to achieve the same results in relation to cattle which they have already achieved in relation to other agricultural products, but they are going to do it. Unless Deputies opposite think that they can persuade the British Government that their own internal policy is wrong, and can induce them, as the price of some political concession, to abandon that policy for the sake of the farmers of this country, then they are deliberately misleading the farmers here when they pretend to them that by some action on their part following a general election they will be able to restore the conditions that prevailed four or five years ago. Those conditions the Irish farmers will never see again.

I am afraid not.

I am afraid you are right.

Of course I am. Why do you not go and tell the farmers that?

Because we hope to destroy you people before we tell the farmers anything.

Some hope!

Of course, hope springs eternal in the human breast. I am glad that Deputy McGilligan has some hope. Listening to the speech we heard from him yesterday, I thought he had abandoned all hope. His statement was just like a dirge.

We have your plan here.

And the plan is working out.

We know that.

That is what is annoying the Deputies opposite. We did not say we were going to repair in one or two years all the damage done by our predecessors over a period of ten years. We never made such a claim, but the progress we are making is satisfying us and satisfying the people. We tested them out on that at a time when Deputies opposite did not want a test.

And you tested it recently in the case of the National Loan. You got your answer there.

Apparently, you are proud of that.

The Minister must be allowed to proceed without interruption.

We could get all the money we wanted if we were prepared to pay for it the price our predecessors paid for it.

The market price.

We could get a loan for any amount if we were prepared to adopt the same tactics as our predecessors adopted.

The Minister has been repeatedly interrupted and the Chair is not going to warn Deputies again. The Minister must be allowed to proceed without further interruption.

Hear, hear! It is about time.

Deputy McGilligan committed himself here yesterday to the very foolish statement that if we had to reduce our production of live stock the area under tillage would fall by 1,000,000 acres. The total area under tillage in 1931 was 1,400,000 acres. That was the area in the last year in which the Cumann na nGaedheal Party were in office and that acreage is the lowest ever recorded in the history of Ireland. I pointed out to him that merely to grow our own requirements of wheat would necessitate at least 800,000 acres, so there must be something wrong with his figure. Deputy Dillon seems to have some doubts about the wisdom of proceeding with the growing of wheat. He will be getting expelled from the Party if he does not look after himself.

What Party?

I do not know what Party he is in now, but I mean the group with which he is now associated. The leader of that Party has committed himself to the wheat scheme; at least, he did when he last spoke and, of course, he may have changed his mind in the meantime.

We can grow first-class wheat and we have proved it and it is good policy for this country to grow it just as it is good policy for Great Britain to produce her own livestock, her butter and her wheat. And the British Government are doing that. When we have succeeded in substituting imported grain for the native product we will have given the farmers an additional market.

I think the Minister has put that back to front.

What is wrong with the Deputy?

He is being educated.

There are some who badly need education.

As I have said, when we have succeeded in substituting the native product we will have given the farmers a very valuable market which cannot be taken away from them. If we were to depend for our prosperity on the sale of a limited range of our products in an external market then eventually we would be bound to be hit. The specialist farmer in every country has been hit. But in so far as production takes place for the home market, it can never meet with the same vicissitudes that production for external markets must inevitably meet until some saner system of international marketing has been devised through the combined wisdom of mankind.

Not merely will the substitution of our own wheat for the imported grain involve giving to the farmers a very valuable additional market, and increasing substantially employment given on the land, but there are other markets which are at the moment being made available for them. I mentioned the development that must take take place in the area under beet this year, in consequence of the contracts entered into by the farmers with the Irish Sugar Company. The farmers are there being provided with a market that is theirs forever, a market into which external competition cannot come, a market in which the farmers can be guaranteed a price that will secure them their costs of production and something more. We import animal feeding stuffs to the tune of several million pounds annually. We are succeeding in substituting for these imported feeding stuffs the products of Irish farms. We have a long way to go in that direction, but we are making progress, and every action taken to that end is bound inevitably, not merely to secure the farmer profitable forms of production, but also to protect him against that profitable production being robbed from him by the activities of other Governments, either in the subsidisation of exports or in any other way.

There are two products in that list that I have read out in respect to which progress has not yet been made in the direction of increasing the return to the farmers. In respect of both of them action is going to be taken this year. These two products are cattle and oats. I am waiting anxiously to see whether we are going to get, in relation to the measures that may have to be adopted to improve the prices of those products for the farmers, the same amount of co-operation that we got from Deputies opposite in relation to the measures we took to improve the prices of all the other products. Deputies opposite will remember that the form of co-operation they gave us was not merely to oppose our measures, but to obstruct, by every means they could devise, the passage of those measures through the Oireachtas. They make speeches in the country pretending that they are the friends of the farmers, but the farmers are reading the newspapers, and they can well understand, even from the abbreviated reports that appear in the Press, how sincere Deputies opposite are when they are making their speeches at the cross-roads. They were aware already of that lack of sincerity. They tested out Deputies opposite from time to time, and always found them wanting—wanting something for themselves. The Government is carrying out its plan.

This plan here?

That plan involves the organisation of the production of all the industrial products which previously we had been importing. We have gone a long way towards that. We have a long way yet to go.

You are moving in the wrong direction.

I know some of the Deputies opposite may think it is a wrong policy to endeavour to stimulate industrial production here, but at any rate that is the first frank admission of it we have had from any member of that Party. If my speech did nothing else but make Deputies opposite realise the need for honesty in the statements they make to the public, it would have been well worth while.

It does reveal that.

We are proceeding with our plan, and we are getting results. If Deputies opposite have any doubts about that let them go out and ask the people who know. There are a number of organisations and a number of individuals in this country who are in touch with economic development and can give them intimate inside information about what is taking place. Let them go to those people and find out. I do not ask them to go to people who are supporters of the Government. Let them go to their own supporters on the boards of the various banks, in the different chambers of commerce, and in the other organisations that were never at any time regarded as strongholds of republicanism, and ask there for the intimate information that is available to show exactly what is happening in the economic life of this country. We are getting industrial development. It was inevitable that we should make greater progress in relation to some industries than in relation to others. It was inevitable that we should make greater and speedier progress in relation to industry as a whole than in relation to agriculture. It always takes a considerable period of time to effect changes in agricultural economy, but those changes are being effected— changes which are not merely necessary for the purposes of internal policy but which are being forced upon us by world conditions outside our control.

This discussion, which was initiated by Deputy McGilligan, has, perhaps, very little direct bearing upon the question before the Dáil. The question before the Dáil is whether a Vote of £50,000 should be provided for the purpose of financing public works designed to relieve unemployment. We have accepted as the responsibility of the State the obligation of organising schemes of useful public works and financing them, for the purpose of ensuring that those of our citizens who are able and willing to work, but cannot get it in industry or agriculture, will be provided with some means of usefully employing their labour and receiving a reward for it. It is necessary that those public works schemes should be maintained in the years when the permanent plans for the reorganisation of the country's economic system are being brought into effect. Our predecessors refused to accept that responsibility. Occasionally, when by-elections or general elections were in the offing, they got small grants of money, to be expended judiciously on the principle that first preference was to be given to their own supporters under the guise of giving it to exmembers of the National Army. We have not merely provided that money on a large scale, not merely provided money urgently necessary for useful public works in various parts of the country, but we have recruited labour for those works on the principle that only one consideration is to determine whether one man is going to be employed before another, and that consideration is his need for employment. There are instructions standing in the employment exchanges throughout the country which make it quite clear that the policy of the Government in the selection of men for employment is solely based upon the consideration that, so long as there is not enough work for all, the available work must be given to those most urgently in need of it. Those instructions are so framed that it is not possible to depart from them. Occasionally, owing to pressure of work, local officers of my Department thave made mistakes. On a few occasions they have deliberately departed from the instructions, and have had to be dismissed, but on the whole I think it is a very remarkable tribute to the impartiality with which those schemes have been administered that despite the very large number that have been initiated—2,000 or 3,000 of them have been in progress at the one time, and over 50,000 people have been employed on them at the one time—there have been very few complaints indeed from any part of the country that any other principle was adopted in the selection of the men to partake in them.

The amount that is being asked for here is not very large. It is probably allocated already. It is intended to complete the provision made in the Budget for works of that kind in the present financial year. Additional provision will have to be made next year, but, day by day and week by week, as the work of industrial development is proceeding, the necessity for those measures will decrease. Deputies opposite will in due course feel very thankful that in the difficult times through which this country is passing they had no responsibility of Government, because, having regard to what we know of them, the mess they would have made in every Department of this State would have been such that even a Fianna Fáil Government would have been put to the pin of its collar to repair it.

Sir, I do not propose to follow the Minister for Industry and Commerce——

It would be a good idea if you did.

——into a discussion of the merits and results of the Government's economic policy. I will just say this on that head, that he seems to assume that everybody on these benches necessarily started out with a desire to prove that that policy was wrong, and that we did so purely from Party feeling. Now, I do not believe that that is true of anybody on these benches, and, moreover, I do not believe that anything which anyone on these benches has done or said since the Government's economic policy started has in the slightest degree militated against the success of that policy or was intended to militate against its success. For my part, coming in as I did as an outsider——

Hear, hear!

——it would have been just as easy for me—as an outsider to the fight on Party politics—to attach myself to the Party opposite as to the Party to which I belong.

Oh, no. We would all leave if you came in.

It would have been just as easy to admire their economic policy as to admire any other economic policy; there was no reason why I should have any prejudices on the subject. When the Minister accuses people here of gratuitously bringing the efforts of the Government into contempt he seems to neglect altogether the consideration that there are human beings throughout the country who are suffering from the measures of the Government, that those human beings are pressing their sufferings upon our attention all the time, and that it is only those who are prepared to close their eyes to the agony of the farming community—no milder word would suffice to express it—who can adopt the attitude of admiration which the Minister for Industry and Commerce always seems to expect from us every time that he addresses this House.

What I specially rose to do was to challenge one statement by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and that is that the policy which the Government has pursued has been something forced upon them in any case by world conditions. That statement is not true. There was nothing whatever in world conditions that made it in any way necessary for us to give up our hold on the British market. On the contrary, in world conditions and in the new policy started throughout the British Commonwealth, there was an opportunity given to us to make that market in Great Britain freer from vicissitudes than it ever has been before for the Irish farmer, more secure and more profitable than it ever had been before for the Irish farmer. There was no reason at all why we should have put ourselves in the position of economic outsiders and why there should have been any danger or any fragility about our agricultural trade with Great Britain. That is the outstanding fact which it seems to me the Government neglect and shut their eyes to all the time, but it is a fact to which the people of this country ought not to shut their eyes. To suggest that there is something infallibly sure and sound about a home market which saves it from vicissitudes is also fallacious. If the buying power of the community as a whole is lowered, the home market may prove to be a very fragile reed for the agricultural producer to rely upon. In any case, as I have pointed out, there is no reason why the British market should not have been to us just as much a home market as our own market.

I was very interested to hear the Minister say that there were foolproof regulations in the Ministry of Industry and Commerce in regard to the management of employment exchanges. I was very interested to hear him say that in 50,000 cases——

I did not say they were foolproof.

Mr. Hogan

The Minister said that there were regulations from which it was not possible to depart.

What I meant by that was that they did not leave discretion with anybody as to whether they should be observed or not, but that they were binding on everybody associated with the administration of relief funds.

Mr. Hogan

I am not anxious to tie the Minister up into knots. What I am anxious about is that the Minister should realise the problem that confronts him. I have endeavoured to get the Minister to realise that problem on several occasions here and I have not succeeded, and I think the Party, as a whole, has endeavoured to get him to face that problem and to put forward some solution for it, because the problem has not yet been solved. My main reason for rising is to ask the Government to endeavour to bring into being some regulations which will enable the most necessitous people to obtain work. That is not the case in general throughout the country. That is not so through any fault of the employment exchange managers—let me be perfectly clear about that. I am not charging the employment exchange managers with putting anybody on by reason of any preference. It is because the employment exchanges were not, in the first instance, designed to bear this strain that was put on them. They were not designed to bear the strain of providing employment for large numbers of men in the way in which they are being employed at the present time. A labour exchange is situated in the centre of an area that extends for, perhaps, 15 miles about it. How is the labour exchange manager to know whether the man who comes in from a point within that 15 miles radius is a farmer or a working man? How is he to be able to indicate to the ganger that he is a fit person to obtain employment as against some other man who comes in and who is also fit and proper for employment?

He has no means of discovering that, and it is no use saying that there are regulations which will enable the manager to find out. There are not, because there is no penal provision whatever for the making of a wrong statement, and wrong statements are made, and made daily, in labour exchanges as to what a man's means are. We all know that there are farmers with valuations anywhere from £10 to £30 who come in and say that they are unemployed, or their sons come in and say that they are unemployed, while around the corner, right at the back of their farm, there is an unfortunate working man with, perhaps, just four walls of a house and three or four children, who will not get employment while the other man will. It is an amazing state of affairs that that should be allowed to continue. It is continuing in my own county.

I should be very glad to have definite examples of it.

Mr. Hogan

Definite examples have been furnished. Let me be clear about that also. The Government is not keeping sufficiently intimate contact with the schemes of work that are going on throughout the country. I had a glaring example of it the other day in the town of Ennis, where a man who is entitled, at his discretion, to put away certain people, because they are undesirable for employment, did not exercise that discretion, and the whole social machinery of the town was dislocated for four days because that discretion was not exercised. I am not going to press that point now, because the matter is under investigation by the particular Department concerned, but to say that concrete examples are not furnished is to make a statement that is not in accordance with fact, because concrete examples have been furnished, and furnished repeatedly, to the Department. I have suggested to the Minister that he ought to send an inspector out to examine the gangs on the various jobs, and to see if those gangs correspond with the gangs sent out by the labour exchange. I have statements from responsible people in the management of these works, and they will say that the lists of men sent from the labour exchange in some cases do not correspond with the gangs employed on the works. I have asked the Minister to send an inspector to make surprise visits and to take a list of the works in a particular district and to go into the labour exchange and get a list of the men on that particular job, and then go along and see whether the same men are employed on the job or not. There is no use in the Minister pretending that the regulations are foolproof. They are not.

In so far as that could happen, of course, it would be entirely the fault of the servants of the local authority who are not under our control. The names of the men to be employed are supplied to the county surveyor. If the county surveyor is deceiving the council and the local government authorities in the matter, I do not see how we can get at them through the Department of Industry and Commerce. He can be got at otherwise.

Mr. Hogan

I am speaking to the Minister in his capacity as a member of the Executive Council, with conjoint responsibility in the management of these affairs, and I am putting it to him that these things are happening, and happening daily, and that is the reason why I say that there is not sufficient intimate contact between the Government departments. Whether it is the Office of Public Works or the Department of Industry and Commerce or the Department of Local Government, I do not know, but there should be some co-ordinating department that would get after these irregularities and get after them quickly. That is the only point I wanted to make to the Minister, but it is a point which I want to put strongly, because it is one which is aggravating the country and aggravating it very intensely just now. I have in my correspondence every day letters from various parts of the country pointing this out. I want to emphasise clearly again that I am not blaming the exchanges. They were not made to meet this kind of work, and an amount of work was put on them which they were never made to meet, but unless there is some alteration made, this thing will continue.

More exchanges are needed. In the County of Clare there is an exchange in Kilrush, another in Ennis and another in Ennistymon. A man has to travel from Whitegate to Limerick, a distance of 22 miles, or from Whitegate to Ennis, which is practically the same distance. I know that the Minister is providing an intermediate exchange now, but he will need to provide others. If he wants to tackle this problem he will have to see that there is some penal provision that will prevent people from making statements that are, not alone comparatively false, but absolutely false to the labour exchange managers. He will have to see that more exchanges are there to meet the demand for the supply of workers.

I am very glad that Deputy Hogan has taken the opportunity of pointing out what he has pointed out to the Minister, because undoubtedly that aspect of the situation has been causing a lot of trouble throughout the country. In a statement with regard to the number of positions filled by the labour exchanges, the Minister has compared the number of vacancies in the last two years with the number of vacancies filled previous to that. In that comparison the Minister was really misleading the House, because those positions in regard to relief schemes to which Mr. Hogan refers, were not filled previously through the labour exchanges.

I did not say they were. My reason for quoting these figures was to show that there is a substantially larger number of people registered at exchanges now than there was heretofore.

The point the Minister made was that there were now 100,000 vacancies being filled, whereas in Deputy McGilligan's time there were only 17,000. That was what the Minister tried to convey to the House. Deputy Hogan pointed out, and the same thing was pointed out on previous occasions, that strange anomalies exist in the labour exchanges all over the country. I know there are instructions issued that married men are to get preference in filling the vacancies. That is all right in its own way, but it has to be examined to show how it is working out in practice. A couple of years ago there were very large grants made available for each county, and the public were informed that these grants would be allocated on the basis of the unemployment figures in each county —that is, on the basis of the number of people registered as unemployed. The result was that anybody and everybody registered as unemployed, and so much was that the case that in one town in the west of Ireland more were registered as unemployed than the whole population of the town.

Might I explain that in the town to which Deputy Brennan is referring, the area covered by the labour exchange covers half the County of Mayo.

In any case the working out of the thing in practice was found to be as Deputy Hogan has described. There were numbers of very poor people, who did not get employment. You had probably an unmarried man with his mother and sister living in a cottage, and he would not be given work because a farmer around the corner with 20 or 25 acres of land and who was married applied and got the work in preference to the unmarried labourer. That is what Deputy Hogan has pointed out.

I would be glad to get the name of one individual case of that kind.

It has been happening all over the country. Everybody is aware of it. There is no use in trying to impress on the House, as the Minister has been seeking to impress, that the system is foolproof or that it is perfect, because it is not. As Deputy Hogan has said, the managers of the employment exchanges are not in a position to know who are the deserving cases. The county surveyor and his gangers have a much better knowledge of the local conditions and are in a much better position to know who are most in need of employment.

The county surveyor has full instructions and authority to object to any name supplied to him if he is not satisfied the person comes within the category.

He has also specific instructions to employ only those whose names are supplied from the labour exchange.

And he can reject the names one after another until the whole list is exhausted if they do not come within the category.

I thought it was a pity that the Minister referred to the grant of £50,000 at all because he had practically convinced us that this country was in a very flourishing condition. His speech was a contradiction in terms. Notwithstanding all the housing schemes, the turf scheme, the increase in the old age pensions, the road grants, the relief grants and everything else, there has been increased Government expenditure amongst the people. Notwithstanding all these things, and notwithstanding all the prosperity about which the Minister told us, we find there is need for another £50,000. That seems to me to be an extraordinary thing. However, the debate has done one thing, as far as the Minister is concerned. He has at last told the House and the country that the registration of the unemployed and all those figures entered in the employment exchanges only mean that the people have an expectation of getting work.

A substantial number of those registered are in work.

We quite agree, but it is a pity that the Minister did not think of that some months ago, when making his speech to the Seanad. He used the figures then to show that there was a big reduction in unemployment. But he did not tell the House and the country that the grant that was made available for each county would be based on the registers and on the numbers of unemployed in each county. He came to the House, and to the Seanad, and got it placarded through the country that the Fianna Fáil Government had reduced the number of unemployed by 30,000. The speech on agriculture made by the Minister was certainly a turn. It seems an extraordinary thing to me that, whenever agriculture has to be spoken upon in this House—and the Minister's speech almost entirely dealt with agriculture —the people they select to speak are people who know nothing about it. There are, I am sure, some farmers on the back benches of Fianna Fáil, and they never attempt to speak on agriculture.

That is wrong.

We do not hear them. They leave it to Deputy Hugo Flinn, who comes along like a quack doctor and, with all his bombast and buckram, tells the House about it. We have had from the Minister for Finance a three hours' speech on agriculture. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has this advantage over the others, at all events: he is, at least, brief, and does not bore the House like Deputy Flinn or the Minister for Finance, whose speech on agriculture was equally ridiculous.

This Vote of £50,000 and, probably, increases of fifty thousands and one hundred thousands, will always be necessary in this country until the Government realises that agriculture is the main industry of the country. These relief grants will be necessary until it is recognised that agriculture cannot be subsidised, that it must be put upon its own feet and that it must show a profit. That is one thing that the Fianna Fáil Government have never recognised yet. Until they realise and recognise that the main industry of any country must be the level of prices and the standard of living in the country, until they see that and act upon that realisation they will not get anywhere.

What will you do next?

It is not to be wondered at that Fianna Fáil are taking the view they have taken of agriculture, because to a certain extent this has always been the view of the Fianna Fáil people. I have here before me a statement written by a gentleman named Frank Gallagher, who is at present the editor of the Irish Press, from which the Fianna Fáil Party take their economics.

Deputy Cleary does not take his economics from the Irish Press. That would account for the falling off in the country of the circulation of the Irish Press. In 1922 this Mr. Gallagher wrote in the Irish World with reference to the trade of this country, that the increased export of live-stock represented not a national gain but a national loss——

On another matter yesterday the propaganda of the Irish World was ruled out of order. It is equally irrelevant now.

I am referring to a statement made by a gentleman——

——who is not responsible to this House.

But he is responsible for the organ from which some members of this House get their ideas on economics. This gentleman says——

That is out of order and one warning should be sufficient for the Deputy.

Very well. The Minister for Industry and Commerce appears also to think that increased exports of live stock from this country mean a national loss instead of a national gain. The unfortunate thing for this country is that those gentlemen do not understand anything about agriculture, and the unfortunate thing also is that they do not try to understand even the figures which they themselves publish or which they pass for publication. If this country is working out according to plan, as the Minister for Industry and Commerce told us, I should like to know what has happened to the plan, which we were told in the Irish Press on January 21st, 1933, was going to come into operation if Fianna Fáil was the elected Government of the country. The Government say they have redeemed their promises to the country. I do not know exactly whether we are to take these as promises. This is part of the plan:—“For the farmer it means the maintenance of internal prices for many of his marketable products well above the depressed world level of prices, it means rising cattle prices for a considerable period to come.” That was on January 21st, 1933.

What does a considerable period mean?

"Rising cattle prices for a considerable period to come."

What does that mean?

You will have to ask the Irish Press. I am not responsible for the publication. Do not ask me what you mean. I am putting the meaning that the ordinary man in the street would put on it. “It means less rent, less rates, less taxes.” I do not think Deputy Belton would agree with regard to less rates. I do not think even the House will agree, because after Deputy Belton's motion the Government have agreed to give another £220,000 by way of relief of rates.

We could not resist him.

"It means making farming a paying proposition in 1933 for the first time in many years." In 1933, under a Fianna Fáil Government, farming paid for the first time in many years. The Minister for Industry and Commerce told us about the figures of the unemployed in this country. He did tell us that that really meant nothing more nor less than an indication that the people expected work. Here are the figures that mean more than that. Here are the home assistance figures. If ever there was an indicator of what the country is coming to these are an indicator. These are not cooked. They are something that cannot come in and go out just at will. They do not come in and go out under the same conditions as the labour exchange. In November, 1931, there were 74,000 persons on home assistance in this State; in November, 1932, 114,000; and in November, 1933, 131,000. That is prosperity.

You let the people die because you would not give it to them.

That is a lie, and you know it.

Deputy Smith does know that it is not the political parties who have to do with the giving of local assistance. It is the local authorities who grant home assistance. If Deputy Smith does not know that it is well that he should know it.

What about the Sullivan family?

Ask the Minister for Local Government that.

The Minister gave a lot of figures with regard to the number of factories established. We are all most anxious to see factories established. As to that matter, we ought to admit that every person in this country, no matter what his politics may be, wants to see factories and industry in this country. This is not the first time that I have said that. Are not the home assistance figures a rather strange comment upon the Minister's figures with regard to the factories? He told us last night that he was quite agreeable to take Deputy McGilligan around in a car and within a two-mile radius of this House show him 30 factories with an average of 200 people working in each. I hope that is correct. Is it not a rather strange commentary on it all that during the week ending Saturday last in the City of Dublin there were 9,072 cases of home help at a cost of £5,584, an increase on the corresponding week of last year of 1,183 cases and on the year before of 1,243 cases? Is not that a strange commentary on the fact that we have so many factories established in Dublin? If there are factories established they must be in Dublin, because they are certainly not down the country. The Minister for Industry and Commerce says they are. He says that he can take Deputy McGilligan around and show him 30 factories within a two-mile radius of this House with an average of 200 people in each. The strange thing about it is that this very week in the City of Dublin there are 9,072 cases of home help, an increase of 1,100 on the corresponding week of last year and 1,200 on the year before. Is it not strange, with all the talk we have had of prosperity from the Minister, that that state of things should prevail in the City of Dublin?

The Minister last night also said that an indication of the higher standard of living was that we were consuming less flour in this State. Was not that an extraordinary statement? Of course there you have the point of view of the city man who does not go outside the city. If the Minister for Industry and Commerce was acquainted with conditions in the country he certainly would not make that statement. When small farmers in the country go out of flour they go on to potatoes. The Minister says that it means that the standard of living went up. The standard of living may have gone up if we are to regard cheap meat as an index of it—that is in the cities and towns. Instead of Ministers making these comparisons about the standard of living and about bank clearances I should like to see some of them going down the country and talking to any ordinary farmer who has had three cows for the support of his family to give them milk and butter; the man rearing five or six calves every year to pay rent and rates and support his wife and family. They should ask that man what he has on his land this year and value them. They should ask him what he got for his livestock this year and what his wife got for her turkeys and what she made on her eggs and butter. If the Minister for Industry and Commerce does that he will then be in a position to criticise the result of his policy. Talking about bank clearances as an indication of the prosperity of the farmers is sheer humbug. I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary will be anxious to deal with the point I am going to raise now. At least I am anxious that he should deal with it.

As a matter of fact, I am only anxious to deal with the question of unemployment on this Vote.

He was asked last night whether any political considerations entered into the allocation of grants down the country. Deputy MacDermot made a statement that he was informed that they did. All we know is that supporters of the Government certainly boast they get the grant on every occasion. If that is good propaganda for the Government they can have it but it is a thing I object to. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs speaking in Roscommon recently, when his own people charged him with having grants made to various districts not deserving them in their view, said that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance consulted Deputies of all Parties before these works were put into operation. I am glad the Parliamentary Secretary is in his place to hear that statement. Perhaps I am the only Deputy neglected in this matter but I asked Deputy MacDermot and he, certainly, has got no notice of works that will be done in Roscommon; neither have I. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs has the reputation of being an honest man, and I think he would not have made the statement he did without good reason. Consequently, I feel that those schemes must have been submitted to the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and Deputy O'Dowd. If that is so, I would like to know why Deputy MacDermot and myself were omitted. The statement of the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs was that works about to begin were submitted to all Parties before operations were commenced. That is not so, and Fianna Fáil must take the blame as well as the credit for the allocation of these works.

I would like to know from the Parliamentary Secretary what steps his Department takes to see that grants are allocated fairly and to the works that most require them. I happen to be connected with the County Council of Roscommon. Every year, various works are suggested by members of the council but they cannot be undertaken because they are not works of public utility. They are most deserving works, undoubtedly; still they cannot be undertaken by the county council. Notwithstanding that, the county council is not asked for its opinion and neither is the county surveyor with regard to relief schemes. There is a list sent down of the work that is to be done. How this is arrived at I cannot see. Another list is sent down and that is the list from which the gangers are to be appointed. The county surveyor is not allowed to select his own men. They must be selected from the list supplied by the Minister's Secretary. Certainly the whole thing savours of Party obligation and I would like if the Parliamentary Secretary could clear that up. It is unfortunate, in view of all the talk we have about prosperity, that we must have these grants made, but so long as we must have them I hope they will be distributed fairly and that steps will be taken to see that the labour exchanges get some reasonable assistance in the selection of people who are to do the work.

Deputy MacDermot has said that we could not be accused of putting any obstacles in the way of the Government. We certainly never put any obstacles in their way in connection with matters of this kind. We have tried to put them right, and told them what is necessary for the country, but, unfortunately, we were not listened to. One would imagine, from what the Minister for Industry and Commerce said, speaking a few hours ago, in regard to unemployment, that we were prejudiced in the matter. Certainly Deputies sitting on the Labour Benches who may be called members of the Minister's Party cannot be accused of prejudice. They supported the Government through thick and thin, and yet here is a motion standing on the Paper for to-morrow, Friday, in the names of several of them in regard to unemployment:—

That in view of continued widespread unemployment the Dáil instructs the Executive Council to make available forthwith sufficient money to permit of the carrying out of large scale schemes of public works, so as to relieve the distress caused by unemployment.

Anybody who remembers the byelection in Kildare four or five years ago will remember the plan for the relief of unemployment that the Fianna Fáil Party had on that occasion, but we are still waiting for the execution of that plan. The Minister for Industry and Commerce proposed to show by figures that we are exaggerating the position, but everybody knows that the position with regard to unemployment is a good deal worse now than at any time in the past ten years. I would like to bring to the notice of the Parliamentary Secretary the question of the unemployment relief schemes themselves and the kind of people who are employed upon them. Deputy Tadhg Murphy has stated that people who are well-to-do were employed on the relief schemes in Dunmanway while unfortunate labourers who are idle were still left without any employment. In my own parish there is a relief scheme involving an expenditure of about £50 to £60. A small farmer who employed labour himself was given employment on this scheme, but an unfortunate labourer with three sons, when he went to look for employment, was absolutely refused work. I consider that is very unfair. My idea is that where this unemployment money has to be spent the people who need the work most ought to get it. I have always stood for that principle. I would like to find out from the Parliamentary Secretary how the work is being carried out in regard to the Preparatory College scheme——

Is that a relief scheme?

It was mentioned with regard to the labour exchange.

It is not a relief scheme.

Very well. I will leave that over for another occasion. Deputy Corish made a statement yesterday in regard to unemployment, and he cannot be accused of being prejudiced against the Government. He said that the Minister did not seem to realise that there was an economic war on. I think that is the position with regard to all Ministers. I invite the Minister to come down among the farmers of the country and get their opinion on that matter. In fact, I have asked on various occasions to have a commission set up to investigate the position of the farmers, because everyone knows it is the one industry that has to be assisted if it is to have any hope of surviving.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce, speaking in the House yesterday, stated:—

"The purchasing power of the farmers had gone down through falling prices, but that was not confined to this country. In Denmark thousands of cattle had to be destroyed, and the Dutch Government were planning the destruction of thousands of heads this year in an effort to maintain prices, and adopt other methods to keep agricultural products off the market. They had not resorted to that here yet."

I can state that some of the Minister's friends are slaughtering calves which were worth £3 each when Cumann na nGaedheal was in office. Continuing, the Minister said:—

"If agricultural conditions tended in that direction they would have to do it. They might make a start this year along certain lines designed to decrease the volume of production where it was obviously going to be uneconomic, and at the same time improve the quality of the produce. And if we take those steps this year we have not been the first to do so, for countries much stronger than ours have been forced to do so."

Evidently the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Agriculture are not in agreement in that policy, because I have a statement which appeared in "Truth in the News," the heading to which is: "We must maintain our livestock. Ministry anxious to Aid, says Dr. Ryan. Speech to Farmers." I will read Dr. Ryan's statement for the benefit of those who disagree with him—the Minister for Industry and Commerce being one of those. Speaking at the first annual convention of the United Farmers' Protection Association, the Minister for Agriculture stated:—

"The Government had been accused of being in favour of tillage, and out for the destruction of the livestock industry. The person who made that statement was either a fool or a knave, for if they tilled they must have livestock; otherwise the farmers could not use up their barley, straw and other products or get manure."

I think that is worth reading again. (Extract re-read.) I will now read from a debate that took place in the House on the Vote for Agriculture.

1933. Not very long ago at all. Official Debates, page 2,228. I do not want to read the whole of the debate, but I will read this extract from Deputy Belton's speech:—

"The Minister knows also that 80 per cent. of the produce of tillage land represents more animal food than 100 per cent. of the produce of the same land under grass; in other words, he is increasing the livestock carrying capacity of the land when he increases tillage."

"Dr. Ryan: That is right.

"Mr. Belton: It is well the Minister concedes that.

"Dr. Ryan: Why are your colleagues saying that I want to get away from live stock?

"Mr. O'Leary: We will tell you all about it later on.

"Dr. Ryan: It is the time for the Deputy to make a speech."

I have the opportunity now, and I am making a speech.

"Mr. Belton: I did not quite catch what the Minister said to me.

"Dr. Ryan: Why are the Deputy's colleagues always saying that I am trying to get rid of the live stock of the country?"

Might I ask whose speech is being quoted?

Dr. Ryan's.

I thought so, because he would seem to have had no chance of delivering it.

I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary knows what is going on.

The Minister was interrupting Deputy Belton.

I understood Dr. Ryan was speaking.

No; Deputy Belton was speaking and the Minister was interrupting.

Anyone who has any connection with farming knows that cattle raising must be the main industry in this country. I was speaking to an unfortunate farmer from Deputy Flinn's constituency in Kerry last week. The man came from a mountainy district and he had seven or eight cows. He said that he had to buy a half sack of flour every fortnight for his family. I said to him "That means that you have to pay 5/- or 6/- more for the flour than those in the North, as a result of this Government's policy." This man also told me that he had to bring home a sack of meal to feed his pigs and fowl and that it cost 19/-. I told him that if he was living in the North of Ireland he would be able to buy that meal for 13/1½. I ask any person who is not prejudiced to say if that state of affairs can continue. I say it cannot. It is impossible. When speaking last Friday the Minister for Finance stated that people in the poorer parts of the country were paying the rates, the annuities and debts. I say they are not, because the unfortunate people are not in a position to do so. I challenge the Government to set up a commission to inquire into that question, without prejudice. I have no prejudice in this matter. I do not care what Party is in power if the country is prosperous. I always put country before Party. Is not the Minister wrong when he states that the more tillage you have the more cattle you have? How can we have cattle when the market is destroyed? The Minister for Agriculture was quoted in the British Parliament recently as saying that if the economic war had not started the crux with regard to the importation of cattle would have arisen at any rate. I ask if people go to war, are they going to tell their opponents how to fight? If the Government wants to persist in the policy of tillage, and if they want more employment to be given on the land, the first thing to do is to restore our markets. If they do not restore the markets they should get the alternative markets which were promised at the election. I am not one who believes that tillage will give more employment. I have consistently pointed out that mixed farming gives most employment. I will quote figures with regard to that. A lecture was delivered in Dublin last May by Professor Johnston, of Trinity College, at which Dr. Ryan presided. The Minister quoted statistics, and Professor Johnston, in reply, said:—

"Dr. Ryan had quoted statistics about Meath and Westmeath, but a comparison between Wexford, the premier tillage county of Ireland, and Limerick revealed that in the rural population—that was apart from towns and villages of 100 population and upwards—Limerick maintained an agricultural population of 143 per thousand acres, while Wexford maintained a population of only 130 per thousand; yet 25 per cent. of Wexford was tilled as compared with 4 per cent. of Limerick."

Farming was our main industry. I should like to mention the case of a farmer named Eugene Daly, of Kanturk, who was carried away by the soft talk of Deputy de Valera in 1931, but who has now come back to the true fold.

What is the name of the true fold at present?

Mr. Daly invoiced 24 cattle to Glasgow last October, which were sold for £400 13s, from which were deducted £144 for tax and expenses. He got the balance. I asked him how many men he employed, and he said that he had six, but now only kept four. That is the position all over the country. I ask the Government to take stock of the situation, because it cannot continue; and it is only a question of this country becoming bankrupt in a short time.

It is not for me to say what is in order, or what is out of order, in a discussion like this, but certainly the live stock trade, the cattle trade, the butter trade and every branch of industry, seems to be discussed, no matter what Vote is under discussion. As far as I can see by the Order Paper, the House is now being asked to vote a sum of money for minor relief schemes, and I suggest that Deputies opposite should confine their remarks to that question. From time to time motions appear on the Order Paper in connection with agriculture, and in all seriousness I suggest that Deputies opposite should have a two-day or a three-day debate to deal with what they describe as the position of "the unfortunate farmers." When I heard Deputy O'Leary and Deputy Brennan speaking I said to myself: If we could only get a number of farmers who do not know the political lines in this House into the gallery some day so that they might hear the speeches delivered by the Opposition I am sure they would conclude after they had heard them: "Are we not well off to have people like these representing us, people who worry so much about as?" But, I think that when they were told that the Deputies who had been speaking belonged to a Party that had been in office from 1922 to 1932, they would then say to themselves: "That is another story."

Very much another story.

These farmers certainly would then get a disappointment. I think there should be a general recognition by the Opposition that they are not doing any good either to themselves or to the farmers by always pretending to be worrying about the farmers' condition, because the farmers do not believe a bit of it. They know that the Opposition are really not worrying about their condition, but are merely trying to make a bit of rotten political capital out of it. I say to the Opposition: that kind of thing is not going to get you anywhere; it is not going to do you any good. I do not think you should insist in wasting the time of the House day in and day out on almost every matter that is brought before it in talking about the unfortunate farmers. They have not a bit more regard for you to-day than they had when they turned you out in 1932, and again in 1933. Their opinion of you is the same to-day as it was then, in spite of the merger, the amalgamations and all the rest. One of the leaders of your Party is a man who, on his own admission, could as easily have accepted the policy and programme of this Party, or of the Labour Party, as the programme and policy of the Party to which he now belongs. Do you think the farmers are fools: that they are going to take seriously the stuff that is dished out to them in this House by Deputy MacDermot, this man who could go across to Britain and pose there as a Liberal and go to Belfast and pose as a Nationalist?

The Deputy introduced his speech by reminding the House that this was a Relief Scheme Vote.

It is not for me to say what is out of order on any discussion, but, in view of the fact that the Chair has permitted the discussion to take the shape that it has taken, I submit, subject to your decision, that I am entitled to follow the type of speech that we have had to listen to this evening.

But not to trace the political history of any Deputy.

It is very short. It will not take me long to deal with it. This man posed in Britain as a Liberal and as a Nationalist in Belfast.

The Deputy has been told that that is not in order.

Now he is before us here posing as a farmer's representative, as the man who is going to save the Irish farmers. The people of this country are not going to be impressed— not even, I think, Deputy Belton—by a gentleman of that kind coming forward as the saviour of agriculture and of the Irish farmers in general.

I do not think the Deputy would take my opinion on everything.

Deputy Brennan made a speech this evening. Judging by it he has the thinnest political skin that one would want to see on any man. He was afraid of his life that there was political corruption; that names were being submitted to county surveyors through the Parliamentary Secretary. He told us that he wants things done fairly: that if there are minor relief schemes and if money is voted by this House, he wants it spent through the machinery of the county council staffs all over the country. He is very much worried that there should not be any political corruption. I am sure Deputy Brennan knows a good deal about it all. As I said here before, he was associated for ten years with the Cumann na nGaedheal Party, and it is, perhaps, because of that association and because of the fact that he has a good idea of what political corruption means—when it was resorted to with great perfection—that he has his doubts and fears.

On a point of order. Does the Deputy admit now that corruption has reached the peak point by Fianna Fáil?

That is not a point of order.

The Deputy now admits that corruption has reached the peak point.

I know full well what I admit. What I would admit with regard to Deputy Anthony would not be a terrible lot.

It would not, so far as it relates to corruption.

Deputy Brennan did not devote all his time to the unfortunate farmers. He told us that he wants factories. He said he was delighted to hear that industries were being established. As the President told the ex-Minister for Finance in this House on one occasion, he is like the cat that is fond of herrings. The cat will go after the herrings if you bring them in and place them properly, but he will not wet his paws to catch the herrings. Deputy Brennan wants factories, and he wants to know where they are. They must be in Dublin if they are any place. During the last 12 months Deputy Mulcahy had the Order Paper filled with questions, wanting to know where such and such a factory was, who were the owners, where factories were allocated, and so on. Yet when the Government came to the House last week with an Estimate to set up an information bureau that might be usefully engaged in supplying information of that kind, Deputy Mulcahy and his Party opposed it.

But will it devote itself to that task?

Last year, as I have said, Deputy Mulcahy was very worried to get information about factories. The taxpayers were put to a great deal of expense in paying officials to prepare answers to all the questions he put down. When the Government come along with an Estimate to set up an information bureau to supply such information, the Deputy and his Party oppose it.

They did not.

Shut up.

Not for you, you cabóg.

You long stick of misery.

Not for you, you cabóg. Not for you, you cabóg. That is three times.

I give that incident to show that there is not one bit of sincerity in 90 per cent. of the opposition that comes from the United Ireland Party in this House. Not a bit of it. When you examine their speeches to-day and their actions to-day, and when you examine their speeches of to-morrow and their actions of to-morrow, you can see that there is not the slightest indication of consistency in any of this. We do not expect that men or parties can absolutely succeed all the time in following a rigid line and not changing their tactics. We do not expect that it is possible for men, or parties, to remain consistent to the last; but is it not a wonder that you would not come together, that you would not bring your Party together and decide on some programme, or some policy for this House and for the country, instead of going around the country making a lot of fools of yourselves, like General O'Duffy talking about retaining the annuities in Monaghan, and another of your Party talking in Roscommon of paying a lump sum?

What General O'Duffy said in Monaghan has nothing to do with the relief schemes.

I say, sir, that not alone on this matter but on every other matter before this House the attitude adopted by the Opposition is absolutely disgusting. We have had Deputy MacDermot saying: "We have not heard the members of the back bench of Fianna Fáil." And then he invites some of the Front Bench members to contribute to this debate. We are not a bit loath to get up here and speak, but we do not want to waste time unnecessarily. We do not want to waste the time of this House and the time of the Government unnecessarily. There is no man, who opens his eyes, without the assistance of statistics of any kind, or who has travelled the country for the last month or two, but can see that the policy of this Executive Council and of this Government is succeeding. Land is being broken up. It can be seen with the naked eye, without the aid of any statistics, that our policy is succeeding. Where is the use of coming in here growling, and whining and crying all the time? You really do not mean it, and, if you do mean it, you do not represent the people who are working the land and who are living by it. You do not represent their mentality. As I told you before, I think it was General Mulcahy or Deputy J.M. Dolan who, on the occasion of the last election, when he went electioneering through the County Leitrim, went into the fair and said: "I do not have to make speeches or to canvass for votes; the two-year-old bullocks in the market green will do my canvass." We realise that bullocks and cows are important, and they will play a part in the economy of this country at all times, but, surely to goodness, the time has not come, and it will never come, please God, when bullocks and cows will determine the policy of this country.

The last speaker has referred to an incident in an election campaign when speaking on this Vote. He referred to Deputy Mulcahy and Deputy Dolan as saying that there was no need for them to canvass for votes in the election—that the two-year old bullock would do it for them. I suggest that this £50,000 of a relief grant, after two years of a Fianna Fáil Government in office, will be a good canvasser that Fianna Fáil has no plan, or that the plan has failed, or that they were incompetent to put it into execution. I think I am right, and I will be delighted if I am contradicted by the Parliamentary Secretary, in stating that this £50,000 of a grant is already ear-marked for rural relief works. Only to-day a project was put up by the Dublin Corporation and the Dublin Port and Docks Board. looking for a slice of the Government's generosity. I will not say that there is nothing doing, but I am afraid that nothing will be doing, and that it is all going down the country —down to the part of the country that is flowing with milk and honey. After the speeches we have just listened to it cannot be flowing with anything else. What do they want this £50,000 for? It must be for the relief of the poor of Dublin City and if the people down the country are so well off as the Ministers who have spoken on their behalf would have us believe, then none of this money should go down the country but should go for the relief of the poor of Dublin City and for the necessary repairs to the Bull Wall.

It is extraordinary how Deputy Lemass, earnest in most things and, I am sure, convinced of the soundness of his policy, does not look at that policy in a proper perspective and, when he finds, so to speak, that he has a corn on his foot, does not try to get that corn cured instead of blaming somebody for standing on his toe. He sees that the policy that he advocates, and which I, personally, support, is being run to ruin by being attempted under such conditions that it is impossible for such a policy to succeed. Deputy O'Leary has given a general plan of the general development that must follow from an increase in tillage. That general development is that more cattle will be carried under mixed farming and increased tillage than under a ranching system. Take, for instance, the beet industry. It is well known by practical farmers in the beet growing areas that three acres of beet tops are equal in feeding value to one acre of Swede turnips. The Minister has informed us in his speech that 60,000 acres of beet will be grown when the present beet scheme is in full working order. Beet tops will be useless for anything else except to plough them into the land, which means that the equivalent of 20,000 acres of Swede turnips will be lost if we have not the increased cattle population to feed that ought to follow an increased tillage system. What will be the price of sugar if those beet tops are lost, because if they cannot be made valuable by feeding to stock and the stock made remunerative, then that extra cost or extra loss on the crop as a whole must be added to the price that the consumer will have to pay for the sugar, or added to a subsidy to be paid direct from the Central Fund? What will be done with the beet pulp after the sugar content is extracted? Again, it is only fit for feeding stuff. What will you feed it to?

Listening to the Minister for Industry and Commerce to-day, and listening to his speech last evening, one would think that the whole idea of agriculture is to go to a field and manufacture human food out of it, or, alternatively, to manufacture animal food out of it. That is his idea of agriculture. Of course, there is no crop that you can put into the land—wheat, beet or anythink else—of which 100 per cent. will be human food. The best acre of wheat ever grown has a certain percentage that will be only fit for either cattle feeding or, more generally, poultry feeling. That field cannot grow wheat or beet next year. It must grow something else, and that "something else" must be an animal food. What are you going to do with it? What can you do with it if you have not the animals to consume the food? I am surprised that the Minister for Industry and Commerce does not approach this matter in a business way. If he did he would have co-operation from all quarters of the House. No man in this House, or outside it, is going to oppose any Government that is doing good for the country simply to serve a political end. What good is politics to me if I ruin my business? Does anybody think that I am going to follow a certain political line which will ruin my own business for the sake of opposing certain persons? If I did that, there would be a place for me.

The Minister told us that the Government had improved the price of certain crops and had secured a market for certain agricultural items. This year they were applying themselves, he said, to the task of stabilising the prices of other products. I am sorry the Minister is not here. I was not going to speak at all until he made that statement. I was looking forward to dealing with that point in the Minister's presence. It is easy for the Minister to point to the price of an item such as butter, which is protected. The price is artificially kept up by the taxpayer. Similarly, it is easy to point to the price of wheat in the home market. It is also artificially kept up. The price of beet is artificially kept up by a similar process. That is all right while the whole country is being taxed to keep up the price of 60,000 acres of wheat and 60,000 acres of beet—to keep up the price of the staple product of about seven counties. That is all right for the small part of the agricultural industry. But it will be different when you come on, as the Minister has promised, to stabilise the price of cattle, pigs, poultry, eggs, oats, barley, potatoes and so on. Then you will be nursing the whole country, and who will pay for the nursing? The whole country will pay instead of having, as at the present time, the whole country to fall back upon to maintain the price of three or four commodities that affect only a small percentage of agricultural producers.

Might I, with every possible respect, suggest that Deputies keep somewhat nearer to the subject. I am not complaining that the Deputy is out of order or anything of that kind, but the House has an opportunity on this Relief Vote of discussing the method by which relief should be undertaken, who should be relieved and matters of that kind, and I think advantage should be taken of the opportunity. Being responsible for the administration of the Vote, I am anxious to get from Deputies suggestions in relation to the expenditure of the moneys, how we can improve the present system and matters of that kind. We are going to lose this whole opportunity if we do not deal with those matters. This is the first and last time I am going to intervene. If members of the House prefer to go on the lines on which the debate is proceeding, then on their own heads be the responsibility.

Did the Parliamentary Secretary follow the advice which he is giving to Deputy Belton when he was speaking on Deputy Belton's motion?

This is not Deputy Belton's motion.

Did the Parliamentary Secretary even accept the advice which he now gives to Deputy Belton when speaking on another motion?

I did, as a matter of fact.

I respectfully suggest he did not.

When speaking on this Vote, Deputy McGilligan referred, quite regularly, to the economic conditions, industrial and agricultural, in relation to the necessity for Relief Votes. Unemployment figures were also introduced, but I suggest to the Deputy that to discuss the comparative feeding values of beettops and swede turnips is to stray far from the purposes of this Vote. It would so widen the debate that the points really at issue might be lost sight of. I appreciate that Deputy Belton is following the same lines as the Minister in dealing with a change in the system of agricultural economy.

I have not raised a point of order in relation to Deputy Belton's speech. I think he is about as near to and as far from the subject matter of the Vote as most Deputies. I am suggesting that there is some core and kernel in the whole subject matter of economic and other discussion which has something to do specially with unemployment. I suggest that the wisdom of the House should be brought to bear upon that point.

Did the Parliamentary Secretary remember that when speaking previously?

You spoke for four or five hours.

I did not deal with comparative feeding values as one of the principal matters of my speech. I agree with the point raised by the Parliamentary Secretary but it places us, on this side, in an invidious position, seeing that the Minister for Industry and Commerce has raised certain matters. If he had kept within the limits now prescribed by the Parliamentary Secretary, the House would not be troubled with me. I had just stated that I was induced to speak by a point raised by the Minister. It was absolutely necessary to say what I said in view of the Minister's recipe for improving the prices of live stock—to get rid of them, reduce them and control them. He also told us that the conditions of four or five years ago can never return. Personally, I should be glad if they never could return— if we had not 1,400,000 acres under tillage but about 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 acres under tillage. But, again, how shall we make it pay if the market for the increased live stock which that increased tillage will necessarily bring into being is gone and if the only recipe for curing that economic ill is that of the Minister for Industry and Commerce—to curtail the number of cattle? That is absolutely impossible.

The Minister went into other matters. He talked about the National Loan, and said that it would have been subscribed many times over if the Government had offered it at an attractive rate. I am sure everybody in this House regrets that the Loan was not subscribed many times over at the rate at which it was offered. The rate at which it was offered was higher than the rate offered by the British Government in the conversion of their War Loan, which attracted £30,000,000 of Irish money. It was the best market rate at the time. The Minister gave an orientation of the British policy in curtailing imports from the Saorstát into Britain which could not bear examination. The Minister said that it was a good policy for England to develop her agriculture. The Minister for Industry and Commerce considers a policy that the leading English statesmen will not touch, as the best policy for England and for Ireland too. It may be a good policy for Ireland, but it is not adopted in England, and it will not be adopted in England, because England is not going to develop her agriculture—that is the fixed policy of leading English statesmen—to the point of self-sufficiency or as near as she can go to it, because she recognises that she is a manufacturing country and she wants to sell her manufactures in the countries from which she will buy supplies of food. She wants to get an increased revenue in carrying manufactured goods to those countries and carrying back her food supplies from those countries to the shores of Britain in British ships.

The Minister also stated that the bank clearances were an indication of prosperity and the success of his policy. We all know how much the bank clearances would be if there was not that high wall of protection to foster new industries, but, taking them even with that high wall of protection, the increased area under tillage and all the other benefits that have flown and are flowing from Government policy, here are the bank clearances for the years 1932 and 1933. In 1932 the bank clearances were £273,000,000 odd. In 1933 they were £267,000,000 odd. So that even the Minister on his own ground and on his own argument——

In one case there are 52 weeks and in the other 53 weeks. That is a perfectly genuine misunderstanding.

I have before me an authority introduced to this House on Friday last by the senior colleague of the Parliamentary Secretary, the Minister for Finance. He spent some time quoting from the Economist. I am quoting from the current number of the banking or commercial supplement of the current number of the Economist, dated 17th February. I am giving the figures from that authority.

I am not questioning that you are quoting these figures.

Very good. The clearances for 1933 were less than for 1932. Where is the point of the Minister's argument that bank clearances increased? Further, I would direct the attention of the Parliamentary Secretary to the very article quoted here on Friday last by the Minister for Finance. I asked if it was from a correspondent and he said that it was not from a correspondent; it was from the staff of the paper. He gave the date as 17th October. The real date is 14th October, and the paper is the banking supplement of the Economist. The heading to the article is: “Banking in the Irish Free State, by a correspondent.” Well, here is the trend of banking in the Irish Free State, and I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary will appreciate it and I hope he will refer to it in his reply——

I propose to confine myself strictly to the subject of the debate.

You confine yourself strictly to the subject of the debate when you are up against the wall and cannot get away.

I can take you at any time you like.

Any time you like, any place you like, and for as long as you like. The Parliamentary Secretary and his colleagues will appreciate that the more production you have in a country the more business you will have in a country, and the more business you have in the country the more money you will want to transact that business. If it is profitable to produce articles in a country under certain conditions at a certain time, the more freely will banks lend money and the more will the liquid capital of that country flow into industry. Let us examine the position. Take 1931 for example. The deposits in our joint stock banks were £127,000,000 odd. The Parliamentary Secretary, I am sure, is aware that when business is good and production profitable industry will attract money out of fixed securities. When the reverse is the case, money is taken out of industries and put into fixed securities or put on deposit. You had £127,000,000 odd in joint stock banks in 1931. In 1932 you had deposits of £128,000,000, and in 1933 deposits of £142,000,000. Was industry attracting money there? Were industrial or commercial securities attracting money? Deposits, on a dwindling rate of interest, attracted money. Why? Because there was no profitable field for investment outside, and as money was attracted out of productive industry and agriculture, home assistance went up, the dole went up, and unemployment went up. We shall take the notes in circulation. In 1931 the notes in circulation amounted to £5,900,000, in 1932 to £5,500,000, and in 1933 to £5,600,000. The small rise in 1933 would be accounted for by the fact that the Government spent a lot of money in relief schemes and some change in the shape of notes had to be used to pay wages. Then we have the fixed investments of the banks into which they put the money, for which they had no field in industry. In 1931 the investments of the banks amounted to £67,000,000. In 1932 the investments were £64,000,000, and in 1933, the year singled out by the Minister for Industry and Commerce as the boom year of their policy, the fixed investments of our banks totalled £76,000,000. Let us come now to the working capital.

Could we come now to the motion, by any chance?

I am replying to an aspect of the motion—I do not know whether or not it was in order— laboured by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. He quoted the banking returns and different banking authorities.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce?

Yes. If he had not got into that realm, I would not be on my feet at all.

I was listening to the Minister, and I did not hear him quoting banking returns or banking statistics of that kind.

He did not quote the figures, because they would be against him, but he made the statement that bank clearances were sufficient proof that the Government's policy is succeeding. He said that the bank clearances were going up. I am quoting banking authorities to show that the Government policy is not succeeding in so far as banking returns designate. I have only two or three items more to read, and then I will be away from that matter, and we need not discuss the relevancy of it.

Discounts and advances by banks are the only real indications of the productivity of a country over a particular period. If industry and agriculture are in a bad way the more discounts and advances will be required from the banks. If conditions are reversed they have the reverse effect. Take the year 1931. The discounts and advances by the joint stock banks in this country were £63,000,000; in 1932 the figure was £64,000,000, and in 1933 it was only £60,000,000. All these figures are elaborated and explained, as to the significance of the trend, in two articles in those two supplements of the Economist, a publication that has been introduced here by the Minister for Finance. So far as the banking outlook of this country is concerned, if it is to be taken as a criterion of the success or failure of the Government's policy, then that policy is failing. I will not say it has failed, but it is moving in the direction of failure.

The Parliamentary Secretary wants to have information as to how best to administer this relief grant of £50,000. It would be very hard in the present state of unemployment to advise him how to dole out £50,000 to the thousands of unemployed in the Twenty-Six Counties. It would not mean £2,000 a county. Last Christmas I had experience in the small county of Dublin, when the county council put up £5,000 by way of temporary relief, of how to administer that money and dole it out here and there. The men were hardly set to work when the money was all eaten up. Imagine £5,000 for one county! The Parliamentary Secretary proposes to case unemployment by means of this £50,000. How he proposes to do it I do not know. The whole amount would be required in any one county, because unemployment is increasing and there is no proposal submitted by the Government to diminish unemployment or to give economic production a new direction. They are merely trying to camouflage the situation here. So far as the £50,000 grant is concerned, I would advise the Parliamentary Secretary to go and burn it. It is no use and surely, if Ministers really believe the statements they are making here, they could do better than that.

What is the need for assistance of this sort in the rural districts? This amount will scarcely touch the fringe of the problem. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has given us a graph indicating the rise in the sale of unemployment insurance stamps. He has assumed that to be an indication of the increased numbers working. He is aware, I am sure, that people with small farms, who never worked for an employer until during the last couple of years, had to insure if they were to avail of the relief grants; they would not get work if they did not. They had to have their cards stamped. Through the precipitate action of the present Government many people have been thrown on the dole. If these people were given an opportunity of making a living as they did heretofore before the action of this Government put unreasonable burdens upon them, what a relief it would be. There are many farmers and their sons with holdings up to 30 acres and with valuations of £30 or £40 who have been thrown on the dole. A farm that was economic for a family of five or six some years ago is now unable to maintain that family. The real way to get at the relief of unemployment is to get down to the source of production. Make that production profitable and let the people be employed in producing wealth on an economic basis.

So far as I can see, relief grants have become hardy annuals, or rather hardy seasonals here. I believe we would be surprised if we were able to get on without relief grants. Relief has become part of our national economy. It is time the Government tried to get away from that, to get away from conditions that are making paupers or semi-paupers of the working people. Because of that we cannot pass off a relief grant in the ordinary way that a relief grant should be passed off, for instance, in the case of a river that overflowed its banks and caused destruction to an area in the basin of that river. It is not a river, it is not an act of God that has caused any temporary destruction which calls for this Parliament to vote £50,000 for a temporary relief. I have not the least doubt but the recipients of this relief grant will be people who have got relief grants for the last three or four years continuously. We want to get away from the conditions that are making relief a permanency. We ask the Government to adopt a policy that will eliminate the need for relief. That can only be found by reviewing the time and the space of their economic policy; I, for one, will not say a reversal of it, but a review of the time and the space of their policy, bearing in mind that the period of the transition stage in national economy is not the time to destroy a market for any commodity, because at that stage the economic structure of the country and the economic life of the country are at their weakest. That is the time you should husband all your resources instead of flinging them to destruction unnecessarily. The period of transition is the time to husband your resources. It is not the time for you to take off your coat, to trail it in front of a strong opponent and challenge him, saying: "Dare you tread on the tail of my coat?" That is the time to walk warily. You should not invite a quarrel, but wait until you are strong. I do not suggest that you should even then invite a quarrel, but you would then be better able to defend yourself against a hostile party.

As regards advice for the administration of this £50,000, the only advice which the Parliamentary Secretary can ask for or hope to get from this House is to adopt the broad principle of giving it to the people most in need of it, without having regard to politics or religion. Give it to the most needy. That is all the advice any member of this House can give the Parliamentary Secretary. That is all the advice that I have the temerity to offer him. I am not going to make any accusations against the labour exchanges. I am not going to make any accusation against political Party supporters. The Parliamentary Secretary asked for advice. I know as much about how the thing is done as perhaps anybody in the House, but I am not going to go into the details of it. The advice I give the Parliamentary Secretary is to administer it fairly, and his job will be very difficult because of the fact that he will hardly have a penny per head to give to the people who want relief. He should, when he is distributing this, turn round to his Government and say: "The time has come, not for relief schemes, but for a policy that will put those people and this country to work on producing stuff that will pay." Let us at last see the end of those relief grants, and those pauperisation doles that have been handed out for the last couple of years to honest workers in this country who do not want doles, who do not want sops, who do not want to be brought up in soup kitchens, but who want honest work and an honest wage.

Unfortunately, on every Vote that comes before this House, we must have the same litany from the Opposition Benches. The Parliamentary Secretary tells me not to follow on their line. I will do so as little as possible. I will first of all deal with the Parliamentary Secretary's Vote. I should like to know from the Parliamentary Secretary is it because the money that was given to my constituency under the last Relief Vote was spent well, and spent wisely, and gave the best results in the Twenty-Six Counties, that my constituency got nothing this time. That is a question to which I should like to get a definite reply from the Parliamentary Secretary. We, down in Cork County, during the last five or six months have had repeated lists of works to be done under those relief grants coming down from the Board of Works offices to the county surveyor. The last list has now arrived down, and there is not one shilling in the whole thing for East Cork. I should like to know from the Parliamentary Secretary what the reason is. I think I am entitled to know the reason. The Parliamentary Secretary last year gave us £250 in one grant for development work. Out of that £250 there is at the present day a mine working on that spot, giving employment to over 60 hands. That is a good result from £250 of a relief grant. There are other ways and means on similar lines by which money could be spent in my constituency so that it would give better results than by throwing it into bogs or drains or anything else. I honestly think it is grossly unfair that my constituency should be completely cut out of the relief schemes this year. I do not wish to hamper the proceedings or hamper the working of the Relief Vote elsewhere, but I honestly tell the Parliamentary Secretary that unless something out of this £50,000 is set aside for East Cork then I will take steps to see that the county surveyor gums up the whole works, and I make no bones about it. I am amazed that Deputy Belton has spent the whole night and not said one word about rhubarb. Deputy Belton ought to be able to relieve the unemployment in the whole City of Dublin at present seeing that we have put a tariff on foreign rhubarb for him. Hang it, we have done something for you.

I thought there was no unemployment in East Cork?

Deputy Belton stated definitely that there was no tariff on rhubarb and began moaning about it. When it was pointed out to him that there was and that for six months he had missed the tide by not growing any he said: "I am the man who made you do it."

Why did you not grow it, then?

I grew tobacco instead. It paid better. We have got any amount of converts over there lately. I heard Deputy Mulcahy yesterday talking about tobacco, and we had Deputy Cosgrave asking why this and that and the other thing had not been done about tobacco. What did they do about it during the ten years they were in office? Deputy Hogan, when he was on these benches as Minister for Agriculture and appeals were made to him to give the tobacco industry a chance, said that there was as much chance of growing tobacco in this country as there was of growing wheat. Deputy Cosgrave himself said that the man who would endeavour to grow tobacco here was a lunatic, and should be put in a mental home. Yesterday he was asking questions as to why his constituents were not allowed to grow it. It is rather a joke how the world is wagging now.

The Deputy is right that he has brought about increased unemployment in East Cork in spite of the tobacco growing and all.

It is rather amusing to hear Deputy Mulcahy. I am very glad that he reminded me of his presence. We hear these moans from over there about these relief grants being unfairly distributed and that Fianna Fáil clubs get the most of them.

I agree with the Deputy that some should go to East Cork, where there is increased unemployment.

It is rather amusing to hear all these moans and then to remember the query sheets that used to come down from Deputy Mulcahy when he was the tin god in the Department of Local Government: "Kindly state how many ex-National Army men were employed on this particular work on such a date, and remember that first preference in all this employment must be given to ex-National Army men." I was also rather amused when I heard Deputy O'Leary here this evening giving his views on fair play in respect of employment and stating that the man most in need of employment should get it. I am very sorry that he was not able to impress those views on Deputy Mulcahy for the ten years that Deputy Mulcahy was in office here.

I always did it.

He paid very little heed to you.

Put up one of the Deputies for North Cork to contradict me.

We will take the result of it. What was the result of it?

The county councils put on their own men.

All credit to the county councils that refused to be parties to the corruption which the ex-Minister endeavoured to practise. The instructions that were sent to the labour exchanges in those days——

Were that married men should get first preference.

No. The first preference was to go to married ex-members of the National Army; the second preference to single ex-members of the National Army——

——and the third preference to married men. I challenge Deputy Mulcahy to stand up and deny that.

Is it not a fact that during——

If it is a fact it is not a point of order. It may be a point of fact.

I challenge Deputy Mulcahy, who is here, to get up in that seat and deny my statement. He will not because he cannot.

I have asked the Deputy whether it was not a fact that employment during that time was given through the county councils and whether the county council in Cork ever employed on road work more than 6 per cent. of the men who were ex-National Army men.

Not recruited through the labour exchanges.

I have made a charge against Deputy Mulcahy that Deputy Mulcahy's orders to the county councils were first preference for ex-National Army men and not first preference for married men or married men with families.

As a matter of fact, Deputy Mulcahy's administration does not arise at all on this Vote.

That is a pity.

Get back to the extra work that is wanted in East Cork where there are more unemployed as a result of the policy of the Deputy's Party.

I am giving facts. When we hear the people over there talking about preferential treatment for this, that, and the other class, we cannot forget that for ten years in this country one particular class did get preferential treatment, and it got that preferential treatment out of the taxpayers' pockets by the direct instruction of the Executive Council in charge of the country.

You were on a good line when you started. Get back to that.

We will get on to a line that you dare not deny. We have also had the usual moan about the position of the farmers and all the rest of it. Deputy Belton gave us all the bank rates, etc. What does it all mean?

Nothing to those who cannot understand it.

It means very little to Deputy Belton. There is a peculiar collection over there at the present day, because Deputy Belton stands up and says that he was a personal supporter of the policy of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and we are told that we would get co-operation from all sides in our policy.

If it is a sound policy.

When we set out to provide at least the cost of production for the Irish farmer in the price of his butter, in what way did Deputy Belton vote?

And £1 for a two-year-old bullock.

In what way did Deputy Belton vote?

How did he vote?

Deputy O'Leary forget all about his Party that night. He did not follow General Mulcahy into the Lobby because he dared not go back to the constituency of North Cork if he had done so, and Deputy O'Leary was going to look after his voters and not after Deputy Mulcahy. Neither did Deputy Bennett. Deputy Bennett looked after the farmers of Limerick that night and said: "I will see to it that they get their cost of production for their milk, no matter what Deputy Cosgrave or Deputy Mulcahy said about it.

And I said that it was a doubtful prospect, and sure enough it was.

Still, the Deputy marched with me into the right lobby for once in his lifetime. These are the moans we hear from these people. If those people could help it, and if Deputy Mulcahy could persuade the few farmers there are on his benches to make idiots of themselves by following him into the lobby, the farmers of the Free State to-day would be getting 2d. a gallon for their milk, and Deputy Mulcahy, who talks about the poverty of the farmers, thought 2d. a gallon enough to give the farmers for their milk. He was not able to persuade Deputy Bennett, however, that he was right nor was he able to persuade Deputy O'Leary that he was right. There was a smash in the ranks that day. It is the same with everything else. We heard a lot about prices this evening, and we had a fierce attack on the idea that we should reduce production on certain of the livestock of this country. Are Deputies who examine statistics aware that in 1931, we exported more agricultural produce to Britain than in 1930, and got £6,000,000 less for what we sent over?

What are we getting now?

We would like to hear the figures quoted.

Are Deputies aware of that? I have quoted the figures here in this House time and again, and Deputy Mulcahy is not able to deny them, just as he is unable to deny the table I gave a few minutes ago. We are still waiting for his denial.

The farmers' bible.

You cannot deny those figures and although our market in Britain dropped by that £6,000,000, in the space of 12 months, Deputy Mulcahy, Deputy O'Higgins and the rest of them were still prepared to pay John Bull £5,000,000 for that market.

What are we paying him now?

I would pay £5,000,000 for £7,000,000 any day.

If I had my way and put a lot of you people where you should be, you would pay them damn little.

In the little cabbage garden, I suppose?

There is a practice growing up in this House of Deputies addressing each other across the floor. The rules governing debate say that Deputies must address the Chair, and that if Deputies are referred to, they must be referred to in the third person. That rule ought to be observed. If it is not observed, it is not likely to lead to harmony or decorum.

The Deputy will not be able to say anything now.

He will; he is good for an hour yet.

He is our heavyweight.

Immediately after the last general election a lot of labourers were thrown out of employment in my district. Numbers of unemployed were going around the week after the declaration of the poll because some gentlemen who called themselves farmers down there thought that not alone should they possess the muscles of the labourers but that they should possess their souls as well. I notice they have all taken them back and there is increased employment at present in my district for agricultural labourers.

Then you want no grant.

They are working. They are ploughing the land now and there is an end to the bullock. Every year that we went into the tillage returns here while Cumann na nGaedheal was in office we had a drop in the area of land under tillage. The land was going back to grass. Now the old ploughs that had been thrown up on the ditches are stopping a gap, are having the rust knocked off them. You have the old lad, with the big paunch going off him, following the plough. One famous instance has been given in this House as to the change that our policy has brought about amongst the farming community themselves. At the last general election my opponent, Deputy Kent, was soft in his muscles. He had a big job getting up into a lorry, but a few months ago he challenged the Minister for Defence to swim the Liffey or to run a hurdle race with him. If that is the result of our policy the farmers of the country should be very grateful to us indeed. But to get back to business——

A Deputy

Hear, hear!

I would like to give an instance here of the changes that have come about in my constituency which, perhaps, I have to admit, may be less in need of grants than others. But the change shows how well we could spend the money. We have a waterproof factory down there with which Deputy McGilligan should be very well acquainted. That factory is still spreading its wings and is continuing to give increased employment. There are 90 people employed there. When Deputy McGilligan was in office that factory was closed down. For six months before we came into office it was closed down. Another factory there was giving employment to 60 hands. We have a shovel and spade factory in Temple Michael, giving employment to 34 hands, and I have pleasure in announcing to the heathens on the opposite benches, who cannot believe that industry is spreading, that the firm has now got a trade loan that will enable it to give employment to 80 additional hands.

That is giving employment to people instead of sending the money over to John Bull. I told the Parliamentary Secretary a short time ago about the good use we made of a relief grant of £250 last year. That was put in to prove a deposit of clay in Cloyne. That deposit was proved. During the last 12 months that mine has given permanent employment to 30 hands and now with the requisite plant and machinery put down that mine is giving permanent employment to 67 hands. That is all because of the judicious use we made of the £250. Ever since 1928 appeals were made to the Department of Industry and Commerce to develop that mine but nothing was done until we came into office. That is some of the work we did. I am sure that gives proof to the Parliamentary Secretary how judiciously we were able to spend the £250 we got in the last grant. I trust that he will be still more generous when he is sending us the next grant.

Then we have the Clandullane flour mills in the Fermoy area. These Clandullane mills were closed, down in 1929 under Deputy Cosgrave's régime. They were closed down and no more employment given there. Mr. Rank was, under the new system of economics, to make all our flour over in Liverpool and Manchester. That flour mill is now working and giving employment to 57 hands. That is rather a change. Then we have the Midleton flour mill and the Mallow flour mill. The Mallow flour mill was practically closed down also. Now that mill is not alone continuing in employment 47 men employed there, but the number has been increased by 36 more. I would be delighted any day if any unconverted heathen on the opposite benches would care to be converted, to give him a free tour around the country and bring him along to the factories and flour mills we have got going and let him see what can be done in a constituency where the Deputy is not a dud.

We are sticking to the cows.

I know you are. Deputy O'Leary is still sticking to the bull. I advised Deputy O'Leary last year to grow tobacco but he would not. He will be wanting to grow it this year when the profit is gone.

No, I have too much commonsense. I will not grow tobacco this year.

Stick to that. The less you people grow the more will be left for us. If there is anything that irritates me it is to hear the constant moaning, the constant groaning, and the constant old wailing that you hear over there on the Opposition Benches. Really the Deputies there ought to settle it up sometime. I think it was Deputy Belton I heard talking about strengthening the enemy and the secret of the strength of the enemy. Hang it all, if we have a weak spot it is not your duty as part of this Irish nation to be moaning and groaning and wailing about that weak spot, if there happens to be a weak spot.

What about Deputy O'Dowd? Tell us about what he said.

All that is helping the anemy. You are too long at it and it is time you stopped.

Why do you not protect the weak spot?

There are so many weak spots in you that if I tried to protect them I would have to enclose you in your farm, but I do not wish to delay the House further. I have given the House a list of a share of the employment that has been provided in my constituency since the present Government took office. I have also drawn Deputy Belton's attention to these figures, which are still uncontradicted by him or other Deputies. I would like them to get into those figures. They will find them there in the Official Reports. If Deputies can contradict them, let them get up and do so. In those figures I showed that the ordinary 40-acre farmer is £40 better off under the Fianna Fáil Government than he was when Cumann na nGaedheal was in office. I have given a free invitation to the Deputies over there to examine those figures, and if they can contradict them get up here and contradict them, and let them not be talking through their hats. We are sick of this moaning and groaning, and weeping and crying and sneering. I have only one further thing to add, and that is to ask the Parliamentary Secretary to tell me why my constituency has got none of this relief grant this year; and secondly, to request him, in view of the good results that we have got out of the little he gave us last year, to open his purse strings and at least put £10,000 of this £50,000 into East Cork. We will make use of it and we will not ask him for any more, because we will have no unemployment next year.

If I might just answer Deputy Corry's question before it is forgotten. Deputy Corry said that East Cork received no money out of the grant this year. There was a Local Government grant to Mitchelstown; there was a Local Government grant of £360 to Castlemartyr; a Local Government grant of £100 to Buttevant; a grant of £750 to Cobh; a grant of £150 to Midleton; a grant of £350 to Fermoy; a grant of £300 to Youghal. It is time that misrepresentation, from whatever side of the House it comes, shall be met. There was a grant to Charleville of £600; a grant to another place that I cannot read, near Charleville, of £250; a grant to Johnstown, Fermoy, for marble development, of £250. I hope this will be a lesson to the Deputy. The only portion of my own constituency to which a grant was given under the minor relief schemes is a portion which I am now transferring to Deputy Corry—Passage West. Cobh got another £100, and Deputy Corry knows it got it.

And 6/- on a bag of flour.

I listened to Deputy Corry for quite a length of time. I heard a lot of noise, but I really heard nothing either in favour or against this particular Vote. When the Deputy sat down I was mystified to understand whether he was suggesting to the House that they should pass this Vote or throw it out. That may be density on my part, or it may have been that I was moidered with the volume of sound, but that is the position I am in at the present moment. I shall make my own position clear at the very beginning, that I am intervening in this debate in order to welcome the Vote and to express appreciation of the fact that in hard times, when money is short, scarce and tight, this particular effort is being made at the end of a financial year to deal with a situation which is certainly very serious.

Deputy Corry at one stage started to complain—it appears that it was without any foundation, like most of his arguments—that his constituency had not got their whack out of this relief money. He was answered by the Parliamentary Secretary. If there was any truth or reality in the picture painted by Deputy Corry of the conditions existing in East Cork, then I would say that the Parliamentary Secretary laid himself open to being indicted for having given so much money to East Cork. I take it that the Parliamentary Secretary, with his officials and advisers, knows exactly what the circumstances are in any constituency and that he gives the money where it is most wanted. The fact that so much poured into East Cork showed the absolute necessity for such money in East Cork and the falseness of the picture which Deputy Corry attempted to portray. I think we are more or less on common ground in facing up to the fact that there is very grave necessity for a Vote of this kind; that there is a big volume of demand for this particular money from every parish, every county, and every constituency; and that that demand is put forward from no parish or county without having really destitute circumstances behind it and without a genuine ground for the demand. We have that state of circumstances in a year when the Minister for Finance is in a position to boast, when he is blowing the Government trumpet, that never before has any Government voted such vast sums for the relief of unemployment. We have the Minister for Local Government telling us that never before in the history of this State has such an immense scheme of centrally-subsidised building been launched. Admitted that the Votes are immense; that the relief Votes are bigger than ever were heard of in this House; that the centrally-directed building scheme is of a more comprehensive nature than ever was launched or contemplated in this House before; in other words, that every artificial aid to employment is carried out on a far vaster scale than ever was contemplated in this House before, yet in spite of all that, we have common ground in admitting that the volume of unemployment was never as great as at present. The index figure of the real state of the country in the sense of unemployment is the amount of unemployment minus all artificial aids, minus all relief Votes, minus all State-driven and State subsidised mediums of employment. Admitting that everything we hear from the benches opposite is true and that never before were such huge Votes given for the relief of unemployment and such vast sums voted for the stimulation of building; and admitting also that never before had we such an appalling number of unemployed——

That is not admitted.

Might I inform the Parliamentary Secretary that I am not the least bit worried as to what he admits or denies?

Go ahead then.

I am merely quoting statements and claims put forward by members of the Government. I am merely quoting official unemployment figures and drawing my own deduction, which I am as much entitled to do as the Parliamentary Secretary.

The Deputy said "admitted." That is the only thing I am objecting to.

What is the only thing—the deduction?

That it is admitted that there is a greater amount of unemployment and distress in the country than ever there was. That is not admitted. The Deputy is quite open to prove it.

We have more money voted for the relief of unemployment than ever before; we have more money voted for the central subsidising of building schemes than ever before; the official return of unemployment is greater than ever before, and the increased volume of unemployment is admitted by all, with the exception of the Parliamentary Secretary.

No. The word "admitted" is not right."

The amount of money given by way of home assistance, in order to assist the destitute people in their homes has reached a higher figure than ever was recorded in the history of this State. I want Deputies opposite and Deputies on this side of the House as well to realise that we are dealing with something serious and with something that may become a tragedy. They should realise that the only way we can hope to avert that tragedy is by sizing up the situation first, grappling with hard facts and ignoring the consideration as to which Party is responsible for the existing circumstances. Our duty is, first of all, to grapple firmly with these circumstances. I say that when you want the figure indicating normal employment in the country you must use the figures minus artificial aids, and the number is greater as these huge Votes are greater than before. If there is more real destitution than ever before then, in the absence of these artificial aids, the condition of the country in the unemployment sense must be really rotten, and the causes of the rottenness are easier to deal with even when that means the sacrifice of old political complexions. I suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary and his colleagues, that when all is said and done no country, great or small, can hope to prosper or even to survive without an export trade to some foreign market, and further, without the prospect of extending and developing that particular export trade in a foreign market. The greatest man any country ever had, with the very best intentions, can never hope to cope successfully with unemployment at home, merely by a system of tariffs, if he deliberately destroys every approach that leads the export trade to a foreign market. Much praise has to be given to those who start any industry in this country, whether it be big or small, whether it be situated in East Cork or in Dublin. But, after all, that work could have been done and very good work in that direction could have been done, without blasting the bridge that connects it with our export markets. Very good and creditable work could be done and done with great success in the direction of reconstructing the whole structure of this nation, without injuring our export markets.

The charge I have to make against the present Government is that they did all that over the corpse of the external market and any hope we had of developing our external trade. There is no hope either of prosperity, or of increased employment, or diminished unemployment, along the road leading to the destruction of our external market, and the trade which was done in that market. The quicker people on the opposite side of this House return to sanity and commonsense and forget their political complexions the better. There are able men on the other side of the House as there are on this side. They know there is no hope for any country, without a foreign trade and a foreign market, and without having some way open to it of selling its home produce abroad. But they know that like an ugly dream, they recall their political propaganda and their political statements in the past, and they stick to them now even though they know they can only lead to disaster.

I welcome this particular Vote. I think, from all sides, the necessity for this Vote is realised; there is nothing but regret that we should have to make such relief votes. But if we have to make them I think the bulk of the money ought to go where it is most wanted. The bulk of the money is most urgently required in the counties, and the areas, which have been most hard hit by what is called the economic war. On previous occasions I ventured to make suggestions when relief works were under discussion. I make all allowances for the difficulty of anyone who has to administer comparatively small sums in face of comparatively large demands. But I regret to say no attention has been paid to any suggestions, so far made by me, or any recommendations as to how or where a very small sum of money might be spent with the return to the State by way of leaving some permanent impression and advantage behind it. I regret to say that although my recommendations might have been attended to my suggestions were not carried out. I was rather disappointed to gather, from the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and Deputy Corry indicated subsequently a similar line of thought, that the parcelling out of this money was already allocated. I hope that is not so. I do not think it would be treating the House fairly to put a Vote before it for money that had already been allocated. I am speaking in the belief that the money has not already been allocated. Lying somewhere in the Parliamentary Secretary's office or in some department of the Board of Works there is a thing that has been put up repeatedly, and put up by Deputies belonging to both Parties, and that is a little blister, so to speak, that has arisen in one part of the County Leix. Deputy Davin, I am sure, has on many occasions referred to this, and I am perfectly certain there is plenty of correspondence in the Parliamentary Secretary's Department from Deputy Davin on the subject. The question I am referring to is that of Ballyadams, Ballylinane drainage outside the town of Athy. I believe at that end of Leix there is no area in which there is more or less constant general unemployment, coupled with the general desire for work. In some areas there is plenty of unemployment but not every evidence of a very keen desire to work. Without exception, in the area that I have mentioned 100 per cent. of the desire of the people is for work and to earn wages. In the midst of this there is this Ballyadams scheme calling for attention. In this particular drainage area an unfortunate situation has arisen. There was in the old days some liability on the people living about to form amongst themselves a pool to pay the rate. These are the facts as I know them. Payment of the rate has been ignored for 16 or 17 years, and now the people are unable to pay the rate or the arrears that have accumulated. I think when they sought assistance by way of relief work they were told "You are supposed to maintain these works; we have nothing to do with them." I am not advocating the expenditure of money there in order to get the people freed from the arrears of the rate. I am only urging it as an area in which there is a big volume of unemployment, and a big desire for employment, because there is a type of person there who wants work.

As a further reminder to the Parliamentary Secretary, I should point out that this area is only two or three miles from the Wolfhill coal mines. This was a big centre for employing all the ablebodied men for miles around. Some years ago these mines closed down, and, as a result, increased the unemployment throughout the area. There were high hopes at one time that the mines were going to be reopened. Promises to that effect were made. I am not going to question the action of people who made these promises. I am simply dealing with the question of reopening the mines. If it is not considered possible to reopen the mines, I suggest that this is a drainage area, franking the mines, in which very useful work could be done.

Mr. Maguire

Deputy O'Higgins's speech on this Vote has dealt rather with general conditions in the country than with giving an indication as to how the grant might advantageously be spent. One matter mentioned by Deputy O'Higgins might have escaped unanswered. With all the suggestions of apparent decay, and with all the statements that we heard from the opposite benches, as well as the indications of prosperity, it might be asked why there is a necessity for this grant. There is no use saying that there is not depression in this country as there is in general in every other country. That, I suggest, is partly responsible for this grant. In addition, there is the stoppage of emigration for the last three years. That has contributed its quota. There is another explanation, that this Government has undertaken the Christian responsibility of providing work for those who need it, as well as food and the necessities of life for those in need. It may be difficult on the part of Deputies opposite to understand that policy, seeing that they have declared that it was never the duty of the Government to provide work or food for those who need it, and that if people died it would be the will of God.

Who said that?

Mr. Maguire

It was the policy of the late Government.

Quite false.

Mr. Maguire

It was the statement of a Minister of the last Government, that it was not the duty of the Government to provide work.

What Minister?

The Minister for Industry and Commerce.

The same old lies.

The Deputy was had out in that before.

We nailed that lie not once but many times.

Tell us about Adrigole.

I am not talking about Adrigole. I am talking about a Minister's speech.

Mr. Maguire

These relief grants have undoubtedly done good, not merely from the point of view of the unemployed, but they have left behind good practical work. For the first time, a feeling has been created that such money is being fairly and honestly administered. There is a general consensus of opinion that very much better work has been got for the money than was the case in previous grants of a similar kind. I suggest that we are close to the period when small farmers might with more advantage be employed in putting in the crops than working on the roads. As there may be districts in which there is a scarcity of seeds and fertilisers, the Parliamentary Secretary might—if he finds it impossible to give other assistance to small farmers and labourers—provide them with the necessary seeds and manures, instead of spending so much money on roads. He might devote portion of the money to that end.

That is being done.

Mr. Maguire

I suggest that this year is particularly adapted to drainage work, and that the Department might, with advantage, concentrate more on minor drainage schemes than on what I consider to be less urgent work on bog roads. Before concluding I should refer to what I consider to be the very unfair type of speech that is often made in this House. While some Deputies opposite admit the necessity for these grants, others merely use it to lead off a wholesale attack on the Government. They are unanimous in suggesting that our efforts have been a complete failure, and that stark ruin is confronting the country. However, one would expect from them some indication of what the alternative line of action should be.

Mr. Maguire

There was no such statement. I assert that they condemn us for our protective policy, a policy we adopted to protect the market for our farmers and for our industrial workers generally. If that policy is unsound here it must be unsound all over the world.

What about the unemployment figures?

Mr. Maguire

The Parliamentary Secretary will deal with them, as he is in possession of statistics.

Conditions of labour reminiscent of Babylon.

Mr. Maguire

Deputy Belton referred to what he regarded as an indication of the failure of the National Loan. At the same time he dealt with the success of the last British National Loan. The inference the Deputy wished us to draw was that the solvency of this State was so doubtful that people did not consider it advisable to invest money in it, and he contrasted that with the solvency of England, with whom he suggested we are responsible for the economic war. We are not carrying it on voluntarily. It was forced on us by England. I suggest that the explanation is obvious. If the issue of the British National Loan was a success there is this to be said, that in England the Opposition Party were not leading a wild campaign against the Government, and they were not decrying the solvency of the industrial conditions in England, although at the time conditions were not very solvent there, as far as one could gauge, because unemployment was very high and there was a very poor outlook in trade and industry. They were not training a young army in England to walk into revolution to all intents and purposes.

They have only one army in England, after all.

Mr. Maguire

I suggest that in England the Opposition were not creating a young army, led by old playboys, in opposition to the Government, and were not decrying the solvency of the State. That is one reason why the National Loan was a success in England and it is the sole reason why there was not the degree of success in the case of our National Loan—the attitude taken up by the Opposition here.

What opposition are you talking of?

Not blowing up with land mines, as happened in Dundalk.

Deputy Maguire is entitled to speak without interruption.

Quite right.

Mr. Kelly

The Deputy ought to have manners.

Listen to the supreme idiot on the opposite side.

I question the word "supreme."

Is that a right remark for any member of the House to make —to call another member a supreme idiot? I think the Deputy who made that remark ought to be made withdraw it.

If that remark were made it should be withdrawn. I did not hear it.

All right. He is not a supreme idiot, I admit.

The withdrawal will not be accepted in that fashion. The Deputy must withdraw the remark simpliciter.

I bow to your ruling.

Mr. Maguire

The further statement was made that England will not become for all practical purposes self-contained in agricultural products: that it does not suit her interest: that she is a highly industrialised country depending on foreign markets for the sale of her products: that, therefore, it is a convenient and sound policy for England to produce things industrially and leave her own market open for the agricultural products that other countries can supply it with in return for the industrial products which they buy from her. That is the statement made by Deputy Belton, and it may be partially true. It is rather a pity that Deputy Belton, and those who agree with that policy, did not declare it in 1916 and subsequently and stop all revolution, leaving us in the position that we were in of close unity with England so that we might avail to the utmost of the advantages offered by that great market. I suggest it is rather absurd to be making statements here that, obviously, are ill-considered.

Deputy Belton also enunciated a profound philosophy: the idea of finding economic employment for all the people, that it would be a good line of policy for the Government to follow. I am sure the solution of the world's problems will soon be realised after Deputy Belton's words go forth. Regarding this sum of £50,000 he said two things: first of all, that it should be burned: that it is useless, and then he finished up with advice as to how it should be spent. It should be spent, he said, by giving employment to the most necessitous people. Which statement does the Deputy wish us to take? Was the Deputy's speech just an indication of the general policy pursued on the benches opposite, each member speaking with a different voice? Until the Deputies opposite formulate a sane, practical policy and preach that, I am afraid the Government will have to do without their services as advisers. The people of the country last year and the year before did not consider it advisable to follow their advice, and will continue to consider it inadvisable to follow it until they take up some reasonable line of thought and apply it to discussions in this House.

Like Deputy O'Higgins, I welcome this Vote. I intend to respond to the appeal of the Parliamentary Secretary who asked for suggestions as to the spending of this money. I am in somewhat of a difficulty for the reason that I am not sure whether this money has not been allocated already for schemes which have been finished, or perhaps are in the course of being finished.

There is a certain amount of open money on which the Deputy's advice will be valuable.

I understood that at the inception of these relief schemes conferences, composed of Deputies representing the various counties, were to be held for the purpose of discussing the schemes which might be most usefully set on foot to assist the unemployed. I received a circular indicating the number of relief schemes that would be carried out in the County Louth, and I presume the same procedure was adopted in the case of other counties. I noticed that the majority of the schemes dealt with in that circular were suggested more or less by the secretaries of the local Fianna Fáil club. I made inquiries and found that in nine cases out of ten all the suggestions came from that source. I do not object to that, and I hope the members of the Fianna Fáil are not under the impression that I find fault with it. My only objection is that we were asked to give our opinions and were prepared to do so, but then found that certain opinions had been given whether we liked them or not. In saying that I want to admit that the schemes carried out in the county that I represent were all right. They were of benefit to the areas concerned, and gave much-needed employment.

With regard to the money that is available, I want to suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary some schemes that might usefully be carried out in the County Louth, and particularly around Dundalk. I received a memorial last week in connection with a little by-road situated about four miles outside Dundalk. It leads to a church and it is in a very bad way.

If the Deputy will post the memorial to me it will save him dealing with it now.

That is one case. In regard to the method of recruitment for these relief schemes, at the outset so far as I know it was mainly through the labour exchanges. I think I can bear out what the Minister for Industry and Commerce stated that there was absolutely no preference given to men engaged on those schemes because of their political opinions. As far as I know the work was given in an honest way. Most of the men were employed through the labour exchanges, preference being given first of all to married men with large families, then to married men with families, and so on until it came down to single men. The only preference given was, I think, to the owners of land whose holdings adjoined a little road, say that was being widened. The idea of giving the preference there was that the piece of land required for the widening of the road might be obtained in an amicable way, thus avoiding any litigation. The only incident that I can recall with regard to the recruitment of labour is that on one particular occasion cards were issued by the officials in the labour exchange to eight or ten men who were to start work on a particular morning on a particular scheme. It so happened that when they went out to start work there, there were nine or ten other men there already who, in the meantime, had procured cards from the same labour exchange. I made it my business to find out what was wrong. As far as I can remember, it was due entirely to the action —the foolish action, I would say—of a certain prominent man in Dundalk. I am sorry to say that he should have had more sense seeing the profession he follows, which is that of a solicitor. As I understand it, he went down and more or less threatened the officials that unless they issued these cards he would report the matter to headquarters. In other words, he was using his position. That is the only incident I can recall.

Was that incident reported to the Department, or to me, or to anybody?

I do not know, because, as I have said, I think that if the Parliamentary Secretary or the Minister for Industry and Commerce were to examine the files in his Department he would fail to find my name down there making any complaints in regard to the giving of employment to men, because I am one of those who believe that the best thing to do is to endeavour to provide employment for any man irrespective of his political opinions. However, I am only giving that as an example bearing out what the Leas-Cheann Comhairle himself said when he was making his contribution to the debate regarding these relief schemes. The only thing I heard was that the county surveyor did not yield on that particular occasion. He always made it a rule to employ the men through the labour exchanges and, as far as I know, he has carried out the instructions given by the Department in a very faithful and efficient way.

As regards the question of the relief of unemployment and also the question as to whether unemployment is increasing or decreasing, I think it will be generally agreed that, so long as the world exists, there will be unemployment. There is no use in Deputies, belonging to any Party, saying that unemployment can be cured. There is no use in Deputies of any Party whether they belong to the Fianna Fáil Party, the United Ireland Party or the Labour Party, stating here and giving it as their opinion that it is the duty of a Government to solve the unemployment question. I have stated on several occasions and I am prepared to state it now here and to argue the question—and Deputy Norton need not blame the ex-Minister for Industry and Commerce for it at all—that it is not the duty of a Government to solve unemployment, for the simple reason that I am of the opinion that no Government can solve it. Therefore, there is no use in asking any Government to do the impossible. It is my opinion that the measures taken by Governments to solve the unemployment problem only increase unemployment in a great many cases. So that, there is no use in advocating here in this Dáil, or even outside it, that a Government can solve unemployment and can provide work for all the people who are in need of it at this moment. A Government can do much by wise and useful legislation to keep those who are in employment employed. It can do much by wise and useful legislation to extend employment, say, in whatever little industries we have. It can do much also, perhaps, to extend employment by the creation of new industries. But to argue here, as has been attempted to be argued, that a Government can solve the unemployment question is, I think, asking the members of this House to believe a thing which is impossible of achievement. I, for one, will be very slow to pillory even the present Government for its failure to solve the unemployment question. I have never taken advantage of the fact that the figures for unemployment are on the increase at the present time, because I know perfectly well that there is general depression prevailing, not alone in this country, but all over the world, and that in the ordinary course of events, no matter what Governments may do or may not do, unemployment will still be with us.

Whether the present policy of the Government tends to increase or to decrease unemployment is a matter of opinion, but, on the whole, this grant of £50,000, which is given by the Government to relieve unemployment, will be welcomed throughout the country. As I said before, from my experience I am of the opinion that on the whole the Government, in so far as the giving of employment is concerned, are carrying out the rule in a fairly honest and straight way. I say that, having made inquiries into certain statements that had been made by people who looked for work on these relief schemes; and I have come to the conclusion that on the whole these schemes have been the means of providing much useful employment in every county in the Saorstát.

The last two speakers have addressed themselves to the necessity for this Vote and to the desirability of spending the money. I rise in no way to question the necessity for voting and spending this money, but to underline the necessity for it and to get back to the suggestion made by Deputy McGilligan to the Minister for Industry and Commerce yesterday, when he said that some discussion was necessary in putting up this Vote, taking into consideration the fact that there was increasing unemployment in the country, that production was decreasing in the country, and taking into consideration also the failure of the country's credit and that we were still driven to expedients like this in order to keep people employed. I had hoped to address one or two points to the Parliamentary Secretary before he left rather than to the Minister, because I thought, from some remarks of the Parliamentary Secretary, that we might get some kind of a statement from the Parliamentary Secretary that would be, perhaps, more helpful than any we are likely to get from the Minister. Nevertheless, I shall put the points to the Minister and we will see what kind of a reply we will get.

The Parliamentary Secretary questioned some remarks of Deputy O'Higgins when Deputy O'Higgins said that unemployment was greater in this country now than ever it was before. I understood from Deputy Maguire that the Parliamentary Secretary will deal with this challenge, and I, also, would particularly like him to deal with it, because it is important that when we are voting a comparatively large amount now, in addition to what we voted previously during the year and to what was voted last year, and when £1,000,000 additional expenditure is coming out of the Road Fund, it is absolutely necessary that we should have some idea as to the extent of the unemployment problem in the country in relation to the statistics which the Minister supplies. The Minister took up Deputy McGilligan yesterday and said that Deputy McGilligan took good care to come to the Dáil, not for the purpose of discussing the unemployment question on an actual statement of the facts, but for the purpose of misrepresenting the facts. I suggest that the Minister himself set out deliberately to misrepresent the facts in replying to Deputy McGilligan's criticism. The Minister states that the figures in his statement of unemployed do not represent increased unemployment, but represent increased hope of employment. The figures tabled show the number of persons registered as unemployed. The Minister promised last year to make an analysis of the unemployment returns and to give it to the House. He told the House that the figures were interesting and should be published. He has, however, refused to make any publication up to the present. He makes the claim that for every week for the year 1933 the number of recorded unemployed was less than in the corresponding week the previous year. He said that at the end of November there were 80,000 recorded unemployed and that within a few weeks there were 90,000. He asked if Deputy McGilligan took any pains to find out why there was a jump of 10,000. The jump of 10,000, he said, occurred in three places. The whole increase, he said, took place in the district of Thurles, the district of Mallow and the district of Tuam, where work in connection with the beet factories was going to provide additional employment for 2,000 persons. That is a complete misstatement of fact. If we take the figures the Minister has provided for the Thurles area, the Tuam area—which is included in the Galway district—and the Mallow area, we find that on the 20th November in Thurles area there were 944 persons registered as unemployed. In Galway area, which includes Tuam, there were 1,880 registered as unemployed and in the Mallow area, 1,072. That was at the time when, in the country as a whole, there were 80,220 persons registered as unemployed. When we reach the point at which there were 91,987 registered unemployed—on the 22nd January—we find that there were in Thurles 846, a reduction of 98 registered unemployed; that there was a total in Galway of 2,097, an increase of 217 and a total in Mallow of 1,457, an increase of 385—a total increase between these three places of 504 persons. Yet the Minister tells the House that the increase from 80.000 unemployed in November to 90.000 shortly afterwards took place entirely in these three districts.

I do not know what weeks the Deputy is choosing, but in Tuam area alone there were 1,700 fresh registrations.

I am quoting the figures of registered unemployed as provided for us by the Minister. The Tuam area is enclosed in the Galway area and the total number of persons registered in Galway area on the 20th November was 1,880. I am taking the 20th November as the date, giving a margin in respect of the Minister's period. The record for the subsequent weeks, one after another, omitting a week for which there was no issue— the 25th December—is as follows:— 2,134, 2,186, 2,132, 1,913, 1,780, 1,947, 2,048, 2,097. The Minister, who asks us to accept his statement of the unemployed position, tells the House that the increase of 10,000 from the end of November to 90,000 a few weeks afterwards took place entirely in these three districts. Is it any wonder that I should rather be dealing with the Parliamentary Secretary, who has just left, on this question of unemployment than with the Minister? The Minister endeavours to convey the impression that unemployment is definitely less than it was at this time last year. The position is that to-day the number of registered unemployed is greater than it was at this time last year.

I told the Deputy several times to remember that there are new factors in the situation, one of which is that people are registering now for the purpose of making claims under the Unemployment Assistance Act on the 1st March. Presumably, everybody who thinks he can sustain a claim will register between now and this day week, and I expect to see the register go up considerably.

I should expect to see it go up, too, but I should be prepared to give some credence to the Minister's explanation of present-day figures if I had not before me his explanation of the rise from 80,000 to 90,000 from the end of November to the beginning of January. If we go on the Minister's statistics solely, there are 4,390 persons more unemployed to-day than there were this time last year. The number may be even greater because I am speaking of the 12th February and the tendency is a rising tendency.

There are 3,000 fewer drawing benefit.

The Minister provides us with figures for 17 areas. If we take these 17 areas and see how registration of unemployed stands at the end of January, we find that in only three of these areas is there a fall in the original number of persons registered as against the end of January last year, with a falling tendency. There are six places with a fall but with a rising tendency, and in ten of these centres there is an increase in registered unemployed, with a very definite tendency to rise. If the Minister takes the Tralee area, he will find that there are 2,496 more unemployed registered this year for the end of January than there were last year.

The Deputy has stated that there are 4,000 more unemployed registered. Again, I tell the Deputy that the register is not a clear index to the number of persons unemployed. It is an index to the number of people who are willing to take certain forms of employment if it offers, but who may be employed at the actual time of registration. Our examination shows that practically half of them were employed or had means of livelihood.

I must tell the Minister that I would appreciate his interpretation of these things more and I might give more credence to them if I had not some of his other statements at present in my mind. I should like the Minister to take an area, say, like Tralee, in which I see there are 2,496 more registered to-day as unemployed. I should like him to take that figure in relation to the tendency during December-January last year and December-January this year. During the two months December-January, 1933, there was a fall in that area in the numbers registered as unemployed of 1,828, and during the two months December-January, 1934, there was an increase of 1,564.

And does the Deputy think that that represents so many people put out of employment in the area? Will he again bear in mind the fact that this day week or in eight days' time, applications for unemployment assistance are going to be made for the first time and that everybody is going to try, once at any rate, to get it? We anticipate at least 150,000 applications in a week's time. That will be the register.

The Minister is endeavouring to persuade the House that the number of registered unemployed is less than it was last year and I am telling the Minister that in ten out of seventeen districts there has been an increase in the number of unemployed registered and a very definite tendency to rise in the number of persons registering as unemployed. I am pointing out further that while there was a definite drop in the period between the end of November and the end of January last year, there is, over a large area of the country, a very definite rise in the corresponding period this year. That rise is definitely associated with the increase in the amount of home assistance given in many of those areas.

The increase given. That is a matter that requires investigation too.

I should like to hear it argued too that the rise in the cost of home assistance is due to the fact that increased amounts are being given in individual cases.

They are due to the fact that the majority of the boards and committees are staffed entirely by members of the Deputy's Party, who can afford to give out home assistance with great liberality, knowing that the Government is going to be blamed for any rise in rates that may follow. That is certainly the case in Dublin.

At any rate, the position in Dublin is that there has been a comparatively small increase in the amount of money being paid out weekly when you take into consideration the enormous increases that have taken place in other areas. Wexford has been mentioned before to-day. Wexford is one of the places which does not record an increase in the number of persons unemployed there, but the average weekly amount given in home assistance in Wexford has gone up from £300 a week in 1931 to £400 a week in 1932, and £500 a week in 1933, rising, for the end of December last, to an average of £600 a week. As I say, Wexford is an area which does not record an increase in unemployment. It has all the benefits of the Minister's policy with regard to beet, wheat and tobacco.

The Deputy agrees that the figure requires some explanation?

The figures we have before us are increased figures with regard to unemployment, and increased figures with regard to home assistance, apart altogether from the increased distress that we meet in different parts of the country. The case that the Minister has been asked to deal with is: With the present condition of affairs—increasing unemployment and the difficulty that his Government has been in in regard to credit—how long are we to continue to depend upon voting public moneys for public works as a matter of relief? The Minister dealt with some aspects of the development of industry here. There is just one point which I would like to bring to his personal notice. He dealt with the sugar industry and he denied that he had stated here that in the development of the sugar confectionery industry his job was done.

Oh, no; I did not deny it.

As bearing on the Minister's interpretation of figures for development and unemployment, I should like to ask him, in order to help us the better to give credence to what he says in regard to these important matters, to give us some interpretation of the statement he made last night in view of what he stated on the 11th May last as reported in column 910. In relation to the confectionery industry he stated on the 11th May:

"Take the confectionery industry. Employment in it has been doubled. The output has been more than doubled and it is still increasing."

He said a lot more but that is enough for reference. On the 9th August, he stated, as reported in column 1533:

"I do not propose to give a detailed industrial review but I want to mention some of the outstanding facts. Taking the industries in the order in which they appear in our trade and shipping statistics, I should like to merely mention the following particulars. In the confectionery trade we have completed our job. The imports are now of no consequence."

That is true.

He maintains that he had doubled employment in the confectionery industry, that he had doubled output and generally he makes the claim—at least he did until last week—that what we have dropped in the matter of imports we have made up in the employment——

The reference is to chocolate confectionery.

On a point of order, a Chinn Comhairle, you very properly protected the Minister from being interrupted——

But not very successfully.

I wish to point out that the Minister himself, not for the first time, has indulged in constant interruption of Deputies when they make statements which are not to his liking.

The Deputy should be allowed to make his speech without interruption. If there is anything controversial in it, it can be replied to afterwards.

I should like to know how the Minister relates his statement of the 9th August and the 11th May to the statement which he made to-day and to the actual facts and figures as reported to us. The position in regard to the sugar confectionery industry is that from a total of 3,400 employed in 1924, there was an increase in the number employed to 5,540 in 1928.

Is this chocolate confectionery?

Sugar confectionery. It then fell by about 350 until 1931 and now it has been brought back to the figure of 5,522. In the face of these figures, the Minister tells the House that he has doubled the employment and doubled the output in the confectionery industry. The Minister is asking us in the present financial circumstances, in the circumstances with regard to production in the country, in the circumstances with regard to increased unemployment, to vote huge sums here for the carrying out of public works in the face of the very considerable amount of money spent on home assistance. The total amount of money spent during the year 1931 in this way was £580,000; in 1932 it was £670,000 and in 1933 it was £860,000. In the face of these facts the House is entitled to more responsible and more correct statements from the Minister than the Minister has so far given it. I consider his statement with regard to whether the increase in the 10,000 persons registered as unemployed took place —I refer to the statement he made last night—a very disgraceful one for a Minister to make to the House.

There is one other point with which I would like the Minister or the Parliamentary Secretary to deal. Perhaps I would prefer to put it to the Parliamentary Secretary rather than to the Minister. The Parliamentary Secretary told us, on one occasion, that in certain areas, the rule of the Minister's Department by which persons could only be employed directly through the labour exchange and on the nomination of the persons in charge of the labour exchange was relaxed, implying that there were certain areas where local authorities employed their own persons in the way in which they employed persons before. I would like to hear what these areas are and to what extent greater satisfaction is given to persons looking for employment in these areas than is given in the areas complained about by Deputy Hogan and other Deputies here to-day. I consider it would be a much more satisfactory arrangement, when works are carried out by a local authority, that the officers of the local authority would select the persons for employment, giving to the local labour exchange officers the function of receiving appeals from any persons aggrieved.

I believe the complaints that have been made here, that the officer in charge of the local employment exchange has no capacity for estimating the relative merits, based on their circumstances, of persons looking for employment, is very well sustained in every part of the country. On the other hand, the machinery provided by the officers of local bodies gives a much more sensitive and a much more experienced method of handling the situation. They know the conditions better; they know the personnel of the areas better and they are much more subject both to official and the ordinary supervision than members of the local body can exercise over them. It is creating a considerable amount of uneasiness and resentment in different parts of the country that the local bodies have to take their employees direct from the labour exchange when the local bodies, and their officials, know that they are not equipped in any way to make these selections.

Before the Deputy concludes, I would like to ask him if he will tell the House why the members of his Party on the Dublin Corporation used their majority on the Corporation to ensure that only their Party nominees would be placed upon the Dublin Board of Assistance and why it is, having regard to the fact that the Dublin Board of Assistance consists entirely of members of his own Party, he will not make representations to them on the matter of relief, with a view to finding out if there is any truth in what the majority of the citizens of Dublin believe, that home assistance is being paid in many cases to people not entitled to receive it and not in need of it.

I would welcome very much if the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Local Government and Public Health would make up their minds that they were going to hold definite inquiries into any cases in which they thought home assistance was given to people who did not need it. I can assure the Minister that I will support him in every way and help him to do that. Of course the Minister is simply throwing some kind of a red herring into the discussion here when he mentions the Dublin Board of Assistance. I do not know that the Dublin Board of Assistance has anything to do with the carrying out of relief works, and the question of giving outdoor relief is a matter that, so far as Dublin is concerned, has increased in a comparatively small way compared to the other districts.

So far as wanting to explain the consciences of any Fine Gael representatives on the Dublin Corporation is concerned, we do not adopt the attitude towards our representatives there that the Fianna Fáil Party adopt towards their representatives. Deputy T. Kelly was able to tell a member of this Party on the Dublin Corporation the other day that it did not matter if he objected, but he was a member of a Party and they knew how to sit on him. I do not know how to sit on people who are associated with my political Party, and who may be on the Dublin Corporation. At any rate, I am prepared to assist the Minister, and the Minister for Local Government and Public Health if they undertake to make inquiries into any cases where it is alleged relief has been given to people to whom it ought not to be given.

I do not propose to traverse the ground that has already been covered, ground which falls for more exploration on estimates other than this. In the course of his speech, Deputy O'Higgins raised a matter of considerable importance to rural areas. He referred to a river which was, apparently, cleaned at some public expense many years ago and in respect of which a particular rate was struck in order to make good the initial cost of the drainage and to defray the cost of cleaning it annually as well. When referring to that particular river in his own constituency, the Deputy illuminated a grievance that exists in many other constituencies. That grievance exists in what are known as rated rivers. There are many cases where a rate was struck for the purpose of carrying out the original drainage. During the abnormal periods experienced in recent years, the rates in respect to the cleaning of many of the rivers were not paid, with the result that there is a considerable amount of arrears of rates now due in relation to those rivers and the burden of those rates is extremely heavy nowadays on the people who are liable to bear them. When the work was undertaken, costs generally were high and not merely have the initial costs to be paid but the annual maintenance costs have also to be paid.

I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to undertake to investigate the circumstances of rivers of that nature with a view to seeing whether it is not possible for the Board of Works to evolve some other plan which would make the initial charge and the annual maintenance cost in respect of the drainage of rivers a charge on some central fund or, if that is not possible, to make those charges county-at-large charges generally. If that could be done it would help to even out the uneven incidence of rates which devolve on many local ratepayers to-day. With other Deputies I welcome this estimate as making some contribution towards further relief works. My only regret is that the amount we are being asked to vote is not substantially higher. In rural areas especially, minor relief schemes are advantageous. They do something in the way of providing employment in areas where there is no local industry to absorb the people into productive employment. While doing that they help to improve the amenities of districts by improving roads, by drainage work and by general tidying up of untidy districts. Drainage work has the further advantage that, being mainly manual work, almost 95 per cent. of the money voted for that purpose can be spent on labour, thus spreading the benefit of the relief grant over the greatest possible number of people.

While taking the view that any kind of drainage work is advantageous, especially in rural areas, and while thinking that drainage work does much to provide local employment, I would suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary that more attention should be given in future to drainage associated with the restoration of bogs, or with making it possible to utilise to a greater extent the latent wealth of the bogs. Draining any kind of stream may be useful work from the point of view of improving the amenities of a district. It may make transport much more rapid or much more congenial, but we have got to remember that the drainage of rivers and the drainage of bogs does a good deal in the way of making it possible for people in rural areas to get into the bogs, and to extract from the bogs the wealth which they contain. Any money spent in making bogs more accessible, making it possible for the people to get to the better kind of turf, helps to start new agencies for providing work and new agencies for creating new wealth. The expenditure of perhaps £100 in cleaning a drain leading to a bog might of itself result in it being possible for the local people to extract wealth from that particular bog worth 20 or 40 times the amount of money spent originally on the drainage side. I hope the Parliamentary Secretary, in future relief schemes, will give special attention to the question of drainage where that drainage helps to make the bogs more accessible, and which consequently makes it possible for the people to win fuel and incidentally a livelihood from the bogs.

There is one matter that I want to refer to, and I am rather sorry that the circumstances have necessitated reference to it. Some of us know that in certain areas throughout the country it is becoming quite a habit with local Fianna Fáil branches to meet, before a relief scheme is sanctioned for the area or after a relief scheme is sanctioned for the area, to announce that the work is to be confined to members of the local Fianna Fáil club. I have not the slightest objection in the world to members of the local Fianna Fáil club being put to work provided that the local Fianna Fáil Party provide the funds for putting them to work, but I enter a very strong objection to any political Party claiming a monopoly of employment on work financed out of public money. I am going to say at once that I do not accuse the Parliamentary Secretary and do not accuse the Board of Works of giving countenance to that outlook, nor do I suggest that they are in any way a party to the action of certain Fianna Fáil clubs which want to administer public funds through their local branches.

Hear, hear!

I do say that in future there might be a postscript put at the end of those relief schemes to the effect that this money is being made available for the relief of unemployed people in the most necessitous circumstances, and that no preference based on political views is to be given to anybody. I would wish to see employment available for everybody, but since employment is not available for everybody, then the best this House can do is to try to make it available for the persons in the most necessitous circumstances. I do not think any Party in this House or any Deputy in this House, no matter what his political opinions may be, will enter any objection to the work being handed out on the basis of the greatest need. Certainly any attempt to claim that work ought to be allocated on the basis of the political beliefs of the applicants is the kind of attempt which ought to be put down by every Party in this State. If the supporters of the Government in office are permitted to do that to-day, then it is quite possible for the supporters of another Government to-morrow to do precisely the same thing. It is a vicious principle. While I am not accusing the Government of lending any countenance whatever to that proceeding, I suggest that every possible effort ought to be made to stamp out any attempt to reward people with employment because of their political opinions. Every possible effort should be made to insure that employment is distributed without regard to political opinions, the test being merely that of the greatest necessity.

It is because I believe that, that I advise the Parliamentary Secretary not to give much credence to the suggestion of Deputy Mulcahy that local authorities ought to be permitted to employ men on relief schemes. We all know—even if the Deputy does not— the dangers inherent in that kind of selection for employment. I think it is very much better that employment on relief schemes should be given through the local employment exchange. There, at all events, you have a person who is a civil servant or a quasi-civil servant. He has definite instructions to adhere to, and if those instructions are in any way transgressed it is possible for the Minister to check that official for such breach of his instructions, or for any evasion of his instructions; whereas, if the local authority is going to be the agency through which people are to be given employment, then those local authorities, reflecting as they inevitably do the political opinions of the different political Parties in the country, will be bound— whether they like it or not—to give a certain kind of preference to the people who followed the particular political views of the person who has the dispensing of the posts. The method of employing people through the employment exchanges is on the whole a fairer scheme. There have, of course, been cases where it was not obvious to some people who were interested that the instructions of the Department were carried out, or that there was a fair advertence to what were necessitous circumstances, but those were on the whole isolated breaches. They can be corrected, and I think in many cases they were corrected. On the whole, the method of employing people through the local employment exchanges is the best, because it makes it possible for the person who is not at the heel of the ward heeler to be sure that his qualifications will get a fair consideration. On the whole, that method of employing people should be maintained. I think it is fairer than any other methods which have so far been tried, and if the instructions of the Department are adhered to there is no reason why it should not give much more satisfaction than it gives to-day.

I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary, when he is replying, will tell us whether we still have this £50,000 to expend, or how much of it is to be expended; whether the whole of it will be spent before the end of this financial year, or whether—though we are voting £50,000—it will really be finding its way back to the Exchequer at the end of next month.

I think it is agreed on all sides of the House that no method can give universal satisfaction in the administration of local or minor relief schemes. There are always the disgruntled few. I have listened to Deputy Anthony and also to Deputy MacDermot, and when they referred to discrimination it would appear that their case was the only case or that their grievance was the only grievance —discrimination against ex-servicemen who have say 5/- or 6/- of a pension, discrimination against ex-National Army men, or discrimination against followers of the Party which I stand for, or probably in some instances of the Labour Party.

On the last occasion on which this unemployment question was being discussed, I appealed to the Parliamentary Secretary in connection with that very same complaint. I suggested that an inspector should be sent to counties at certain periods, with full powers to take drastic action, if necessary, to investigate in local areas the names of men employed on minor relief schemes. He will find that, in many instances, the same names keep bobbing up again and again with deliberate discrimination against others who have a fair and just title to a day's work. I think the Parliamentary Secretary suggested that these names should be sent to him. I ask him what guarantee has a person who sends his name forward to the Parliamentary Secretary's office that he will be free from victimisation by some ganger or chief official who will say: "You have got me into trouble so look out." Let there be some system by which that will not occur. It may be that the Parliamentary Secretary's office could send word to the surveyor or some chief county official, but let the names be kept secret. Several times such men have written to me and I particularly refer to Naas and Rathangan. I am prepared to give the Parliamentary Secretary several names privately any time he desires. He will find, on fair and impartial investigation, that some of these men have been deliberately kept out.

Deputy Murphy, of Cork, made a reference to certain people being employed with horses and cars on the road—men who are well off and in a position to make a good livelihood from sources other than money grants for the relief of unemployment. The same thing applies to County Kildare and I was glad to hear Deputy Norton refer to it. I was not here for the whole of his speech, but I was glad to hear him referring to political discrimination in County Kildare. It will be found that in Kildare these men with horses and cars and, sometimes, with their whole families, are employed simply and solely because they belong to the local Fianna Fáil Club or are local Fianna Fáil leaders. Some time ago a grant was given to the Athy Urban Council —£250, I think—and what occurred? Eighty or 90 names were sent over from the local labour exchange and the urban council sat down with some of their representatives and culled the names from them. There was grave dissatisfaction in the town of Athy by reason of the way in which the names of these men were taken and in which the employment was given out. There is one other point. Some time ago a memorial signed by at least 60 people was sent up asking for a drainage scheme in Suncroft. It was officially replied to by the Board of Works, and I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to interest himself particularly in that matter, which I am quite certain will also be referred to by Deputy Harris and Deputy Norton.

Would the Deputy tell me what the nature of the reply was?

A postcard acknowledging receipt of the memorial sent up and the correspondence. The last matter to which I wish to refer is that some of us, in going around the country, are inclined to stir up turmoil with the unemployed by accusing the Government of not taking a larger and deeper interest in the solution of the problem. This is calculated to start a Communistic spirit and I wish to state in this House that it is not the unfortunate men who are unemployed in Kildare, anyway, who have the Communistic spirit or the Communistic outlook. I would ask the Ceann Comhairle to allow me to mention one fact on that score. There are extraordinarily well-dressed, luxurious-looking gentlemen travelling on the Great Southern Railway to-day interviewing people in casual conversation in railway carriages and strongly advocating Communism in this country. The other day, one of the leading solicitors in the town of Athy came to me about this subject——

The Deputy has said quite enough on that subject in reference to this Vote.

Very good, Sir. My last point is with reference to minor relief schemes in County Kildare. I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will do all he can—and I am sure he will—to see that this discrimination to which we have all referred is put down with a crushing blow. Deputy Norton referred to it and I wish to ask the Deputy one question. Complaints are made around Kildare that unless the unemployed men who are taken on under relief schemes become members of the Transport Union, they will not get work or will be discriminated against. I hope that Deputy Norton will investigate that complaint and see if there is any truth in it. I cannot substantiate it but I am giving him the opportunity——

Why did the Deputy not say that when Deputy Norton was here?

I am not afraid to say it to Deputy Norton——

Why is Deputy Norton not here?

Mr. Murphy

He has just gone. The Deputy could have stated that before he left.

I am not afraid to talk to Deputy Norton. Let him come back and listen to me.

He did not know that Deputy Norton was going.

It is quite unnecessary for the Deputy to pull me up as if I were trying to take an unfair advantage of Deputy Norton because I am not. I am putting it to him so that he may have a chance of publicly denying it when next he goes to Kildare and I say that this Chamber is the place to state it. The accusation is made that certain individuals have an influence in the distribution of relief of unemployment moneys and that if the unemployed person does not join the Transport Union he has no chance of getting a job on these schemes. I want to tell the House that if that is true, it will lead to clashes and that this work will probably be administered under police protection in future.

I am glad that I happened to be here for the criticisms that have been cast on the Fianna Fáil organisation in Kildare by Deputy Norton and by Deputy Minch. Some time last summer, on a debate on a relief vote, the Fianna Fáil organisation was criticised in the same way by Deputy Norton. Unfortunately, I was not here at the time and I did not think the matter was worth raising any discussion about afterwards. Now, however, I will refer to Deputy Norton's charge of some time ago. He said that the secretary of a Fianna Fáil club was appointed ganger in an area in North Kildare and that a resolution was passed by this Fianna Fáil club to the effect that only Fianna Fáil supporters were to be employed on this relief scheme. There was a secretary of a Fianna Fáil club appointed ganger but he was not appointed ganger on the recommendation of Fianna Fáil.

I, as Deputy, and the responsible Fianna Fáil people would have preferred that that club secretary had not been appointed. I investigated the matter at the time and I found that this man was appointed ganger on the recommendation of a leading Labour man in the area, a supporter of Deputy Norton's. He was the man who suggested the appointment of this secretary of a Fianna Fáil club to the assistant county surveyor. That was how the man came to be appointed ganger. I made inquiries about the people employed on this relief scheme and I found that more of Deputy Norton's supporters were employed on it than Fianna Fáil supporters.

A resolution was passed in this club condemning the way the work was given out and that though the Fianna Fáil Party and the Fianna Fáil Government were in office, the Fianna Fáil supporters did not get reasonable consideration. I did not pass much comment on this thing and I let it pass. I have not heard any complaint this year—this is the first complaint that I heard now, of Fianna Fáil clubs passing a resolution demanding that all relief work should be given to Fianna Fáil supporters. I will say this that if the lists all over the area are examined it will be found that the supporters of all Parties are pretty well mixed up and that all have been employed through the labour exchange. Many of the gangers in the different schemes are supporters of Deputy Norton; some of them are supporters of Deputy Minch I am sure, and some of them of me. If a complaint were made to me I could in return make the same complaint as was made to Deputies Norton and Minch.

There was in my area a Labour club that called a meeting. They passed a resolution that all work should be given to members of that Labour club and that no man should get work in a relief scheme if he was not a member of a Labour club. Some people came to me and asked me to complain about that, but I did not. I am not so foolish. But that resolution was passed by the Labour club. There were a number of people disappointed. I do not think that the Labour leader was anything more helpful to Deputy Norton than previously. I would prefer to see Labour leaders or Fine Gael leaders appointed gangers rather than my own supporters, because you will always have complaints in connection with relief schemes and there are always sure to be people disappointed when small schemes are going on.

Even to-day I had a deputation from Kildare in connection with a relief grant in a certain area. They complained that the Blueshirts had got control of it and that the ganger appointed was a supporter of the Fine Gael Party. I do not wish to refer to those things. They are things that are bound to happen. I would welcome any inquiry by the Parliamentary Secretary into the administration of relief schemes in the County Kildare. I think in fairness to the labour exchanges, to the county officials and all concerned that I should say that these schemes are carried out as fairly as it is possible to have them carried out. It is unfair both to the labour exchanges and to the officials of the county council who carried out these schemes to try and convey that they have all come under the control of the Fianna Fáil Party. I think it is a mean type of attitude to make propaganda out of that. I would welcome the Parliamentary Secretary taking it up and making the closest inquiry into the matter. At all our meetings I have made it perfectly clear that work must be given to the people most in need of it, that no question of politics should arise, that the men most in need of it and the most deserving cases should get the work.

I did not intend speaking on this Vote now, but while on the question I would suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary that there are areas in the County Kildare where schemes might be usefully carried out. There are places where the Barrow drainage operations have ceased rather abruptly. There are a number of tributaries to the Barrow where the work at certain points has been stopped. It would be an advantage to the people and a big help in many places if the little additions necessary were carried through in several of these tributaries. I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary when allocating money for schemes in future to allocate money to continue work on the tributaries where the drainage has abruptly ceased. It would do much to help those people who will have to bear the charge later on.

Deputy Minch referred to one area where a petition was sent in. That was in the matter of a tributary of the Barrow where the work had ceased. In that particular case if another mile of the tributary had been drained it would have given the people of the area the real benefit of the Barrow drainage. Otherwise, the people will not benefit by the operations already carried out there.

I hope that in the making of relief schemes in the future, as much money as possible will be allocated to the development of the bogs. There are many bogs in Kildare which if opened up would bring great relief to the people of the area and would place them in a position of being independent of relief works in future. Much of that sort of work has been done already. I hope that this work will be carried through on some planned scale and not in a haphazard way, spending £100 here and £100 there as in the past. If the money were spent according to plan, more with the purpose in view of developing the district than of giving relief alone it would be more advantageous to the people of the area.

The areas most in need of relief schemes in Kildare at present are the big ranch areas. It is there you have the best wheat land in the county. Most relief is needed in these areas and that is because the people there are still persisting in carrying on the old methods of grazing cattle. I think if the Opposition Party did not try to mislead the farmers and the graziers of Kildare, as they are, by saying that the British market is to come back, it would be a good thing for the people of Kildare. If the Opposition would encourage the people to take advantage of the Government scheme for growing wheat and advance with the times much would be done to give permanent relief to all.

I know many farmers in Kildare, people with the best land, who believe that their land would not grow wheat. They say that it is impossible to grow wheat on it. They have been encouraged in that belief in the past by the United Ireland Party and that belief had left them in a very bad condition. If the United Ireland Party would explain to those people the advantage of growing wheat, if they would encourage them to take advantage of the Government wheat scheme, the result would be that more men would be employed in cleaning gripes, cutting hedges, and preparing the land for the cultivation of the crop. That would do a great service to the unemployed as well as to the graziers whom they represent.

I think now that we have had two or three speeches which did refer in some way to the Vote——

On a point of order, Sir, I want to say that I had understood that it was a convention that speeches went in rotation from one Party to another. A second convention was that as long as there was any Deputy to speak, the person in charge of the debate was not called upon.

The debate on this Supplementary Estimate has lasted for six and a quarter hours. Five members of the Government Party have spoken and 14 of other Parties. If a Deputy who has not spoken to the motion or Estimate before the House rises, he is naturally called on in preference to a Deputy who has already spoken. Deputy McGilligan's speech on this motion yesterday occupied 42 minutes and I therefore called on the Parliamentary Secretary, who had not yet been heard.

May I ask another question? As between the five members on the one side who spoke and the 14 on the other side, has the Chair any figures as to who offered to speak?

The Chair should not be so catechised. The time occupied by members of the Government Party was two hours and by the Opposition four and a quarter hours.

To complete the statistical information——

The Ceann Comhairle will give no further statistics. I call on the Parliamentary Secretary.

I think the House will agree that this debate has ranged over a very wide area. I defy anybody coming into the House, who did not know what the Vote was, to distinguish it from any other omnibus motion of any sort, kind or description that has appeared before the House. There were whole speeches in which no one even pretended to allude to the fact that they were dealing with the Vote. I do not propose to follow into any of those by-paths. I propose to deal with the particular matters, such as they are, in relation to the Vote which have in fact come up. Frankly, my desire is to deal with it, as I have dealt with unemployment Votes before, in a non-controversial manner if possible.

My understanding of the position is that the House as a whole, as representing the people of the country, provides out of the means of those who are better off a certain amount for dealing with the necessities of those who are not so well off and that it is the duty of the House to see that that money is spent as fairly, as reasonably, as honestly, and as efficiently as possible; that I am the trustee of the House to do that and that, while it is my duty to carry on that thing, it is the duty of every member of the House, by suggestion, by criticism, by exposure if necessary, to see that that is done. For that reason, so far from objecting in any way to any criticism that can possibly be levelled against the administration of relief schemes, I am the debtor, and through me the Government is the debtor, of anyone who will show anything which is wrong and which may be remedied and very specially are we the debtor of anyone who can show how it may be remedied. I think there is a fairly clear understanding that we have tried to carry it out in that way. Whether we have failed or whether we have succeeded, I think there is a general opinion that we have tried to carry it out in that way. Therefore, all that is necessary is for us to deal with the degree to which, through human nature and human frailties of one kind or another, that has not been fully successful.

The first question is that of discrimination and the particular place that was stated—again I am deliberately saying this in a non-controversial way—is Kildare. I have had all sorts of allegations of favouritism in Kildare—that no one who was not a Blueshirt could be employed, that no one who was not a member of an ad hoc labour club formed on the job could be employed; that no one who was not a dyed-in-the-wool Fianna Fáil person could be employed. I believe that these statements are untrue. I believe that a reasonable and fair division, as far as any machinery which we can control is concerned, has been made. I put it as a simple test that any case which has been put for investigation has been investigated. Deputy Minch says that he is firmly convinced that there is victimisation and he is afraid to put forward the names.

I am going to send you up the names.

I agree. The Deputy is going to do it. There are two tenses of the verb "to do" which are uniquely Irish; one is "after doing" and the other is "going to do.""Going to do" is not good enough in this case. These schemes have been going on. I have investigated complaints from members of all Parties and I think they will all bear testimony that whether we have succeeded or failed we have tried to get to the bottom of them. Deputy Minch has not. Will Deputy Minch send forward his names? All I can tell him is that they will have rigid and rigorous investigation and there will be the same desire to see that that thing does not occur as if we got them from anybody else. It has been suggested that even though the Government themselves have not sanctioned this—it has been explicitly stated that they have not encouraged or in any way connived at anything of that kind—that Fianna Fáil Cumainn have declared that no one would be appointed who was not a member of a Fianna Fáil Cumann. The same declaration made against the ad hoc labour clubs formed on the job—that unless a man has paid 1/3 to a new club formed actually on the job and created for the purpose he could not be employed; that the Labour Party have been able to say: “Unless you are a member of a labour club you will not be appointed.” All I can say is that they can all say that. The Blueshirt organisation can say it; the Fianna Fáil organisation and the Labour Party can say it; but none of them will get away with it as far as we can prevent it. We want that to be perfectly clear. We believe that a fair administration of this is a duty upon whomever it is is to do it and I believe it is downright good Party politics on the part of those who have to administer it.

We had I think 1,500 minor relief schemes last year scattered all over the country. Are those 1,500 minor relief schemes to be monuments to our impartiality? Are they to be monuments to our sense of justice and power of administration or are they to be monuments to our corruption? Where does our interest lie? 1,500 hoardings on which we can show, to the intimate knowledge of everybody who lives in the district, exactly what we are doing and exactly how we are carrying it out. What man but a fool would do that if he had any long sight? Therefore, if the Dáil is not prepared to assume that it is done out of a sense of fairness and of decency, let them be quite sure that it is done out of a sense of downright good policy. All I can say is that any member of the House who knows a case in which there is victimisation, in which there is anything of that kind done, should let me know at the earliest possible moment. He should let me know it while the job is going on and not when the job is over, because it is very difficult to pick up evidence afterwards. If we get it at the time we can send somebody down and we can go to the labour exchange and say: "Give us a list of the men whom you sent out on that job," and then we can compare that list with the whole list in the labour exchange to see whether or not the thing has been carried out. In my opinion the labour exchanges have progressively improved. Month by month the position has been better and better. If there are any defects now they are occasional and incidental defects, in no sense due to policy. They may be due to a formula, and if anyone can give me a formula whereby the labour exchanges sending them out can do better, I shall be perfectly satisfied.

As to the sum allocated for Barrow drainage, the previous Government provided £425,000 for the Barrow drainage scheme. That was delimited in a certain way. This Government provided a scheme of £525,000. That also is delimited before that figure is attained. If everyone who wants an additional mile put on can come up here and get his wish, then the £525,000 is not going to cover the cost; and unless we are prepared to envisage new Barrow drainage schemes, no scheme for incidental miles can be entertained at present. The new scheme added 90 miles of extra tributaries to that scheme. But you have got to come to an end sometime, or to a position in which we can charge up the work done. If then there is a case for extending the Barrow scheme that is another point. But odd bits cannot be added, and that remark I should say covers something like 200 applications in connection with the matter.

Deputy Norton wants bog development. There has been only one kind of bog road made up to the present. That is the small bog road intended to enable individual farmers and cottiers to get turf for themselves. These were only small schemes. They are manifestly valuable, both in themselves, and from the point of view of unemployment relief distribution. You could bring relief definitely to areas in which you wanted to give relief. These schemes have run into hundreds of thousands of pounds in the last ten years. They did not in any case, touch bog development for industrial purposes of a planned order; they would be of an entirely different character. The small schemes were made to help the individual man himself. This year for the first time we have spent money on bog development. There were £10,000 for actual bog development work in the relief scheme of last year. During next year a considerably larger amount of money will be spent upon general planned bog development. In the ordinary way we have made bog roads as relief work in the period when it was most required—in the winter months—and they are not the months in which the best relief can be got in bog drainage or development. In this year a sum will be available, and will be used in the summer and autumn months, is being used now, and will be increasingly used under a planned development of bogs under the Department of Industry and Commerce. This year you will see a very considerable development of well-thought out schemes to render the bog fuel resources of the country available not merely for the persons who live on the bog but for general purposes. Deputy Ben Maguire suggested that some of the moneys should be spent on seeds and fertilisers. Last year we spent a good deal of money on seed potatoes and things of that kind in the western districts, and this year we are also doing the same.

Now a plea has been made for minor drainage relief schemes. They are minor in the sense of practically clearing ditches, and small running drains can be attended to under minor relief schemes so long as they do not happen to be for the benefit of some particular individual. But as the House is aware there are two forms of general drainage in the country at the moment, one minor and the other major. And the difficulty is this: that if we begin to use relief money for the purpose of minor drainage we are going to get, in the first place, the fact that no minor drainage will be carried out by anybody except with a grant, and, secondly, while you are going to get the position that certain people are getting minor drainage for nothing. You will have put up dozens of schemes which will have to be paid for for a considerable period. That is a very considerable problem to solve and I shall be glad if anybody will approach it with a view to helping. We have contemplated work of that kind in areas which would have to be scheduled as areas in which relief of that kind ought to be given. But even if you get agreement in the House as to what are the areas in which such drainage should be done, I think you would all sympathise with the position of those who are in precisely a similar situation over a period of 30 or 40 years and have got to pay for this drainage, and you will sympathise, also, with those who have to try to collect the rates from each area.

One other additional problem is left and that is who is to maintain a drainage system upon these relief moneys. I do not want to be pessimistic but, looking forward, I see a good deal of difficulty having regard to the willingness or the unwillingness, over a period of years, to maintain this scheme. I see a good deal of difficulty in getting the drainage area in which there are statutory obligations to maintain. What is going to happen in a drainage area if we clear off everything without any obligation on anyone to maintain? We had to introduce the 1924 Act that deals with the reconstruction of drainage, simply to deal with the whole mass of the drainage system in Ireland which had been allowed to go completely without maintenance by people under statutory obligations to pay for it. Therefore, while I am very anxious to see money spent on drainage, especially on minor drainage, until I can solve a particular river I see grave difficulty in seeing how it can be done. I only want to deal with the points which concern this question. Is export trade necessary, and things of that kind were mentioned. The Ballyadams drainage was spoken of. It comes under precisely the same heading as the other ones. It is one of these things in which we cannot do much in the way of relief without raising larger matters.

Deputy O'Higgins raised a question which, in my opinion, is quite legitimate, on this measure, as to the present state of unemployment. I want the House to go back for about a year and a half when there was a particular method of registering people for unemployment. It may be taken that year by year the total rose, but it ended in a peak somewhere about 30,000 people. It had the peculiar characteristic of being at the maximum at the beginning and at the end of the year, and at the minimum in the summer. When this Government came in they decided to go in for intensive registration. Instead of men having, in some cases, to go 14 or 15 miles, the registration office was brought practically into their front rooms. Every police station, every post office, and almost every railway station, was made a place for registration, the result being that the unemployment figures rose like the face of a cliff. I gave in this House the position in Mayo where the figures rose from 300 to 11,000. Broadly speaking, they rose from a maximum of 30,000 to about 105,000. I do not think anyone, except on election platforms, has ever pretended that 30,000 and 105,000 are comparable figures. All sorts of things are allowed, I admit, on election platforms, where no man is on his own. What happened was that there was a peak of 105,000 and then the figures began to fall during the year. It apparently followed the old characteristic, multiplied by the new facilities, and multiplied by the new urge, represented by the fact that the employment exchanges were now definitely used for the purpose of putting men into employment. That raised the maximum this year to 85,000 on December 12th, being 105,000 at the same date last year.

I stated before in this House that up to the end of last year, every day, every week, and every month of the period from June until the end of the year, the figures were lower, whatever the reason. I warned the House that that was not going to continue, that we were now faced by a new problem, the Unemployment Assistance Act. The figures started to rise again on the 1st January and will keep rising, as far as I can see, until there has been put upon the register everybody who thinks he has a claim for relief under this Act. We knew that would occur. We knew that as soon as the Act came into operation—and it comes into active operation on March 1st—there was bound to be a rise. I can see there being added to that figure every person who thinks he is entitled to relief of that kind. Therefore, it is impossible to prophesy what the actual figures would be. What I advise Deputies to do is to take a piece of paper and to graph out the figures for last year and for this year. I think they will find that the figures will then explain themselves. I am not of opinion that there is any increase of employment. I am of opinion that there is a decrease of employment and I am also of opinion that you are going to have increased registration of unemployment, until you reach a new saturation.

That is entirely contrary to the Parliamentary Secretary's speech of last week.

Every word I am saying now I said then.

No. It is entirely at variance.

It is not. The Deputy can get the speech and quote it. My speech is on record.

You are contradicting yourself.

I am not.

The Parliamentary Secretary is in possession.

Deputy Belton did not come to this particular subject at all in his speech. That is the explanation of the increased number of stamps and the numbers employed on relief work, whose cards were stamped. The cards of people on relief work, normally, are not stamped except with National Health stamps. Therefore they do not come under this Vote. Deputy O'Leary alluded to a by-election and to Ballyvourney. All I can say is that the work at Ballyvourney is an ordinary contract and the labour is recruited by the ordinary contractor. We have nothing whatever to do with it. I am diverging from my path of rectitude, to pay Deputy O'Leary a compliment. We have been asked by the Opposition how to explain away the statement made by the British, time after time, that what they are now doing in the way of quotas has nothing whatever to do with the economic war. Until Deputy O'Leary spoke we had no explanation. I simply want to put on record Deputy O'Leary's explanation. It is, that the British are not telling the truth, and that they are doing it to deceive us for fear we might know their policy in the economic war. That is what the Deputy said, and it is only creditable to say that he had the courage to come out and answer the question. Deputy Brennan wanted to know how the schemes were selected. Here, again, I am in the hands of the House. If the House can suggest a better way, I will be very glad to have it. What happens is this. Deputies and people outside, of all sorts and conditions, send in schemes to the Department of Public Works. These schemes are sent down to the different districts by means of inspectors, who are asked on a most elaborate form to report on them. The form is one which has been improved on since last year. Everything that a man could be asked in order to ascertain the value of a relief scheme is asked. For instance:—

Are there any demesnes or very large holdings in the electoral division in which this work is situated? If so, give names of townlands and rateable valuation and other particulars on separate page, if necessary.

Say whether or not a detailed report on bridge-embankment or other special work is enclosed.

The work will be of benefit to ... families and the public.

Can the work be carried out in the winter months?

Will the tenants or the county council maintain the work?

Are there any other relief works by this or other Departments, or by county council in progress in the immediate vicinity? If so, give reference.

The district is (or is not) a very poor one and there are (or are not) a relatively large number of unemployed persons in it.

If the total amount of money required is not available can a smaller sum be profitably spent and how much?

Give name and address of local person who pointed out the work.

I do or do not recommend the work; give reasons.

Now I am quite willing to give this form to any member of the Opposition. He can use it for filling in the particulars if he likes, or can tell me how to make it better and more exhaustive from the point of view of finding out whether the results are right or wrong. As to the actual selection of the works, we did last year what has never been done before: we put up a map showing every relief work of every sort, kind and description that was done in the Free State in that year. On that I have had no criticisms and no suggestions. Now I am asking Deputies who have looked over that list and think they find that the works done in that year were not done in the areas in which they think they ought to have been done, to let me know, and know their reasons. We have improved the distribution this year, at any rate we tried. As far as minor relief works are concerned, we have made them smaller for the purpose of getting more intimately and accurately into the areas in which they are required. I am rather inclined myself to think that we have gone a bit too far in that direction: in reducing the amount of work in order to get intimate accuracy.

All that I am concerned with is : if any Deputy on the published return of work carried out last year can show how it can be improved I shall be very glad to have the information. It has been suggested that some attention at any rate should be given to works which in one year have been uncompleted. As far as we can during this year and next year, having regard to the areas in which work ought to be done, our policy is to complete as many of the works as we can; at any rate to carry them as much forward in the next year as we can rather than start with a new one. We made a most elaborate calculation. I may say that I cannot praise too highly the attention and the enthusiasm which was put into this by the members of the staff in trying to find the best way to get the plaster home on the spot that was really aching. I do believe that this year has been a very considerable improvement over last year. I hope that next year, to the extent to which we have to do relief work, the same element of improvement will take place. I will say that the improvement, to some considerable extent, is due to members on all sides of the House who have co-operated in putting forward schemes or pointing out improvements that could be made.

A question has been raised in relation to gangers. I am taking it that the House is not suggesting—no suggestion has been made—that we are trying to play any funny games in that matter. What I can tell Deputies is that we are not. The following are the exact instructions that are given :—

In the employment of gangers and charge-hands the regulations laid down in the Department of Local Government circular are to be followed. While it is recognised that the principle of affording relief to unemployment must to a certain extent be subordinated to that of efficient supervision of the work, at the same time the county surveyor should not employ a full-time county council ganger or other full-time ganger or a ganger in receipt of unemployment benefit, if at the same time another suitable and competent unemployed ganger is available.

If an unemployed ganger has not already registered his name in the Employment Register, he must do so before being appointed on a minor relief work.

Subject to the above, the employment of gangers and charge-hands is to be entirely at the discretion of the county surveyor or of his deputy, who are to satisfy themselves that the persons employed by them on minor relief works are suitable and competent.

Now that is the intention. I think no one will deny that there has been a gradual and a marked improvement from the point of view of what you may call the political character of gangers. My object is to get neutral gangers. I am not going to say that there is not going to be a Blueshirt ganger, that there will not be a Fianna Fáil ganger or a Labour ganger but what I am thoroughly determined about is that no man whom we employ as a ganger must use his position for any purpose except the position for which the money is provided by this Dáil; that is to relieve those whose distress requires relief.

As to the recruitment of labour under minor relief schemes, at first we took them all through nomination, and then gradually we began to transfer them as far as ever we could to the labour exchanges. Most of them this year have been transferred to the labour exchanges. There was a difficulty in certain western areas where there had been no registration in the past. Consequently, it was impossible for the labour exchanges to give us the people, in a particular area, that we wanted. Having regard to the schemes of improvement carried out, and the intimate and accurate information which will now be available due to registration, especially in connection with the unemployment assistance schemes, it is my hope that next year the labour exchanges will be able to provide us with men not merely for local government work, but for every other work as well. At any rate, that is the line of country on to which we are going. Deputy MacDermot raised some question of discrimination, but again the position is that no complaint has been put forward to us for inquiry.

There is one question that I want to ask the Parliamentary Secretary. With this £50,000, what will be the total amount that will be expended this year through the Department on minor relief works?

Of the original Vote of £350,000, £152,000—I am giving round figures—went on public health grants all over the country; £28,000 on roads; £7,000 to the Department of Agriculture for forestry; £3,350 for work of a miscellaneous character; the Department of Industry and Commerce £6,690 for mineral development. There were £7,400 for bog development as distinct from bog roads. Lands and Fisheries, £5,400 for marine works all round the country. For the Office of Public Works, for minor relief schemes, £125,000, and various small works, £3,000. To the Department of Agriculture, for land reclamation, £9,000, and to the Irish Land Commission, for land reclamation, £1,000—making a total of £350,000, including the present.

We propose, of the £50,000, to put at least £15,000 into minor relief schemes. A certain amount of the other will go to public health schemes. In some cases you know that these schemes take a lot of time in gestation, and before the Local Government Department can arrange for a scheme, they have to promise definitely a certain amount of grant and some of that money will be used to enable the Local Government Department now to initiate all the preparations necessary to enable public health schemes to go on, as well as certain schemes that have to be completed this year. With regard to the Department of Industry and Commerce, in relation both to minerals and peat, I hope that somewhere about £15,000 will be spent on that, and I can tell you that every penny of that money that we can spend effectively for the purpose of getting peat production for commercial use before 31st March will be spent for that purpose. That will leave us somewhere about £12,000 as far as I can see. Public health are due to get somewhere about £12,000; roads somewhere about £5,000; and Department of Industry and Commerce somewhere about £15,000. I am not tying myself down to these figures. The whole object is to use this as a fluid fund and to get it distributed as quickly as possible. Minor relief schemes will get somewhere about £15,000. That £15,000 will be distributed over the whole country and, principally, in relation to the Gaeltacht areas, and the areas which calculated on getting what they did not get this year—a considerable sum of money from America. There has been a falling off of somewhere about £138,000 this year in the money coming from America, and, as Deputies are aware, that was actually calculated on by the poorer people along the western and south-western fringes for the purpose of a livelihood. One of the principal reasons for a Vote of this kind is so that in the particularly poverty-stricken areas some extra relief can be given. It does not at all represent any feeling that there is any very particular and immediate urge to do it.

We calculate that this year we employed up to 30,000 people on relief schemes at one time or another. Sixteen thousand people were employed on minor relief schemes. The biggest single contribution this year to unemployment relief, if you like to use that term, has been the housing scheme. At the present moment, there are probably 15,000 people employed directly on new housing schemes over and above what were employed last year, and that is a steadily rising figure. Public Health employed 2,000 or 3,000 and Local Government would have employed on roads about another 4,000. Altogether, I suppose, we must have had up to 2,000 schemes of one kind or another, of which 1,500 were the minor relief schemes with which you are familiar. That is the story as far as I can make it. Before I sit down, I want to express to the local authorities who, to a very large extent, through their county surveyors, carried out this work, our appreciation of the enthusiasm and the co-operation which we have received from them. We now have, apparently, a very flexible instrument for doing not merely relief work but bog development work and work of a different character; and I cannot speak too highly of the enthusiasm and co-operation which we have received from our agents, the county surveyors in the country.

I beg to move that the question be now put.

I am not accepting that motion.

The Parliamentary Secretary mentioned two figures— 30,000 persons employed on one scheme and 16,000 on another, making a total of 46,000 persons. Could the Parliamentary Secretary say what was the nature of the employment given to those 46,000 persons, so far as the number of days or weeks worked is concerned, whether on major or minor relief schemes? I only want a rough estimate.

I will make a calculation later. As far as the 15,000 are concerned they have been employed all the year.

Over a period of 12 months these 16,000 persons, to whom the Parliamentary Secretary referred, he suggests now, are employed all the year round; does that mean casual employment all the year round or for the 50 or the 52 weeks per year?

It has been progressive and steady.

I wish the Parliamentary Secretary would get down to brass tacks on a matter of this kind. These are the kind of figures we get from time to time from the various Departments of the present Government. What amount of employment has been given to these people—32,000 on one kind of scheme and 16,000 on another?

These are not the figures I gave.

I want to deal simply with certain figures which have been brought into the debate here, figures which, I think, are the bedrock of the proper consideration of the question as to whether or not there is more employment or more unemployment in the country at the moment. I gave certain figures as being officially given to me. They have been changed to-night. There are other figures that are not so official and I want to adopt the Parliamentary Secretary's peculiar view of the two uses of the word "do"—"going to do" and "after doing.""After doing" represents, at any rate, accomplishment, even though it is phrased in a peculiar way. "Going to do" means something in the future. What has the Fianna Fáil Government promised? Fianna Fáil hears what the Government can and will do, but will that mean "going to do," and "going to do" without a time limit? Is there any hint of a time limit? Deputy Minch is criticised because he says that some time he is going to bring something before the Parliamentary Secretary. Remember the 84,605 who were going to be put into employment in only a few selected industries. That is the "going to." But what are the Government "after doing?" Half a million on relief schemes! The promise was, as I said before, permanent employment in industries which were believed to be proper industries for this country and which would last. The Minister for Industry and Commerce gave us certain figures as the test. He announced them himself as the test. The real facts, he said, from which conclusions could be drawn and upon which arguments could be based were the facts with regard to the stamp fund. I made a calculation here yesterday to show that the Minister had in two years succeeded in putting into employment in industry only about 7,000 people.

On a point of order, is Deputy McGilligan entitled to repeat the figures he gave last night?

The figures have been questioned and I am dealing with them again.

The Deputy, in speaking to this Vote yesterday, discussed the agricultural and industrial economy of the State, the economic schemes of the Government and unemployment statistics in relation to the necessity for a Relief Vote. That was naturally replied to by the Minister and at least two Deputies followed on the same lines, with increasing divergence from the question before the House. The Department of the Minister is not under discussion. I suggest that discussion in detail on the question of industrial development, or want of development, might be postponed until the Vote for the Minister's Department comes before the House.

I accept that. I am only going to deal with the number of people found out of work now, according to the calculations given to us— people for whom these relief schemes are a necessity. We all know that there annually comes upon the labour market a certain number of persons— the folk who get past school-leaving age. The Minister said that his test of how work was being given to these people was the insurance fund money. He was questioned with regard to the improvement and he gave certain figures. To-night, he went back on those figures. I want to get the correct figures and to have them recorded. He did tell us in October of this year that as between 1930 and 1933, if the old rates of contribution had continued, there would have been an increase of £60,000 in the fund and he said that that represented an increase of 15,000 persons. I asked him was he keeping to the old factor of £4 as representing a man in industrial occupation for four weeks. He said he never mentioned that figure but he mentioned 15,000 as being the equivalent of £60,000 and if that does not give £4 per man I do not know what it gives. On a later occasion, I asked him not to make his comparison between 1930 and 1933 but between 1930 and 1931, 1931 and 1932 and 1932 and 1933. This official information was given on the 16th November—that, adjusted to the old rates of contribution the figures were: 1931, £744,000; 1932, £767,000; 1933, £773,000. That is to say, between the 4th October and the 16th November the figure which was vital to the Minister's argument had jumped from £660,000 to £673,000. It had gone up by £13,000 in that period between the 4th October and the 16th November. This is the man who says that he is giving out accurate figures and that his Departmental records cannot be questioned.

Will the Deputy explain how I gave the figure for 1933 in November?

You gave an estimate on the 16th November. There were then only six weeks to go.

The Deputy is now challenging the accuracy of Departmental figures. Surely, he is criticising the Department of the Minister.

I am challenging them to find out what the number of unemployed is. The figure of £744,000 for 1931 has kept the same. The figure of £767,000 for 1932 has kept the same. The old figure of £760,000, estimated for 1933, which jumped to £773,000 on 16th November, has to-night jumped to £784,000.

£785,000.

I move that the Question be now put.

I am accepting the motion.

There have been many scandalous things done in this House, including running away from connivance at murder, which was to be discussed yesterday, but no more scandalous thing has been done than this attempt to stifle discussion on the question of unemployment on which they were elected.

There can be no discussion after the Chair has accepted the motion.

I am not discussing the attitude of the Chair. I am discussing the attitude and the cowardice of Ministers who run away from these problems.

I have said that there can be no further discussion.

I am not really discussing it. I am merely passing comment on it. It is arrant cowardice. They connived at murder and would not let it be discussed the other day. Now, they are guilty of manipulating figures.

On two occasions in this House very discreditable scenes have occurred owing to crossfire during the indeterminate period between the call for a Division and the taking of the Vote. Deputies should have some regard for the dignity of the House and should not provoke such scenes.

We can have very little regard for it, seeing what is happening.

Particularly people who walk shoulder to shoulder with the murderer of Kahn.

The question is: "That the Question be now put."

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 70; Níl, 48.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Daniel.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Cleary, Mícheál.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Hales, Thomas.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Houlihan, Patrick.
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Fred. Hugh.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Flinn, Hugo V.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Geoghegan, James.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Kelly, Seán Thomas.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick Joseph.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Victory, James.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C. (Dr.).

Níl

  • Anthony, Richard.
  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Bourke, Séamus.
  • Brennan, Michael.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Brodrick, Seán.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Curran, Richard.
  • Daly, Patrick.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Davitt, Robert Emmet.
  • Desmond, William.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Dolan, James Nicholas.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmonde Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • MacDermot, Frank.
  • McDonogh, Martin.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McGuire, James Ivan.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, James Edward.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • O'Connor, Batt.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Mahony, The.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • O'Reilly, John Joseph.
  • O'Sullivan, Gearóid.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Rice, Vincent.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rogers, Patrick James.
  • Rowlette, Robert James.
  • Wall, Nicholas.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Little and Traynor; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.
Main Question put and agreed to
Barr
Roinn