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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 20 Feb 1936

Vol. 60 No. 7

School Attendance Bill, 1936—Committee Stage.

Section 1 put and agreed to.
SECTION 2.
(1) Sub-sections (3) and (4) of Section 4 of the Principal Act are hereby amended by the substitution in each of those sub-sections of the words "the year 1941" for the words "the year 1936."
(2) This section shall have and be deemed to have had effect as from the commencement of the said Section 4.

I move amendment No. 1:—

In sub-section (1), line 21, to delete the figures "1941" and substitute the figures "1938".

It was made clear on behalf of this Party, when the parent Bill was discussed here in 1926, that the Party was opposed to the Bill on the grounds that the provision for the exemption of children from school—that provision often exercised on flimsy grounds and sometimes utilised on no grounds at all —was detrimental to the education of the children, and that it was calculated to deprive children in rural areas of the whole benefits of national school education. It was made clear from these benches that with the knowledge that this exemption was provided for in the Act, parents of children were often disposed to allow their children to remain away from school for very flimsy reasons. It was pointed out, too, that children, knowing that exemption was provided for in the Act, were disposed to take advantage of the provisions which automatically exempted them from school attendance.

When this amending Bill was being discussed on the Second Reading Stage Deputy Keyes, speaking on behalf of the Labour Party, indicated that we regarded the continuance of this exclusion clause as very objectionable to the interest of the education of the children. He showed that it was calculated to deny the child—by reason of the subterfuge provided in this exemption clause for absence from school-the benefits which were associated with national school education. For that reason we opposed the Second Reading of the Bill, designed as it was to continue this exclusion order.

The object of this amendment is to express the continued dissatisfaction of this Party with the continuance of this provision in the amending Act. We seek, therefore, that the Bill should be limited in effect to 1938 instead of 1941, so that in the intervening period the matter may be further reviewed, and if it is desired to continue the matter further it can be continued further. We seek to bring the Bill to an end in 1938 in the hope that it may not be renewed then, but if it is renewed the matter may be considered further in the light of the circumstances then existing.

I should like very strongly to support what has been said by Deputy Norton. It is about ten years ago since we had in this House a very long debate on this matter of school attendance, and the provision was then inserted, at the request of the farmer Deputies, on the grounds that any sudden change of the kind required in the attendance of the children in the schools would be of too revolutionary a kind to be brought into effect at once. Many of them admitted what I and others would insist upon, namely, that a provision of this kind is likely to be one of a most damaging nature, not alone to the children who take advantage of it, but to the children attending schools and even to the teachers of those schools. I think there is nothing of a more disheartening nature to the teachers than desultory attendance on the part of the pupils, and there is nothing more calculated to disorganise teaching in the schools than such desultory attendance. A provision of this kind becoming, I was going to say, almost a permanence in our Compulsory School Attendance Act is one that I should ask Deputies to view with great concern.

It may be that the insistence on compulsory attendance of the children at schools would cause considerable inconvenience to farmers, and it may be that this would be a bad time to insist upon the withdrawal of this privilege of exemption altogether; it may be, too, that the year 1938 would be an unsuitable year for various reasons to compel attention to be paid to this matter. We should then have a new House, and it may be too soon after the reassembling of that new House to ask Deputies to consider this matter. But I would ask the Minister to consider the acceptance of a year earlier than the year mentioned in the Act. If the Minister disapproves of the year 1938 I would ask him to accept at least the year 1939. I would ask him to have the reconsideration of this matter brought forward and to prepare an Act on truly educational lines. I am aware, from the vote given last week on this Bill, that I am probably speaking to many Deputies who do not sympathise with the provisions in the amendment, but I think that even farmers, no matter what their circumstances may be, will find that it is necessary for them to make every sacrifice that is within their power in order to secure as good an education as they can for their children. That they should interfere with the proper education of their children in those very critical years from 10 to 12 is a thing which, I think, on consideration, they would be very reluctant to do. I think it is of the very gravest importance that this break in the child's education at that age should not be allowed to continue. Instead of the school being something which would tend to inculcate habits of regularity and persevering work in the child, with this break coming in for this period—I think it runs up to 19 weeks—it simply means that for a very considerable part of the year no proper consecutive work can be done in the school. Instead of the child being taught regularity he is taught irregularity. Instead of the child being confirmed in good habits it tends very much in the opposite way; it tends to confirm him in irregular habits. I ask the Minister most earnestly to consider this matter. I confess that I am disappointed with the action of the Government on this whole compulsory school attendance question. I believe that there is little which is of more importance to the country at the present time than doing our best to secure, both in town and country, the very best primary education we can give to our children, not alone at the ages which are at present compulsory, but even for a longer period of years.

I am sorry that Deputy Professor Thrift saw fit to use the words "even farmers."

May I explain? I did not intend anything more than that we know that at the present time the farmers are going through a period of very great stress and difficulty, and that this added difficulty might be something which would press on them more heavily than on others. That is why I used the words "even farmers."

In that sense, then, I am glad to find myself in agreement with Deputy Professor Thrift. That will ease me from the necessity of emphasising that farmers, and the agricultural community at large, are solicitous to secure for their children the best education which can be got. I doubt if there is any section in the country which has a deeper veneration for what is popularly known in the country as "learning" than the agricultural community. If there is any desire on the part of the agricultural community that this exemption from attending school compulsorily during certain periods of the year should continue, it is because the farmers are driven by poverty to desire that exemption. They cannot afford to let their children go to school. I am in entire agreement with Deputy Professor Thrift in principle. I think it is a deplorable thing that this exemption, which was originally introduced to facilitate the transition from voluntary education to compulsory education, should now be continued, but it is being continued because the farmers of this country cannot afford to pay for the labour which they have to ask their infant children to do. That is the only justification for its continuation. It is a deplorable commentary on the conditions obtaining throughout rural Ireland that we should be required to conscript the infants of this country——

That is not a fair statement.

——to do the work necessary to make it possible for the farmers to live. Can Deputy Donnelly assign any other reason for the continuation of this condition? If the farmers were financially in a position to employ labour in order to do the work which it is intended that those children should do, would Deputy Donnelly stand for keeping the children at home and leaving the men unemployed? I do not think he would, and I do not think that any member of this House would stand for it. It is because we know that in fact it would be placing an intolerable burden on the small farmers of this country to ask them to employ labour, in existing circumstances, to do the kind of work which those children would be called upon to do, that we are reluctantly forced to assent to at least part of the proposal made by the Minister.

Deputy Norton suggests that 1938 should be the final year of this concession instead of 1941. I see Deputy Professor Thrift's point that a case may be made that a new House would be sitting, and that it would be better that that new House should not be asked to deal with that new situation. If the year 1939 is put down there I am certainly prepared to vote for Deputy Norton's amendment, in the hope that when that time comes the conditions of this country will be such that we can fairly demand that all sections of the community, farmers, professional men and everybody else, will provide compulsory education for their children during the school attendance years. That is all we ask, and I do not believe that there is any farmer in the country, viewing the position in that light, who will raise a word of protest against this scheme. On the contrary, they will be delighted to see their children attending school regularly. They will be delighted to have an opportunity of commanding their children to attend, and warning their children that they are not only ordered to do so by their parents but by the law of the land as well. Let us not, however, do something unreasonable, and that is to ask the parents to do this thing when they are not physically or economically capable of doing it. If Deputy Norton will indicate his readiness to substitute the year 1939. I think agreement may be got even from the Government Benches; they might be prepared to have the matter reviewed in the light of the economic condition of the country in 1939. We must all pray that it will be something better than it is now, because, if it is not, it will not matter whether we have a Compulsory School Attendance Act or not. There will not be any money to pay teachers, so there will be no necessity to send the children to school.

With reference to this section which is before the House, I speak as a farmer and as a parent. I fully realise the responsibility which rests on us, farmers, to send our children regularly to school, and to give them the best education we possibly can, but we have the other side of the question to look at just the same. We realise that at particular seasons of the year, through lack of means to pay extra men, it is necessary to keep the children at home to do a little work. This is especially so during the spring and harvest. At the same time, even though that pressure is on us and we find it hard to employ labour, we fully realise our responsibility to send our children to school. Although this concession may be included in the Bill there will be no advantage taken of it. We will send our children to school as regularly as any other section of the community. I can assure Deputy Norton and Deputy Professor Thrift that we farmers do realise our responsibility in educating and bringing up our children just as much as the people of any other section of the community realise that responsibility.

Deputy Holohan has added to this debate precisely what was required. He represents the farming community, who are the class chiefly concerned with this amendment. The other Deputies who have spoken did not, I think, represent them to the same extent, at any rate. Deputy Holohan speaks as a farmer, and he understands their circumstances. He has emphasised, I think very properly—and I should like to re-echo what he has said—that the farmers are not likely to take undue advantage of this concession. Had we been in a position in the Education Office to believe that the farmers had gone all out during the past ten years to take the fullest possible advantage of the concession which was given them over the period, no doubt we would still have had to introduce an amending measure of this kind, but we would have felt that there was real need to have a serious inquiry into the matter. But as I showed on the Second Reading, the farmers have not taken universal advantage not undue advantage of the concession that has been granted. I assume that during the five years for which it is now proposed to permit the concession to continue there will be a still further decrease in the number of children who will take advantage of this concession. I prefer on the whole, if there is a tendency to leave the children at school, that we should adopt persuasive methods, and ask the farmers to give an assurance, such as we have got from Deputy Holohan, that they will send their children to school, and keep them at home only in cases of real necessity. If that is the attitude of the farming community in general, I think that there is not a serious argument against this concession. I have reason to believe, from the figures that I gave on the Second Reading, that that is their attitude, and I prefer to take advantage of any opportunities that may offer to emphasise to the farming community what the real meaning of this concession is: that it is a concession without which it is felt that hardship may result and that it is a concession through which we mean to give the farmers a certain advantage in cases of necessity. If that is made clear to the farming community, and if it is emphasised to them that it is their paramount duty to keep their children at school regularly, I think that a great many of the arguments that have been advanced here against extending the concession for a further period of five years fall to the ground.

I regret that Deputy Thrift was not here for the Second Reading of the Bill when we discussed this question. It is quite true to say that originally, when the concession was given, it was in the nature of an agreement between the farmers and the Government. The Labour Party even, I think, agreed in the end that some such concession was necessary at the time. It might be argued that it was really a transitional arrangement, but even though that argument may be made, I think the fact that it was recognised as being a transitional arrangement does not necessarily mean that we need here and now, with the information at our disposal, drop the thing altogether. We have had sufficient experience of the working of it to show that it has worked reasonably well. I have been advised by my staff that, from the inquiries they have made in the rural areas, it is desirable that the concession should be continued. They are fairly well satisfied with the way it has worked. But, in addition, it is a fact that in other countries you have the same concession. I find in a statement that I have here before me, taken from a volume published by the Labour Office at Geneva, that a somewhat similar concession is granted in Belgium, Finland, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and France; and furthermore, in connection with the International Convention governing this matter, which was referred to at the time when the concession was originally given, it is specifically laid down in Article 2:

"For the purposes of work of vocational instruction the periods and the hours of school attendance may be so arranged as to permit the employment of children on light agricultural work, and in particular on light work connected with the harvest: provided that such employment shall not reduce the total annual period of school attendance to less than eight months."

I think it is clear that the concession comes within this International Convention. I have a good deal of sympathy, of course, with the points that have been made by Deputy Thrift, that it is not advisable to have breaks, if they can possibly be avoided, in the attendance at school, and that there is a danger that there may be some disorganisation of classes. Well, we feel strongly that there is a real case of economic necessity in this matter. Deputy Dillon has rung the changes again on the preposterous argument that this concession must be granted because farmers cannot afford to employ labour. Deputy Dillon knows very well that there are thousands upon thousands of small farmers, who are the people chiefly concerned, who do not employ labour, and have never employed labour, and that there are thousands of migratory labourers—he knows it better than anybody else in this House—who leave East Mayo Constituency and the western seaboard, generally, and go across to England and Scotland, and that, in their absence, the work on their little holdings has to be carried on by their wives and families. Does the Deputy pretend that that is not a consideration that we should have in view in connection with this matter? If it were only that alone: the fact that while these people are away working during the spring and harvest in England and Scotland the work has to be carried on by their families, is quite sufficient to justify the concession apart from any other argument. It is obviously a matter of real necessity that their families should be given some facility to enable them to give a good excuse for the children remaining from school—that they are working on the land.

I do not think that there were any other points raised on the amendment. Deputy Norton thinks that the reasons that have been given in favour of the concession are flimsy. I do not agree with Deputy Norton, and, if he consults the teachers, inspectors or the members of the rural community generally, I think he will realise that there are very sound reasons indeed for it and that the parents of those children have very good reasons indeed for keeping their children at home from school: precisely the same reasons, and better reasons, I think, than certain classes for whom the Deputy would like to speak in another connection when he would probably be looking for exemption. These people are entitled, if any class is entitled, to exemption in this matter. I do not think that the period of two years that has been suggested could really be accepted by me. I think that five years is not too long a period. The two years would be altogether too short. You might as well not amend the Act at all nor continue the concession as to continue it merely for a period of a few years. Therefore, I am not prepared to accept the amendment.

The Minister has raised on this amendment issues which are really not connected with it at all. In the course of his reply to the main point made on the amendment, the Minister has taken us again all over the question as to whether exemption should or should not be provided. That matter is not raised on this amendment. The Minister attempts to justify his opposition to the amendment by going over all the ground that was covered on the Second Reading of the Bill, and appealing to the farmer-Deputies to stand with him on this matter. That attitude on his part does not, I submit, carry very much conviction.

The Minister has told us that a somewhat similar provision for exemption has been made in other countries. He mentioned a number of them. I happen to have been in most of them and to have visited their schools. I did not see in any of those countries schools as bad, structurally, as you can see in rural Ireland. I should say that, from the structural point of view, the worst schools in Europe are to be found in rural Ireland. It is extremely difficult in normal circumstances, indeed at times it is a matter of amazement, to find children going into the schools or institutions which pass for schools in this country with any degree of enthusiasm. The Minister would be well advised to take a trip to some of these countries and have a look at the buildings that are provided for the education of the school children. If he did that, I think he would come back feeling more determined than ever to wring a few million pounds out of the Minister for Finance to enable him to replace the present hovels which pass for schools in this country.

Those millions have nothing to do with this amendment.

Nor with the Bill.

I suggest that it is as relevant as some of the Minister's quotations, and I say that without, of course, wanting to question the ruling of the Chair. It is not enough to tell us that other countries provide exemption in this way without telling us what facilities are provided for post-primary education in those other countries. The Minister was not very fortunate in the choice of countries that he took.

That matter does not arise on the amendment.

I was replying to the point made by the Minister.

As the Minister spoke for only two minutes, it is obvious, that he could not have covered the whole field of primary education.

It seemed to me as if he spoke for more than two minutes. I suggest that it is not fair to dismiss the matter in a sentence by telling us what happens elsewhere if we are not also told what the opportunities are elsewhere. The Minister gave us one side of the picture, but did not reveal the other side of it. He mentioned countries that give this exemption, but he did not tell us the opportunities for post-primary education that are provided in those countries. The Minister's statement on that is entirely unconvincing unless we get all the evidence.

I think that there are difficulties normally, natural difficulties and physical difficulties in getting children to school in this country, difficulties which the Legislature has had to recognise by the introduction and passage of legislation dealing with the question of compulsory attendance at school. Children, in this or in any other country, do not go to school as a matter of virtue or as a matter of the good that might accrue to them in after life. If they did, there would be no need to introduce legislation to provide for compulsory attendance at school. We have to recognise that there is an aversion on the part of children to going to school and we also have to recognise that, in many instances, there is also, among many sections of the community— farmers and others—a disposition, on the part of parents, not to live up to a high standard in connection with sending their children to school in any circumstances. I am not saying that that disposition is only to be found among farmers. As a matter of fact, I think that the farmer does endeavour to get his children to school just as much as any other member of the community. We must recognise, however, that there is that natural reluctance on the part of the children themselves to go to school, and that, very often, there is, on the part of the parents, a disposition not to recognise a very rigid code in regard to the sending of their children to school.

My contention is that a provision of this kind caters to that tendency on the part of the children themselves to remain away from school, and to the disposition on the part of certain parents to encourage their children to remain away from school. It is to guard against that tendency that I want to close this exemption as soon as possible and to see that the children will get the maximum opportunity of absorbing the education which the State wants to provide. I want to see the farmer's child as well equipped for the battle of life as the child of any other member of the community. Apart from that, there are many other ways in which the alleged necessity for keeping the children away from school can be exaggerated for the purpose of manipulating the labour of these children and taking advantage of this exemption clause. For these reasons, I think it is desirable to limit, as far as possible, the exemption provided for in this Bill and to limit the scope of the Bill. This amendment is in no sense an attempt to injure the farming community as a farming community. The amendment is designed to bring the Bill under review in 1938, so that we can have a further review of the position in the light of circumstances then existing. I am willing, of course, to substitute 1939, if that is thought to be preferable by any number of Deputies, for 1938. Apparently, however the Minister is not satisfied to substitute 1939 for 1941 so as to give us an opportunity of reviewing the matter at an earlier stage. It does seem to me, however, that there ought to be a recognition by all Parties in the House and by all sections of the community that this exclusion provision should be brought to an end as soon as possible and that the gap should be closed as quickly as possible.

The Minister doubted whether this provision was being availed of in order to keep children away from school on flimsy grounds. I think that the Teachers' Organisation, which the Minister will hardly say would be misinformed in this matter, and which probably knows more than any other organisation in this country about the question, will have no hesitation in telling the Minister that this section of the Act is being used in a way that was never dreamed of when the Act was introduced, and that it is being used now for the purpose of permitting children to absent themselves from school when there is no necessity for their being absent and, furthermore, that it is being used as an excuse by dilatory parents to allow their children to remain away from school. You have got, then, as Deputy Thrift said, a kind of licence to permit children to remain away from school, and a child who remains away from school for certain periods in that way cannot possibly be equipped for the battle of life in the same way as a child who attends school regularly. The child who remains away from school in that way is inevitably handicapped in life, and I want to secure, not alone for the farmer's child, but for the child of every other person in the community, the maximum of regularity in attendance at school. Moreover, I think that, at a time when teachers are likely to be dismissed for failing to keep up their averages of attendances in their schools, we ought to be particularly careful in regard to this matter. I really think that the Minister should agree to accept the year 1938 or 1939, so as to give us an opportunity of reviewing the matter in two or three years' time, and not to allow it to go on for five years, as will happen if the amending Bill is allowed to stand as at present.

I think that the Minister did not absolutely shut the door against the year 1939, and I hope that there is still a chance that he may agree to that. I know that the Minister has got a great deal more information than I have on the matter, but I would ask him—and I think I can carry the farmers of the country with me in this—to reconsider his attitude and to consider what happens to the school life of the children of farmers for six months in the year. You begin in the Springtime with a holiday of ten days or a fortnight, and then this provision comes into play, principally in the period immediately following, which may mean more than four weeks' absence. It must be remembered also that they can very often extend that period by other excuses, such as supposed sickness and things of that kind. The result of all this is that the 20 days would very often run up to 30 days, spread up to three or four months following the initial Spring vacation.

A very short time will elapse after that until the time of the summer vacation comes around. So that there are really six months in the year during which you have this drawback in the matter of school attendance. From the teacher's point of view, it means that he cannot bring those who do not attend school regularly up to the standard of those who do attend regularly and, apart from that, he cannot bring the children, who do attend school regularly, along as fast as they might be brought, so long as that deterrent is there. In other words, the children who are regular in their attendance themselves do not progress in the way that might be reasonably expected during the two half-years in which they are obliged to go to school. I think that the Minister must admit that the total result is not comparable with what should be expected from compulsory attendance. As a matter of fact, I think that the farmers themselves would willingly accept, if possible, the extra work that might be put on them in order to make up for that small amount of work—and it must be small—which they get from their children for that three or four months of the year, in order that their children might get proper education. I believe that the effect of definite and regular attendance in school must be appreciable on the standard of education reached in the school. I grant, of course, that the Minister knows better than I do what the result of this would be, but my information is that it is definitely producing a harmful effect on our schools, and that it is also a definite handicap to the teacher and his work. I ask the Minister, therefore, to accept the 1939 date in order to give us a chance to consider the matter before the new House meets.

I should like the Minister to give us the figures in regard to school attendance. The reason I ask for this is that I have no doubt that the children of farmers have given as good attendance as the children of any other class in the community, and that the farmers themselves have not availed at all of the opportunity of taking advantage of this clause. I am nearly sure that the children of farmers have given as good an attendance as the children of any other class in the community, and it is for that reason that I should like the Minister to give us the attendance figures.

We have not any figures differentiating between the rural population of the country and other parts of the country, but the average attendance for 1935 for children to whom the School Attendance Act applies was 84.8.

What is the figure for the towns?

As I say, I have not separate figures.

Might I suggest to the Minister—I am reluctant to say a word lest I stir his fury—that if we insert the figure 1939 it will place on record that the House considers this exemption arrangement to be the second-best and not the optimus? The only effect of the proposal would be to bring the matter before the House again in three years' time instead of five years, with a view to deciding whether the circumstances then existing called for the strict enforcement of compulsory school attendance. It is quite true that a very large number of farmers do not avail themselves of this privilege. I reiterate that the farmers are a class of people who attach more importance to learning than any other class. Of course, the primary purpose of compulsory school attendance legislation was to deal with the imprudent parent who was not solicitous to send his children to school. Compulsory school attendance legislation had no effect on the bulk of parents because they required no compulsion to make their children go to school. You had a small minority of parents, however, who did not recognise the importance of their duty in that regard, and on them the School Attendance Act did operate. Our object is to prevent the suspension of the operation of that Act for any class longer than can be helped. We do not want to inflict hardship, but it is universally agreed— one Deputy believes it to be for one reason and another Deputy believes it to be for quite another reason—that this provision should not operate for an unduly long period. Let us find a via media. Let us agree that it is not desirable that children should be expected permanently to do farm work, that for the moment it is inevitable, but that we desire to find a way out of the situation at the earliest possible moment. Let us fix the date as 1939 with the intention of remedying the evil then if we can, or of devising some other means of dealing with it in the light of the facts then before us.

I cannot see that five years is an unduly long period. There is such a variety of opinions amongst Deputies that it is difficult to know what is the fundamental ground on which they are working. Deputy Dillon foresees possibly some improvement in the general economic position of the agricultural community.

Please God.

Deputy Thrift thinks that on educational grounds the sooner we can limit the restriction the better. Deputy Norton thinks the same. Deputy Holohan thinks that the children of the farming community have attended as well as the children of any other class in the community. If it is accepted by the House generally, I would be prepared to make the figure 1940 instead of 1941.

Amendment, as amended, put and agreed to.
Section 2, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
The following amendment appeared in the name of Deputy Norton:—
2. Before Section 3 to insert the following new section:—
Section 4 of the Principal Act shall be construed and have effect as if the three following sub-sections were inserted therein immediately after sub-section (5) of the said section, that is to say:—
(6) Any time during which a child has been prevented from attending school by reason of his having been engaged in light agricultural work for his parent on his parent's land shall count to an extent of not more than 20 school days in any calendar year in respect of such child's attendance at a national school and for the purpose of this sub-section it shall be mandatory on the parent of such child to certify in such form as may be prescribed that the child was so prevented from attending school.
(7) If a parent whose child is prevented from attending school by reason of his having been engaged in light agricultural work fails or neglects to certify that such child was so prevented from attending school he shall be guilty of an offence under this section and shall be liable on conviction thereof to a fine not exceeding forty shillings.
(8) Sub-section (6) and sub-section (7) of this section shall have effect as from the 1st day of May, 1936.

The effect of this amendment would be to impose a charge on public revenue.

If the amendment imposes a charge it cannot be moved or discussed.

Are you ruling, Sir, that it does impose a charge?

The Chair must be guided in such a matter by the Minister himself. If the Minister —if I might make such a horrible assumption—were wrong the House would have other means of getting after him. The Minister has definitely stated that the amendment would impose a charge. That being so, the amendment may not be moved nor discussed.

I am not questioning the accuracy of the Minister's statement, but I should like to hear his grounds for saying that this amendment imposes a charge.

It is quite clear. The Deputy proposes under the amendment that the period during which a child has been absent from school under the provisions of these sub-sections should count in the computation of the school attendance. Clearly that would impose an extra expenditure upon the Exchequer in view of the fact that you would have an additional attendance which would have to be paid for, to the extent to which these children were absent.

Might I put the point to the Minister that this amendment will not, in fact, impose any charge? It may prevent money being saved by the Department of Education, but it will not impose an additional charge. It may prevent economies, but I do not know that that is imposing an additional charge.

The Committee having agreed to an amendment which allows certain exemptions, to count these 20 days towards attendance would certainly impose a charge by way of the capitation grant.

The capitation grant which would not be expended if these children were not there.

It would take extra money out of the Exchequer. It would therefore impose a charge.

I suggest it would not and that this amendment does no more than to prevent an economy being exercised as a result of the exemption.

The Chair rules that a charge is involved and the amendment may not be moved.

Amendment not moved.
Section 3 and the Title ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Bill reported with amendment.
Barr
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