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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 28 Mar 1939

Vol. 75 No. 1

Vote 57—Industry and Commerce.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £205,114 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníochta i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1940, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Tionnscail agus Tráchtála, maraon le hIldeontaisí i-gCabhair.

That a sum not exceeding £205,114 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, including sundry Grants-in-Aid.

The details of the Estimate are explained by the various notes published in the book of Estimates and I presume it is not necessary to go through them seriatim now as Deputies will have studied these notes for themselves. Consequently, I propose to confine my remarks to a brief review of the activities of the Department during the course of the past twelve months and to any special circumstances that may have affected them.

The work of the Department of Industry and Commerce, as Deputies know, covers a wide field and it would take a long time to give anything in the nature of a detailed account of all its activities. I will, however, refer to the major matters with which the Department was concerned and, if any Deputy requires information concerning some of its minor activities, I will endeavour to meet his wishes when replying to the debate.

In the industrial sphere, the year which has just closed was one of some difficulty. It was the first year for a number of years in which an increase in industrial employment was not recorded. There was in fact a slight decrease in the total employment given in protected industries. The experience of all industries during the course of the year was not uniform. Some continued to expand and to give more employment. Others showed a diminution of employment as compared with the previous year. The decreases in employment, where they occurred, whether comparatively large, as they were in some instances, or negligible, as they were in others may, however, in all cases in fact be attributed to causes which it can be hoped will prove temporary in character. I may mention in particular the disturbed international situation which prevailed during part of the period and more particularly to the fact that, before the terms of the Trade Agreement which was made in April of last year with the Government of the United Kingdom were announced, and for quite a long time afterwards, considerable uncertainty prevailed as to its possible and probable effects. During the period of the negotiations which culminated in the Trade Agreement there was prevalent in many directions a feeling that the Agreement would involve wholesale reductions in customs duties and the immediate abolition of quotas which had been imposed under the provisions of the Control of Imports Acts. That feeling permeated manufacturing as well as distributive circles. The distributors curtailed their buying as much as possible and purchased practically only day to day needs from the manufacturers and the latter, in the fear of being left with large stocks on their hands, reduced their output to a minimum. Even when the terms of the Trade Agreement were announced and it was made known that there would be only a minimum reduction of duties of a limited and specified list of commodities, the provision made in the Agreement for a review of all protective duties and import restrictions was misunderstood by many. The result was that the anticipation of further tariff reductions and the speedy abolition of quotas still persisted and led to a continued dislocation of trade with consequent upset to production and employment. In fact, it was only quite recently that trade may be said to have settled down again to more or less normal channels. But that can, however, be said definitely.

During the course of the year, however, a number of new factories came into production and manufacture was commenced here of classes of goods which had not previously appeared in our industrial statistics. I may mention particularly factories for the production of art silk fabric, electrical cooking and heating apparatus, carpets, safety glass, worsted yarn, cement, collapsible tubes, zip fasteners and other products of less importance.

Despite the circumstances to which I have referred—the uncertainty created by the Trade Agreement and its consequent depressing effect upon trade—we have to note that during the year the flow of industrial proposals received in the Department was maintained at as high a level as in previous years. Some of these proposals were of considerable importance and occupied the attention of the officers of the Department in their examination for a considerable part of the period. It may be of interest to the Dáil to know that a considerable number of proposals was received from industrialists in Europe who, on account of the unsettled political situation there have been considering the advisability of establishing plants here. As a result, the Department has succeeded in making plans for the establishment of a number of industries which it might not otherwise have been possible to secure owing to the high degree of technical skill required in connection with them. Many of these plans will, I hope, materialise during the year and important new industries will be established in consequence of them.

As I am dealing with this matter of the industrial position now, I should perhaps refer to the work done during the course of the past year under the various enactments which have been passed here for the control of employment in industry, and of other matters that affect industry. These statutes, as Deputies know, are numerous. Under the Factory and Workshops Acts approximately 98 per cent. of the factories on the register were inspected during the year. That meant that Departmental inspectors visited at least 11,000 industrial concerns. As a result of those inspections 111 cases were sent to the Chief State Solicitor for the institution of proceedings for breaches of the Acts. The decisions which were given, in the cases in which proceedings were instituted, are set cut periodically in the Departmental Journal without the names of the firms concerned being mentioned, so that there will be widespread information concerning the nature of the cases that arose. Under the Trade Boards Acts, the enforcement of rates of wages prescribed by the 15 trade boards now functioning was carried out by industrial inspectors who are vested with the powers of appointed officers under the Act. During the year the rates of wages of some 19,000 workers were examined. That entailed an inspection of the wage records of over 2,000 firms, representing 90 per cent. approximately of the firms who employ workers on operations that come within the scope of the trade boards. As a result of these inspections, arrears of wages were paid to workers in many cases.

Did the Minister say 19,000 workers and 2,000 firms?

19,000 workers and approximately 2,000 firms. The enforcement of rules made by apprenticeship committees is also undertaken by our industrial inspectors. Under the rules there are two committees functioning in connection with the brush and broom trade and the hairdressing trade; 237 firms were inspected, representing 56 per cent. of the total on the register. In addition, rules governing the furniture trade in the Dublin area came into force in May of last year, while the rules governing the house painting and decorating trade for the whole country became operative in July. These rules are now being enforced.

During the year the two Shop Acts, which were passed, came into operation. At the moment we have legislation regulating the conditions of industrial workers and of shop workers in full force. The benefits of holidays, with pay, have been extended to most other classes of workers by the Holidays (Employees) Act which recently became law, and which will be brought into operation probably in the month of May. Industrial workers were brought within the scope of that Act, and the holidays section of the Conditions of Employment Act of 1936 was repealed. All workers, other than shop employees, entitled to holidays with pay will, therefore, come within the scope of the new Act. All the exclusion orders made up to the date of last year's Estimate are still in operation without alteration. In addition, regulations have been made in respect of shift workers in automatic sheet glass works. These regulations were made to implement the convention relating to the hours of work for automatic sheet glass workers. Regulations have also been made permitting workers to be employed in sewer cleaning during the night. A maximum week of 44 hours was fixed in these regulations. Up to date 24 sets of exclusion orders have been made under the Act.

During the year there was some evidence of an increased tendency on the part of employers to introduce the five-day system of working. That system is not, however, by any means general, and apparently, in most cases where it has been introduced, it has been as an experiment. There seemed to be no inclination on the part of employers to reduce the length of the normal working day, so that those in some of the five-day shops are obliged to work nine hours, which is the maximum permitted by the Act. The only case which occurred during the year in which young persons were permitted to work more than 40 hours per week was in the worsted and spinning industry. A regulation made under the Act deemed young persons employed as layers and takers-off to be adult workers. Other cases in which young persons may work longer than 40 hours are the boot and shoe, enamel ware, wallpaper, woollen and worsted, linen, cotton, jute and pottery industries. The position in regard to jute, linen, cotton and pottery is under review. The consideration of applications for shift work licences formed a substantial part of the work of the Department during the year. Apart from an examination of the applications on their merits, the conditions of each industry in which shifts are worked were reviewed. For the time being, the firms which are entitled to work shifts, represent industries engaged in the manufacture of automatic machinery, woollen and worsted piece goods, spinning, binder twine etc. Workers are being permitted to work in shifts on the civil engineering constructional works proceeding at Poulaphouca. It is not yet clear whether shift work will be a permanent feature of the hosiery industry. The licence granted for a limited period coincides with the quota periods. Of the firms doing shifts in this industry at present seven have been granted shift work licences.

The position in regard to the registration of wage agreements under the appropriate section of the Conditions of Employment Act of 1936 remains unsatisfactory. Only one such agreement has so far been registered. As Deputies will remember, a good deal of controversy arose following upon registration. The industry concerned is the hosiery industry. I have had under consideration the advisability of amending that section of the Act. I am satisfied that while amendment may be desirable it is not necessary to enable it to be properly worked, and I would like very much to see some effort being made to avail of it more fully. I may also say that the Department is investigating the matter of the employment of young persons in the industry. Some years ago it used to be said that industrial employers were carrying on their industries with an undue proportion of juvenile labour. It was always doubtful whether the allegation was well-founded, but in the last year or so the position seems to have altered considerably. The available statistics concerning employment in protected industries, which relate to September, 1938, show that 84.8 per cent. of the total number employed were adults and only 15.2 juveniles, as compared with 82.4 per cent. of adults, and 17.6 per cent. of juveniles in September of the previous year. These figures indicate that the extension of protection to Irish industries is not having the effect which has been suggested by leading to an increased use of juvenile labour at the expense of adult employment. Male employment is 57.2 per cent., being in excess of female employment at 42.8 per cent.

The Shops (Conditions of Employment) Act, which was passed last year, came into operation and, as Deputies will remember, imposes restrictions on the employment of juveniles and regulates the employment of the adult members of the staffs of shops on the general basis of a 48-hour and a 5½-day week, with a maximum of 11 hours employment in any one day. Provision was made in part of that Act for the establishment of a shops wages board to regulate the wages of members of the staffs of shops on lines analogous to those followed by a trade board. That shops wages board has not yet been established, but I hope to have it functioning in a comparatively short time. The principal complaint which has arisen in connection with that Act came from hotel proprietors. The requirements in respect of hotel employees are less onerous than they are in respect of ordinary shop workers, but, none the less, hotel proprietors say that it is difficult for them to comply with them. That matter has been the subject of many conferences and discussions, and I am satisfied that some at least of the representations made by the hotel proprietors are well-founded and I have had some consideration given to the possibility of amending the Act to meet those complaints, in part at least. So far as it was possible to make a concession to hotel keepers under the provisions of the Act, that was done by the provisions of the Hotel (Working Hours) Order, 1938, which abolished the reduction of permissible overtime which would normally follow after a period of four weeks.

The prevention and settlement of industrial disputes occupied a large amount of Departmental time during the year. During that period the Department has intervened in approximately 60 trade disputes, many of which involved numerous and long conferences between the disputing parties. Whether our experience in the coming year is likely to be better or worse it is impossible to say; but I can state that some progress has been made towards the establishment in various industries of conciliatory machinery which, we hope, will operate to eliminate some, if not all, of the causes of dispute. There are now in existence 14 conciliation boards, or joint industrial councils, composed of representatives of the employers and workers in the industries concerned. Meetings of the majority of these boards have been held at fairly regular intervals during the year, and through the machinery of the boards many differences which might have led to stoppages of work have been composed. I have mentioned that a wage agreement on a national basis has been negotiated for the hosiery industry. The same has also been done for the bacon industry while for the milling industry the national wage agreement was revised during the year by an arbitration decision.

I presume it is not necessary to attempt to go at any length now into a report on the activities of the Prices Commission during the year. The Prices Commission was required by statute to furnish an annual report which contains details of its work. The new commission, which was established under the amended Act, was set up in February of last year. In addition to its functions as a Prices Commission in the ordinary meaning of the term, it has been given, as Deputies will remember, additional functions by the Prices Commission (Extension of Functions) Act of last year which followed the Trade Agreement with the United Kingdom. That Act empowered the Prices Commission to review, on the request of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, the operation of customs duties or importation restrictions on goods subject to such duties or restrictions and to report and make recommendations to the Minister for Industry and Commerce thereon. A number of reports have, in fact, been received.

During the year, as I have mentioned, a trade agreement was concluded between this country and the United Kingdom. Other trade negotiations with different countries were also undertaken. The commercial agreements with Germany and Turkey were renewed. In the case of Germany, the agreement was extended to embrace Austria and the territories ceded by Czecho-Slovakia to Germany. Steps were also taken for the renewal of the modus vivendi with Egypt. Commercial agreements with the Netherlands and with Belgium expired during the year. In view of the undertakings which were given to the United Kingdom under the agreement with that country, it was not considered advisable to renew the undertakings given to the Netherlands and to Belgium in respect of the issue of import licences and the quantitative control of imports. While steps have not been taken to renew the agreements with these countries, it is considered reasonable, because of favourable balances of trade with them, that they might be asked to continue on a de facto basis to grant for the import of Irish goods quota and other facilities similar to those granted under the expired agreements. Trade relations with the United States of America, Australia, New Zealand, Roumania, Hungary, Yugo Slavia, Czecho-Slovakia, Colombia, the Argentine, and Brazil have been examined. Proposals for the conclusion of trade agreements with these countries, except Brazil, are under consideration. In the case of Brazil, proposals are awaited from the Government of that country for the conclusion of a more comprehensive agreement than that in force at present. The existing agreement is on the most favoured nation basis.

One of the sub-heads of the Vote relates to mineral exploration work undertaken by the Department. I do not propose to deal at any length with that now, because we had the matter before us only recently when a Supplementary Estimate was passed here, and on that occasion I gave a review of the work which has been done in connection with the exploration of gypsum deposits at Monaghan and coal deposits in South Laoighis. During the year only one lease, and that was for slate, was granted under the Mines and Minerals Act, and one mining right, in connection with which the mineral concerned was silica, was granted. There have been 28 leases granted up to date, of which eight have lapsed for one reason or another. Of the remainder, 13 are in respect of slate, and the others are in respect of coal, fireclay, lead, marble, silica. Six grants of mining rights have been made since 1931. Four were in connection with the project for the development of the copper deposits at Bonmahon. Of these, three have been surrendered. One of the remaining rights is for lead and silver mines in County Tipperary and another in respect of silica in County Cork.

Since the enactment of the Mines and Minerals Act there has been considerable development of such minerals as slate, limestone and marble, but the same cannot be said of other important mineral deposits, such as are usually obtained by mining; that is to say, such minerals as coal, gypsum, iron, lead and copper. From time to time the Department has received complaints from prospectors and others who are interested in these minerals that the provisions of the Mines and Minerals Act are not the best that could be devised to facilitate the working of these mines. A revision of the Mines and Minerals Act has, accordingly, been undertaken and it is proposed to submit to the Oireachtas at an early date a new Mines and Minerals Bill designed to remove the difficulties of the 1931 Act and promote more directly and efficiently the development of the mineral resources of the country generally. Various proposals made to us have had to be postponed pending the enactment of the new legislation I have mentioned and the question of the development of the Slieveardagh coalfield on which we have had already a report has also been postponed until certain powers which it is proposed to seek under the new Bill shall have been obtained. That is, of course, a matter of considerable importance. The imports of anthracite coal last year amounted to nearly 80,000 tons and there is definite evidence of a growing tendency to use that fuel. In these circumstances, the development of our mines, which contain very large quantities of the best anthracite, is a matter of very great importance. Five grants for mineral exploration were made out of employment-scheme voted moneys during the year, the total amount expended being £650. That expenditure covered limestone, slate and flagstone deposits. These grants have been given principally for the removal of the overburden of quarries and the construction of roads to mineral deposits. By such means, the opening up of new deposits is encouraged and local unemployment relieved.

The activities of the Turf Development Board also arise for consideration under this Estimate. During the year, the Turraun Peat Works, acquired in 1935, have been in regular production. The development of the Clonsast Bog in Leix-Offaly is proceeding. One cutting machine was experimentally operated during 1938 and two will be in operation during the 1939 season. Production took place in Lyracrompane Bog, in County Kerry, during 1938. The product, I am assured, is an extremely satisfactory fuel. The marketing of hand-won turf has been relinquished by the board and transferred to the co-operative turf societies. The preliminary drainage of suitable bog areas has been put in hands in one centre in Wexford and in Glenties, County Donegal. That work is being carried out by the Turf Board engineers with Minor Relief Vote funds.

The Department, as Deputies know, is also responsible for tourist development work. I do not propose to deal with that matter at any length now because the Bill, leave to introduce which was granted in December last, is now ready and will, I hope, be before members early next week. We shall have it under discussion here when the Dáil resumes after Easter. The discussion of that Bill will raise the whole question of the extent to which the State should participate in tourist development and any suggestions or proposals which Deputies have to make in that connection can be kept for that occasion. The delay in producing the Bill was due largely to technical and legal difficulties which arose in its preparation and to pressure of work upon the office of the Parliamentary Draftsman.

The section of the Department which deals with transport has also had an exceptionally difficult year. The difficulties affecting transport which arose during the year resulted, as Deputies are aware, in the appointment of the Transport Commission which is now sitting. The fact that that tribunal has not yet reported makes it difficult to discuss the transport problem freely at present. I presume, however, that an opportunity for doing so will arise shortly after the report is available.

A question which may be asked is when the Bill to implement the report of the Harbours Tribunal will be forthcoming. The Harbours Tribunal met a long time ago, and I informed the Dáil some years ago that I was having proposals for legislation prepared to give general effect to its recommendations. The preparation of that Bill, however—it will be a big Bill and will contain a number of very complicated provisions—has taken a very considerable time and occupied the officers of the Department during the year. It is now nearing completion and I hope to have it available at a fairly early date. The Bill has, in fact, been drafted and is ready for circulation, subject to the observations which other Government Departments may have to make upon it.

One of the main activities of the Department during the year arose in connection with the development of civil aviation. Again, I presume it is not necessary to deal with that matter at any length, because we had a Supplementary Estimate on which the question of the development of civil aviation was discussed here a few weeks ago. I gave on that occasion the available statistics concerning the growth of the use of our civil aviation service and some indication of our future development plans. I trust that, in the course of the next two or three years, there will be substantial development of civil aviation in this country and connecting this country with others and our plans have been based on that assumption.

Some reference must be made to one other activity of the Department which arose during the past year and about which not much is known by the public. I refer to the special branch we set up in September of last year in the light of the international situation then existing to consider and deal with all the problems that would arise in connection with the maintenance of essential supplies in case of emergency. That branch has been working at great pressure preparing plans for the building up of reserves of food and other essential materials, forming the nucleus of an organisation which would become responsible, should an emergency arise, for the central purchasing and selling of food and other essential commodities and for the control and regulation of imports and exports and distribution of such products. A great deal of work has been done. A survey has been made of all the principal trades and industries of the country. Particulars have been obtained from the most important amongst them of the stocks usually carried at particular dates. Particulars have been obtained also of the organisations existing in these various trades and industries and, failing such organisations, of the principal persons concerned, so that early contact could be made in case of emergency for the purpose of making arrangements with regard to stock distribution and other matters. Various industries and trades were urged to increase their stocks to the greatest practicable limits so as to provide the largest possible margin of safety in case of emergency. In the case of some private firms there is, naturally, difficulty in financing the maintenance of abnormally large stocks. That matter is at present receiving attention.

In the case of wheat, it might be mentioned that, in addition to the normal stocks of wheat and flour carried by flour millers, the flour millers have made special arrangements by which an additional reserve of 50,000 tons has been established. Let us hope that that reserve will increase. That reserve has been accompanied by an increase in the price of flour of 1/- a sack. In the case of sugar, arrangements have been made to meet the difference between home production and the annual consumption and these arrangements will be expedited so that the needs of the country will be covered. The question of rationing has also been under consideration and plans have been prepared for the rationing of motor spirits and heavy oils for the propulsion of vehicles. These will be the only kinds of rationing that will be imposed at least in the early days of the emergency. This country in the case of foodstuffs has an exportable surplus and the situation will be more likely to be met by restrictions on imports than by a rationing scheme. Numbers of forms, orders and documents of that nature have been prepared and should be ready for issue should the need arise.

I trust that the work done by that special branch of the Department during the past six months will never have to be utilised. But the Dáil should be aware that that work occupied a considerable amount of the time of the Department's officials during that period. For some weeks it involved the dislocation of the Department's normal work. The arrangements now made have ensured that the work of that special branch is proceeding without any interference with a normal staff of the Department and the normal work of the Department. These are the principal matters to which it is necessary to make reference now. If any Deputy wants to raise a query concerning any other activities of the Department, I will be only too glad, when replying, to give any particulars available.

The Minister spoke about 1/- a sack. Would the Minister say on how many sacks would that be charged?

On the total production.

How much is that?

It is 2,700,000 sacks.

Would the Minister when replying tell us what the cost of 50,000 tons would be?

I beg to move the motion standing in my name: "That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration." In regard to the last point to which the Minister referred, that is the case of £135,000 being planked on to the already over-swollen bill that the people are paying for flour, he told us the reason for this. It was because of what? Because of the alleged defence situation in this country for which the Minister for Defence, when discussing his Estimate the other day, showed that no adequate or reasonable preparation of any kind had been made to defend the State. Does not that imply that the whole situation has not been taken seriously by the Government? I have moved to refer this Estimate back because I want to protest against that element in the policy to which the Minister last referred in the laying in of imported stocks for an alleged national emergency here. It was not solely because of that, of doing anything to add to the already swollen prices that people are paying for the necessaries of life that I want to make this protest. I will, of necessity, have to go back to it on another occasion. Chiefly why I move to have this Estimate referred back is in order to deal with a matter of bigger and wider importance.

The Minister, I am sure, will admit that faith without good works is dead. And if that be so with regard to faith, I am sure he will admit that hope without good works is a wash-out entirely. The Minister has offered us, in his presentation of his Estimate to-day, the hope that things that are disturbing the employment situation to-day, the things that are reducing the number of persons in the recently-established industries will pass and that some industrialists who are being uprooted from industrial occupations in Europe will come our way and that more industrialists are likely to be added to our general fabric of industry during the next year. I think we have gone so far on the road to rationing the real things out of which our people are living at the present time and out of which they are going to live in the future that I am encouraged to address myself to this aspect of the situation here.

The Minister, among other members of the Front Bench, has for some time past been addressing himself to the importance of the agricultural industry as the real foundation of our national and economic life. That appreciation of the situation which Ministers are now reiterating is to be welcomed. It is more gracious than what they were saying about the agricultural industry a few years ago. But there is another appreciation that I would equally like to have reiterated by the Ministers, and that is that there is a basic group of manufacturing industries that are as important to a very considerable part of the people as agriculture itself. The Minister has addressed himself to the general situation here on a couple of occasions recently, and I think it would have been more helpful if he had addressed himself to the general situation here in introducing his Estimate, particularly at a critical period such as the present. In giving an article to a special issue of the London Times at the beginning of this month the Minister stated:

"The prosperity of the land for the future must be based largely on increased exports to Great Britain, which should result in increased imports therefrom. With agricultural prosperity, there will be plenty of room in the Irish market for both Irish and British goods."

The Minister appreciates that, increased agricultural production here being necessary for the economic improvement of our people, we must have increasing agricultural exports to the British markets, and that that will involve increasing imports from Great Britain here to some extent at any rate. But he goes further than that in this article at the beginning of the month, and pointed out that:

"Notwithstanding the increased industrialisation in recent years, the population continues to decline, and with 100,000 persons on the live register we have a grave problem of unemployment, which are indications of the magnitude of the task which still confronts the Irish Government in its efforts to save the race."

The Minister appreciates the portents which are at present there, and which show how critical the economic position is for our people at the present time. We had the advantage of having a further statement from the Minister yesterday on the opening of a confectionery establishment here in this city. He there stated that:

"The relative importance of industrial expansion in the future Ireland, its limits, its practicability, and the best methods of promoting it were matters of public controversy, and as such, therefore, he would not deal with them there. There could, however, be no controversy about their need for increasing the employment available to their people, not merely increasing the employment but the varieties of employment available."

The Minister takes up the attitude that the relative importance of industrial expansion here, its limits, its practicability and the best methods of promoting it are matters of public controversy. I think they ought not to be matters of public controversy. I invite the Minister to take back this Estimate, and to reconsider the position from the point of view that the importance of Irish manufacturing industry to the life of the people here is such that none of those things he mentions here—the importance of its expansion, the limits to which it can be expanded, its practicability and the best methods of promoting it—should be matters of public controversy, and that if there is anything in our economic or our political situation here that can be taken out of the realms of public controversy it is those. Even if it did not appear so clear that they could be taken out of the realms of public controversy, there are things in the present situation which demand that an attempt ought to be made to take them out of the realms of public controversy.

An agricultural commission has been set up to inquire into the position of the agricultural industry. I do not appreciate the form of commission which has been set up. The fact that a commission has been set up is bound to do some good, but as much good is not going to be done by the type of commission which has been set up as might otherwise be done. A commission has been set up to consider housing throughout the State, particularly in the City of Dublin. I do not consider that commission is of the kind which ought to have been set up. It has been set up with the appearance of the kind of commission that I should like to get set up to review the industrial side, but it is not that kind of thing. It would have been better if a smaller and more technical commission were set up to deal with agriculture. The committee that has been set up to deal with housing has the appearance of being a technical committee but it has been drawn from people who really, if they had been doing their work for the past six years, should have obviated the necessity for any such inquiry as they are asked to carry out at the present time. Because of that, and other reasons, I do not admire the type of committee which has been set up to deal with housing.

I think the Minister is clear in his mind—or at any rate he can be assisted to clear his mind—as to the type of expert committee that could and should be set up at the moment to review Irish manufacturing industry, and to mark down the definite industries which are to be regarded in the future as our first line manufacturing industries, the preservation of which is as important as the preservation of our agricultural industry itself. Just as the interests of agriculture have been prejudiced in the past, and endeavours made to minimise its importance in the minds both of the ordinary people themselves and of people engaged in political life by the kind of political address that there has been made to industry, in the same way our really foundational manufacturing industries have themselves been injured by the same type of thing. They have been injured by a kind of propagandist drive to develop and to boost from platforms and in the Press tertiary industries which, in many cases, are not only weak in themselves but are a danger and are doing damage to our primary industry.

The Minister has faced up to the fact that the population of this country is falling. He must be aware that the population of this country had ceased to fall in 1930; that by 1931 it had gone up by 5,500; that by 1932 it had further increased by 16,700; that by 1933 it had further increased by 12,000; that then the increase, due to the influences of the policy of the last six years was, you might say, wiped out, and that in fact during the last four years, between 1934 and 1938, the population of this country has begun to fall again, and has fallen to the extent of 44,000. It is argued that the reason why the population of this country ceased to fall in 1929-30 was that the world outside was not a very inviting place for emigrants to go. Well, outside of Great Britain to-day, I doubt if the world of 1939 is any more inviting for Irish emigrants than the world of 1929. It is a fact that Great Britain is attracting a fairly substantial number of our people—anything up to 25,000 or 27,000 a year. It is possible that that attraction is going to continue, and we cannot hold those people in this country unless there is a steady field in which they can get employment—employment of a kind which will suggest to them that they can hope to settle down in this country. that they can hope to become Irish citizens, with a hope of rearing a family here and living their lives here.

During the last four years, too, the number of male persons employed in agriculture has fallen by 43,000. We may hope, although it is a courageous hope, that the next four years, say, will see absorbed back into agricultural life 43,000 males to take their place. I do not know that the Minister would urge us to think that more than that will happen in agriculture during the next four years. Even if that does happen in agriculture in the next four years we have to provide for I suppose at least 25,000 or 30,000 additional persons going into employment of one kind or another, and they must find employment in our industrial side or in our commercial side. As the Minister said in his statement yesterday:—

"The next five or ten years would be the most critical period in the history of Ireland. In it they would repair the ravages of the past and build a firm foundation for future prosperity.... In that period industrial development would play a vital part."

That was his conviction, and he asked all sections and all Parties to give it a fair chance. Emphasising the importance of the industrial side, the Government organ in its leading article this morning states that—

"the nation may stand or fall according to the success or failure of the industrial revival as a whole."

So that we have both from the Minister himself, and from the organ that speaks the mind of his Party, an expression to which everybody in the country could subscribe. We have, however, the fact staring us in the face that in order to return to the 1934 employment position of males in agriculture, for the next four years we shall have to find employment for 43,000 males on the land. The Minister may shake his head, but the Minister is not going to argue that I am not stating the facts——

I think the Deputy is leaving out of account the effect of the Unemployment Assistance Acts.

I am giving the figures showing the number of males employed in agriculture in June of each year. What on earth has the payment of unemployment assistance to do with the number of, shall I say, censused persons actually employed in June of each year in agriculture?

Described as employed in agriculture.

Are we to believe the Minister when he gives us the figures showing the number of males employed in agriculture? Are we to take these figures from year to year as indicating the comparable amount of employment in these years?

The Deputy must make allowance for the fact that it is now in the interests of certain persons to describe themselves as unemployed, whereas previous to 1934 there was no such inducement. I do not know to what extent that factor may have operated, but the factor cannot be ignored.

In discussing public matters, how can we get an impression of what is happening over the broad ground of agriculture, as regards employment, except by reference to official figures? Are we to disbelieve the figures in regard to emigration in the same way, because we cannot know the number of people who are going across the Border? If the Minister wants to argue that there is not that fall in agricultural employment, that there were as many people employed in agriculture in 1938 as there were in 1934, then we shall be glad to hear it. I am sure the Minister will understand that I do not want to emphasise anything but the trend that is shown there by these figures. I think that trend is substantial and that there is no inducement on an agricultural labourer of any kind to suggest that he is unemployed in June of any year. There is not a single small farmer or a single agricultural labourer who can get unemployment assistance in June, is there?

All except single men up to the present.

In June? That is only as far as agricultural labourers are concerned. It does not refer to small farmers.

It does not refer to actual landholders.

At any rate the Minister will not argue with me that 44,000 men are misrepresenting their position in that particular way. He will not suggest that there is not a fall in general agriculture employment. However, that is a small point in the general argument. All I am saying is that there has been a substantial decline in agricultural employment since 1934.

I am not purporting to deny that. I mentioned as a factor, which must be taken into account, that these figures were affected by the Unemployment Assistance Act. If not, it is difficult to understand the very many representations I have got concerning the scarcity of agricultural workers. I have been urged to extend the scope of the Employment Period Orders to cover other classes because of the scarcity of agricultural workers.

Would the Minister say that his statistics must be "watered" by reference to such circumstances here? Surely he is not denying his statistics?

I have always said that statistics of employment in agriculture should not be taken as altogether strictly accurate. They cannot be taken as strictly accurate. It is a very rough and ready enumeration.

Forty thousand is a very big discrepancy. The Minister would not say that there is that much of a difference.

At one period, between 1929 and 1930, there was a much greater fall, in one year.

More than 40,000?

I should like to see some proof of that rather than take the Minister's word for it.

The decline at that particular time was shown as substantial by reason of the fact that the basis of enumeration was substantially changed.

I do not say that there was not an explanation but there is another explanation now which the Deputy is leaving out of account.

Would the Minister believe me that I am merely drawing attention to the fact that there is a decline in employment in agriculture which has been manifested during the past four years?

I am not denying it.

Therefore I will not be charged with talking generalities. I am giving the official figures. So there is a decline in employment in agriculture. As things are, we hope that agriculture will re-absorb these people who have been rendered idle, but we could quote many reasons, and the opinions of many people, not on these benches, as indicating that agriculture may not re-absorb them. We have to face the industrial side of things in this way, and we have to try and find an employment outlet in commercial and industrial life for an additional 25,000 people every year. When the Minister says that the next five or ten years are going to be vital in the economic life of the country, and when the official Government organ subscribes to that opinion, what they are thinking of is the very same thing that every head of a family, say in the City of Dublin, is thinking of, that we must find a commercial and industrial outlet for the people of the country. Judging by the figures we have at the present time, we must find these outlets for from 25,000 to 30,000 young people every year. In these circumstances, we want to get the position set out in a clear and systematic way, that will remove the foundations upon which that work has to be built entirely from controversy of any kind, particularly controversy in this House. There is no possible way of doing it, in my opinion, except to set up an expert tribunal of a small kind, that systematically and thoroughly will take the industrial sphere and do for it quickly, concisely and clearly what was done for the general position of the country by the Banking Commission. If that is not done, then we are going to drift along in controversy. We are going to have the position misrepresented. We are going to have opportunities lost. We are going to have the Minister, driven by the fact that he is living in a controversial atmosphere, trying his hand at some more experiments that may be as unsuccessful as some of the experiments that have been tried in the past.

The Minister must know that the employment position has reached a point in which there is not very much sign of growth at the moment, that is employment in industrial life. He indicated to us in a reply given on the 22nd March, as reported in col. 2209 of the Official Reports, that in the Dublin and Dun Laoghaire Employment Exchange areas, the increase in the number of registered unemployed between February, 1937, and February, 1938, was caused by some small decreases in the number of persons employed in a large variety of industries, that the aggregate increase in registered unemployment between February, 1938, and February, 1939, was also due to a decrease in the numbers employed in a variety of interests, a considerable number of them being in the building industry. But there is one set of statistics— whether they have to be taken with a grain of salt, or otherwise modified, I do not know—and if he has been examining them, I think he must realise that they indicate that anything like a substantial increase in industrial employment has come to a stop. I take the contributions to National Health Insurance Fund as expressing full-time employment over the whole year. In 1931, the full-time employment contributions to the fund over the year came to £342,000. They increased by 1936 to £399,000, by 1937 to £415,000, and by 1938 to £416,000. There was practically no increase between the years 1937 and 1938. I take the National Health Insurance figures because they include people who came under the Unemployment Insurance scheme, as well as the other classes, and are the most comprehensive figures that we could get for the problem. They show a definite stoppage there. They show a rather peculiar thing. One would imagine that by the addition of the manufacturing industries that has taken place during the last four or five years, the rate of increase in the total number of persons employed under the National Health Insurance scheme would have increased at a much more rapid rate than, say, between 1926 and 1931. We find that the annual rate of increase between 1926 and 1931 was at the rate of 11,400 a year, and the rate of increase between 1931 and 1938, 10,571, or an annual rate of increase of about 800 less, although in the last year 19,000 were employed on relief schemes and on additional employment in the building industry, on account of the increased number of houses being erected. There were about 8,000 more persons employed on building in 1938 than in 1931. Nevertheless, the rate of increase in full-time employment, as indicated by the National Health Insurance Fund, shows that there was an increase at a lower rate between 1931 and 1938 than between 1926 and 1931, and we find in 1937-38 that there was a stop to that.

I ask the Minister to take Dublin alone, and to refer to the report made by the Juvenile Advisory Committee, where they give particulars of the situation, as seen from their point of view, for the last three years. The last year may be taken as typical. During the last 12 months they got applications from 3,154 boys and found work for 551. Of these, only 132 were persons being placed in their first situations. The number registered has faded from the sight of the committee at the end of the year, so that 324 were left on the live register. In the City and County of Dublin about 5,000 boys leave the primary schools annually. Here we have the Juvenile Advisory Committee reporting that 132 were placed in their first situations, and that the total number of vacancies filled was 551 out of 3,154 boys registered. Nothing is going to open the vision of these boys to what they may expect in industrial life, unless the real fundamental industries of the country are throughly reviewed, and, that done now by an expert tribunal such as I mentioned. Except we get marked out at the present time, what are the industries we are really going to safeguard, as being the roots of our manufacturing industrial life, then we are going to find these very roots weakened by the efforts the Minister will inevitably be driven to develop as tertiary industries. No doubt, the Minister will say that his Department can look after that. I answer, when he puts his finger on that point, that it makes it unsatisfactory for the Department to look after. When he admits that these things are not now public controversy.

He has the Prices Commission. The Prices Commission has not been a very satisfactory machinery for looking after the real things that its name would imply it was to look after, that is, to safeguard the people against an unnecessary rise of prices, particularly in the necessaries of life. Now it has been given another function, and that is to sit in judgment between the claims of British manufacturers to get a footing in the market here, and the claims of Irish manufacturers to be protected against British manufacturers getting their goods in here. I say that nobody in the position of the Prices Commission can satisfactorily deal with the problem that confronts them there, except in the light of a report such as I suggest could, and should, be got from a tribunal set up to do for the basis of our industrial life what the Agricultural Commission is set up to do for the basis of our agricultural life. I do not think the Minister can argue that the case I am making can be got away from or can be contoverted. I repeat that his Department, and he himself from the bench on which he sits, cannot satisfactorily and safely deal with this, once he admits that it is a matter of public controversy. The Prices Commission can very much more keenly say that their work is a matter of public controversy, because their work is subjected to more informed criticism, to the criticism of manufacturers, to the criticism of people who have the materials for making what they will call their case, than that to which the Minister will be subjected here, or in public, because he must know that his policy has had the effect of making a terrible lot of people in this country shut their mouths, and those people who realise what the situation is and who want to take a public part in improving that situation are very often denied information that will make their arguments effective.

On the employment side alone the Minister points out in his figures that salaries and wages in those industries which were covered by the census of production have been increased between 1931 and 1936 by a sum of £4,617,000, or from £14,041,000 in 1931 to £18,658,000 in 1936. That is the addition to the salaries and wages bill in those industries covered by the census of production, but our people have paid more in actual payments at the level of wholesale or import prices for bacon, butter and wheaten flour. On that bill alone they have paid an additional sum of £4,895,446 and that does not take into account the £868,000 which they have to pay through taxation to the sugar company because of the production of sugar. However, let us take the actual money paid out in the increased bill for bacon, butter and wheat, £4,839,000, between 1931 and 1937, together with the increase in salaries and wages of £4,617,000. Industrial production has only increased the salaries and wages by approximately the amount spent in addition on bacon, butter and wheaten flour, not to talk of anything in the way of taxation or the extra cost of many other articles, and not to talk of the fact that the agricultural wage bill has gone down.

From whatever aspect the Minister views the present situation—the stop in the increase in employment in industrial and commercial life, as indicated by the National Health Insurance figures, the relationship between the increase in salaries and wages, on the one hand, and the additional expenditure on the absolute necessaries of life, on the other, the fall in our agricultural industry and the possible chance of increasing in the next few years employment in agriculture, the increasing population in the country which is available for work if it is not forced to emigrate, the importance of the foundations of our first-line group of industrial manufacturing concerns and their importance to the future economic life of our people—he must realise that we want, urgently and systematically, a review of those industries which are going to be the foundations of our industrial life in the future, and that if we do not get this now, we are beginning the five or ten critical years of the nation's life in the dark. We are beginning them in the dark having shown what foolish things we were capable of doing in the industrial line, in some respects, during the last six years. The Minister can avoid starting these five or ten years in that position, and I move this motion in order to drive him to consider the necessity for doing it and in order to force him, if possible, by argument and entreaty to do it.

Before going into the general policy for which the Minister stands, I should like to ask him two or three categorical questions relating to the administration of his Department. I understood from the Minister, in an answer to a Parliamentary question of mine, that he had arranged with the millers of this country for a consideration of 1/- per sack on all flour milled by them, that they should build up a stock of wheat sufficient to supply the normal requirements of this country for 12 months as part of the general precaution in the present disturbed state of the world. I want to ask him now if he is aware that the millers of this country have only six months' supply and will not store any more wheat because they say that the cost to them of storing more than a six months' supply would be unreasonable. He is allowing them, if they are getting 1/- a sack, approximately £140,000 a year as a grant to defray the expenses of storing wheat. He is, no doubt, aware that the business of storing wheat is not, in itself, a dead-weight charge on the millers; that they very frequently store wheat for their own advantage in order to take advantage of the ups and downs of the market; and I therefore suggest to the Minister that, in view of the agreement into which the millers entered with him, he should insist that the full 12 months' supply of millable wheat is carried and that facilities should be made available by the millers to demonstrate at frequent intervals, to competent officers of the Minister's Department, that the millers' undertaking in this regard is being fulfilled from day to day; because if Europe were to be involved in a war and we only discovered that there was a shortage of wheat here at a time when the mercantile situation in Great Britain was considerably involved, the position of this country would be very embarrassing. There would be no real danger, of course, because of the abundance of supplies of other kinds of food in this country, but certainly we would be very much inconvenienced if such a situation should arise. In view of the undertaking entered into by the millers, and in view also of the valuable consideration given by the community for that undertaking, I think the millers should be compelled to observe it according to the letter of the agreement they made.

Now, Sir, I want again to avail of this occasion to direct the Minister's attention to the prices being charged in the State for flour. The Minister has ample powers of control at his disposal and ample powers to bring pressure to bear on the millers if he is satisfied that undue profits are being made at the expense of the consuming public. We need not go into the various provision which, together, create a virtual monopoly for the small milling ring which exists in this country—a milling ring which is controlled by a very limited number of men. Now, there are two classes of flour used in this country. One is straight-run bakers' flour, and the other is a blended flour used for home baking. It is very difficult to get a comparable price in Great Britain for flour used for home baking because very little of that class of flour is used or consumed in Great Britain. There is, however, a weekly return made of the average price of straight-run bakers' flour at every port in England, and for the last two or three years the price of that straight-run bakers' flour in Great Britain has been about 18/- a sack below the price of the same flour here. Now, it has to be borne in mind that flour consumed in England has to pay a levy—a fluctuating levy—to finance the wheat scheme in Great Britain; and when you compare the price of flour in England with the price here, that has to be borne in mind, because, of course, the flour here pays a certain levy, too, in respect of wheat or of the wheat policy here. Now, when we are considering what the wheat policy and the general policy of the Government is costing the country in the price of flour, it is right to compare the two prices as they are. When we address ourselves particularly to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, on the ground that the millers are profiteering—making profits for their own pockets—we must make due allowance for the wheat bounty. Let us suppose that we say that the millers are entitled to a difference of 8/- a sack in order to pay for the Irish wheat, we find that for the last three years, after they have been given full credit at the rate of 8/- a sack for the wheat bounty, they have an excess profit of from 8/- to 10/- per sack on every sack of flour they manufacture in this country. Now, 10/- a sack will represent, on present consumption, a sum of about £1,400,000 per annum, which represents the excess profit that the millers are making. When that allegation is made against them their reply is: "How do you expect a mill in a small town in the centre of Ireland to operate as cheaply as an immense mill at the Port of Liverpool?" Now, I want to expose that fraud.

The history of this transaction is as follows:—When the present Minister for Industry and Commerce went to the milling ring in 1932 and said: "We are going to protect the flour-milling industry; we are going to stop all flour imports and give you a monopoly of the Irish market," the millers, with seeming naïveté, replied: "Now, what do you want us to do? Do you want the rural mills to be retained or do you want us to concentrate on the port mills?" The Minister's reply at once was: "Oh, the policy of the Government is to decentralise industry, and we want to keep all the rural mills working." The millers then said: "Of course, it is our desire to fall in with Mr. de Valera's view. What else do you want us to do?" The Minister for Industry and Commerce said: "I want you to take no more than a fair profit." Accordingly, one word borrowing another, they got as far, I think, as the Prices Commission —the then Prices Commission—and a formula was worked out taking cognisance of the cost of production and the price of wheat, and on the basis of that formula, I think, the price of flour was to be fixed. The millers went back with that formula to the Minister and said: "You want us to keep all the rural mills open?" He replied: "Yes, I do.""Very well," they said, "we will do that." They then went to the smallest mill with the oldest machinery and the most incompetent equipment in the whole country and to that mill they applied the formula and worked out a price for flour based on a mill that would be scrapped by any sane miller in the world, but which was kept going in this country as a museum piece in order to provide the highest conceivable cost that could possibly be arrived at for producing a hundered-weight of flour in a mill, and they went back with that to the Minister and said: "There is the cost of production; now we will work out the price for flour"; and they worked out the price for flour. They then proceeded to produce 80 per cent. of the flour consumed in the country at the most modern mills in Europe which the very men who owned the little mill had been careful to erect in the meantime at Dublin, Cork and Limerick, and they charged the consumer for flour produced in the most efficient mills in Europe a price which allowed a profit on the basis of flour produced in the most inefficient mill, outside a museum, and they have got away with it. They put into their own pockets —not paying, remember, for the wheat subsidy; not paying to the Government, but putting it into their own pockets—no less a sum in the last six years than £7,000,000 sterling, and they have taken that out of our people.

The principal beneficiary under that highway robbery is the big English concern of J.V. Rank and Son, who control all the mills in Limerick and all the mills in Cork. I mention that firm for this reason, that Deputies with some experience in this House will remember that when Patrick McGilligan sat over there he was denounced by the present Minister for Industry and Commerce as the penny-boy and servant of Joseph Rank—that language was used. He was held up as a man—it was clearly implied—who took bribes from Joseph Rank. That was not said in so many words, but it was suggested, and he was held up before the people as the servant of Joseph Rank. Joseph Rank has made more money out of the flour-consuming public in this country in any one year since the present Minister came into office than he made in the whole ten years when Patrick McGilligan was in office.

Surely neither the Deputy nor the Minister would have been allowed in this House to allege that a Minister was bribed.

I am sure he did not say it—they never do; but it was carefully suggested, although it was never said. I am quite certain it would not be allowed to be said by you or your predecessor, but it was carefully implied. You can answer a direct charge, but when you are never charged——

It is a long cry to go back eight years to answer alleged charges.

I do not believe in mentioning individual firms or names, but it is important to bring home to Deputies that the man who was supposed to dominate the last Government got more in excess profits in any one year since this Government took control than he succeeded in getting in the previous ten years under the other Government's administration.

What of the formula that the Deputy was talking about?

The most fraudulent that was every drawn, and it was put over on the Minister.

I bet the Deputy does not know what it is.

Can the Minister deny a syllable of what I have said? Can he deny one syllable of the story I have told? The Minister will get ample opportunity of answering me, and he is welcome. When he comes to answer me, if he adhered strictly to the truth, not one syllable of the story I have told can he controvert, because he knows it is true. He is now in this cleft stick. The boys have got him in as neat a cleft stick as ever was prepared. They got him to stake his reputation on a certain course and, having got his ear securely nailed to the post, they proceeded to cash in. He is now in the deplorable position that he has to admit he is wrong or allow the plunder to go on, and the boys know that and their attitude is: "Let us make hay while the sun shines; it cannot go on for ever and the more we can gather in now the better; sooner or later this ramp will be stopped and, in the certainty that it is going to be stopped, let us get as much fat as we can, because we have a long, lean lifetime before us." And they are doing fine.

Is it not time the Minister would admit he made a mistake in this matter and put an end to the exploitation of our people by that ring dominated, as it was never dominated before, by an immensely powerful British combine? I have tried to bring it home to the House before and I propose to try again. Take an agricultural labourer, whose wages are 27/- a week. That man has a wife and four children. He goes into town to buy a hundredweight of flour and the current retail price is 16/6. It was 18/- at the time I am thinking of. When he bought that hundredweight of flour the value of the flour in the bag was 10/-, and 8/- was tax. I want you to get this clear, so that there will be no doubt in anybody's mind. Of the 8/-, 3/- was levied for the wheat scheme—that did not go to the mill. Five shillings of the excess price of flour went into the pockets of the millers of this country for their private personal profit. Every shopkeeper in this country who sold a bag of flour to an agricultural labourer earning 27/- a week fined him 5/- to swell the dividends of the millers.

How can any legislative assembly tolerate the continuance of a scandal of that kind? How could you see poor people, who are fighting to live, ground down in that way? How could you see them robbed, as they are being robbed, in the interests of a powerful wealthy combine—and that combine is doing it with the authority of this House? They could not do it for an hour if we told them to stop and the Minister knows that. Is it not true? And simply because it is remote from Deputies, they let it go on. I see it every day of my life. That is why it is present constantly to my mind. I see poor people continually plundered by the authority of this House for the private profit of the millers—and the Minister knows it and he will take no steps whatever to stop it.

I am not going to touch on bacon, because that will arise more appropriately on the Vote for the Minister for Agriculture. But it is analogous. Two years ago I told you what was going on, because I knew it, and the House would do nothing. The vast majority of Deputies opposite thought I was trying to make political capital and traduce the Minister and that there was no substance in what I was saying. Now, you find out, three years too late, that all I was telling you was true. I tell you now that the bacon ramp was trivial beside the flour ramp. The bacon ramp was insignificant beside the robbery that is being conducted by the flour-milling industry. You will find it out when the boys have got their pile and can snap their fingers at you. The day will dawn in this country when they have got their pile and invested it safely outside the country. They will come to you and say: "If you have a word out of you, you can take the mill; we do not give two fiddle-dee-dees; we will work them at the rates at which we have been working them or we will not work them at all."

And this House will have financed them to take up that position, and they will hand them back into the Minister's hands and create a loud lamentation that they are not getting sufficient compensation for them. They will demand compensation on the basis of the profits they have been making and will hold the country up before the world as confiscating if we do not give them compensation for the mills based on the highway robbery that is going on now and that has been going on for the last five years. That is what is going to happen. After you have fattened them with the sweat and blood of your own people, these people will throw the mills at you and deride and defame you if you do not give them inflated compensation for the mills. I ask the Minister to deal with the situation now. He knows the substance in the case I am making. I know his difficulty. Everybody in this House knows his difficulty but, if he deals with this scandal now, he may look with confidence for support to all sides of the House.

That is one specific inquiry. The next is this: We discussed here at great length the industrial alcohol industry. Deputy Moore took part in the debate. I always have a great regard for Deputy Moore. He is a transparently honest Deputy of this House and he was transported with the prospect of the farmers of this country building up an immense industry, almost as great as the turf industry, producing potatoes for the alcohol factories. Inflamed by this glorious prospect, he threw himself heart and soul into the industrial alcohol legislation and swung through the lobbies, spoke like a man and wrought mightily to get the legislation carried through. He was very angry with me for being sceptical and said that I was a saboteur. The legislation was passed and we built the factory and dismissed the general manager. The potatoes were not forthcoming and the factory did not work and the alcohol cost 3/-. Deputy Moore wilted a little under the strain. I have said that much to prepare him for the even worse news that is about to come. Did he hear the latest about the alcohol factories? Did he hear we are building a tank at the port of Sligo to accommodate treacle which is to be carried here from Florida and converted into industrial alcohol in Carndonagh? He is going to have the privilege of paying his share of 3/- a gallon in order to consume the spirit manufactured in Deputy Breslin's constituency out of treacle carried from Florida. Deputy Breslin must forgive me. I am thinking of Donegal before the days of the new partition, when we were all one in Donegal.

On a point of order, there is nothing in the Estimates about industrial alcohol.

I think the general policy of the Department is being discussed, which comes under the Minister's office.

The administration of industrial alcohol has been given to a company set up under an Act of the Oireachtas. I am not responsible.

You are responsible for the condition in which we find ourselves as a result of your actions during the last year.

I only raised a point of order.

I wonder is it a point of order or a point of interruption.

Or disorder.

I wonder did the Minister hope that I would forget something while the point of order was being discussed.

I think it would create a precedent if the administration of companies created by the Oireachtas is to be discussed in this House. It would be something new.

The Deputy is not as, astute as his Minister.

If the Deputy will go on with his speech I will make up my mind in regard to the point raised by the Minister.

It has long been the practice of this House to create companies to take over the dying babies of the Minister for Industry and Commerce so that their obsequies can be conducted in decent seclusion, but it is not a proper procedure. In this case I discussed the policy and administration of the Minister and its consequences. We are now faced with the prospect of importing treacle from the other end of the earth for conversion into industrial alcohol in this country for sale as a motor fuel, which means that we are going to lose about 2/8 a gallon on every gallon produced. We are going to use a raw material imported from the other end of the earth and going to give employment to an infinitesimal number of people.

Deputy Moore was eloquent when this legislation was passing through, and one of his most effective arguments was, "why should we suspend production of this commodity in this country when it is being produced in every other country in the world?" Deputy Moore did not apparently advert to the situation with which we were confronted. In every country in the world where industrial alcohol is being produced at the present time there are wide uses for an industrial alcohol other than petroleum. There is a vast number of industrial activities requiring alcohol—spirit—which cannot use petroleum. In those circumstances they have got to use whiskey or brandy or gin, three very expensive types of alcohol, the normal selling price of which is about 8/- a gallon and the production cost of which is, I suppose, in the neighbourhood of 5/- to 5/6 a gallon. Naturally, countries so circumstanced, having to get alcohol for these industrial purposes, cast around to find some substitute for the most expensive kind of alcohol and the industrial alcohol business was built up in those countries on the fact that there was a remainder from the sugar refining industries of an immense undisposable by-product, to wit, molasses, which was valueless, 80 per cent. of which was poured into the sea, 20 per cent. of which was consumed as an edible. That vast surplus of useless by-product, the slag of the sugar-refining business, was suddenly discovered. Although the process of distilling industrial alcohol from it was extremely expensive, inasmuch as the raw materials of the process could be got for virtually nothing, you could extract from it an industrial alcohol that would fill the place in industrial operations of the more expensive alcohols where petroleum could not be used. That is the source of the industrial alcohol industry. Is not that right?

The Deputy will not find that in the Encyclopædia Britannica.

I have found it after the Minister had angrily denied its truth in this House. But those are the facts and on those facts in this country we adverted to the fact that some lunatics in Europe discovered that, in addition to its use as a manufacturing constituent to substitute for the more expensive types of alcohol, this infernal material could be used, just as you could use whiskey in certain circumstances, in the carburettor of a motor car and by making adjustments in the carburettor you could burn this infernal rubbish in the carburettor of a motor car. Do we take example from the hard-headed businessmen who substituted this for industrial alcohol in industrial processes or do we go careering after the lunatic? We had to make a choice. We choose the lunatic industry of manufacturing industrial alcohol for the purpose of using it in motors with resulting loss. Now we justify that by saying: "Admitting the loss, it is going to provide good employment for a vast number on the land producing potatoes for us." Then, of course, our general manager that we brought over, a technician, says: "Oh, go to blazes; you would not get potatoes in this country in 40 years sufficient to produce industrial alcohol. You fooled me by bringing me over." The next step is that you sack him and you put a yes-man in his place and as soon as you do that you start bringing treacle from Florida. Deputy Moore sits in silent grief. Like Patience on a monument. He smiling at grief, but unfortunately it is not his grief but the grief of the vast number of petrol consumer's in the country and, incidentally, of the taxpayers in the country who have been deprived of revenue amounting to about £170,000 in respect of this crazy experiment.

There is no use criticising unless you have got a remedy to suggest. I suggest that you get 6 cwts. of dynamite. Go to the several alcohol factories and instal the dynamite there; lay a long fuse to it—I would not like to see the Minister hurt—light the fuse, blow on it, and then run as fast as you can. That is my advice to the Minister in connection with the industrial alcohol business. We would all go up with seven mops, sweep it clean and forget all about it. The sooner the Minister buys the dynamite the sooner we will be saved the cost of these factories. This is one case where there is no half-way house. The dynamite is the only remedy for that error, and the sooner we employ it courageously the sooner we can mark finis to that extremely silly undertaking. I am sure that Deputy Breslin is beginning to reconcile himself to the inevitableness of that solution. In all seriousness, I wonder does the Minister mean his speeches in public to be taken seriously?

Is the Deputy going to get serious now?

I am going to be serious in my attitude to the Minister's recent speech in public. I am prepared to accept what he said in public as true —as his real honest belief. If that is so, I want to underline what Deputy Mulcahy put before the House to-day. If the Minister means what he said in public a few days ago it appears to me, as it did to Deputy Mulcahy, that there is ground upon which we can lift the industrial future of this country substantially out of the sphere of controversy, and agree on a policy, which may not be wholly acceptable to the Minister or to those on this side of the House but which would be sufficiently near to both, to make real progress possible: constructive, useful progress possible. In the first place, if we want to get anywhere we have, as Deputy Mulcahy has said, to make up our minds on what set of industries we are going to build our industrial hopes: what are the industries which we are going to say, to the best of our knowledge and belief, ought to be indigenous to this country and in the building up of which we are definitely prepared to make certain sacrifices, believing that once established they will prosper and ultimately expand: that they will have the potentialities of expansion into foreign markets. That is the first thing to be ascertained.

Is the last mentioned a necessary condition?

Not essential, but I think that ought to be our hope in regard to any of the major industries of the State: that its expansion will be progressive; and, that having met the needs of this country, its efficiency and costs will be such as to hold out reasonable hope of its extending to foreign markets. Otherwise, you set an ultima thule beyond which no Irish industry can ever hope to expand— that is an Irish industry that is maintained on the capitalist and individualist system. The industry that I would ask the Minister to take cognisance of first is agriculture. I do not propose to expand widely on agriculture at this stage, but I put it to him that if we are going to get real industrial development which will command the support of the vast majority of our people, that industrial development should not involve a serious increase in the price of the raw materials of the agricultural industry.

I want to want Deputies of something of which they are shortly going to hear. The Minister for Agriculture has announced his intention of abandoning the maize mixture scheme because of the intolerable burden it is placing upon the feeders of livestock in this country.

He will bitterly regret it.

He may. What I want to warn Deputies of is this, that the maize meal millers have been to the Minister, or are on their way to him. They are going to represent to him that he ought to retain the scheme not for the benefit of the grain growers in Eastern Ireland but because if he stops the scheme, the millers say, such pressure will be brought to bear on him to admit free competition by Indian meal from Northern Ireland that he will have to take off any tariff there is on Indian meal and allow it in free, and that that will cut down their profits. Therefore, they will argue that the maize meal mixture scheme should be retained in order to provide the Government with an excuse for excluding Belfast Indian meal and to enable the millers to get their full price out of the feeders in this country. Let Deputy Moore take heart. Unless pressure is brought to bear on the Minister now, by those who are supposed to represent the small farmers in the West of Ireland, to get rid of the maize meal mixture scheme, and give the people back cheap maize meal, the millers will get the maize meal mixture retained, not to protect the grain growers, but to provide the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Agriculture with an excuse for maintaining the embargo against Belfast maize meal so that it will not be competing with the Irish millers, there by operating to bring the price for Indian meal down to an economic level.

I put it to the Minister that commodities such as bran, pollard and artificial manures ought not to be made the subject of tariffs. They ought to be let in free. I believe that all these industries will carry on perfectly all right without tariffs, I admit that they will not make as big profits as they are making now, but if the admission of these articles free meant serious injury to the industries, I would still ask the Minister to admit them free because agriculture is the greater industry. I submit that it is not necessary to impose crippling burdens on agriculture in order to secure sound industrial development. I do not believe that all these industries would collapse if you had free competition, but suppose they did collapse, then we would have to replace them with others rather than cripple agriculture in order to preserve them. I do not believe that you could cripple them if you did take off the tariffs.

Take artificial manures. Suppose that on a close examination of the position over the last five or six years the Minister came to the conclusion that this industry would collapse at once if he took off the tariffs now operating, he might take the tariff off superphosphates and leave it on compound manures, thus softening the blow, at the same time reducing the cost of the raw material of the compound manure in which there is super-phosphate, thus greatly relieving the burden on agriculture, helping the manure factory and protecting it against collapse. A via media is to be found everywhere if looked for with goodwill and if you are in any kind of agreement in principle.

Again, as to the grievance of agriculture against industry that has been created by the present policy, take the matter of oil cake and feeding cakes for cattle. There is a factory in Drogheda. In order to secure that the produce of that factory will be all consumed, there is a strict quota controlling all imports of feeding stuffs, with the result that half the time we cannot get any oil cake at all. There is no oil cake in Drogheda and none of the importers can get supplies. Then licences are frantically handed out by the Department of Agriculture. You write to the Department to see who has the licence and you get a reply back: "We will not tell you." Deputies may not believe that, but I assure them that I wrote to the Department a fortnight ago and stated that I could not get any oil cake and asked who were the licensees, and their answer was: "We will not tell you." I am not complaining about that vis-a-vis the Minister, except that that is the kind of annoyance arising out of the taxation of the raw materials of the agricultural industry which creates antipathy between agriculture and what is commonly known as industrial activity in this country. If you relieve from taxation the cost of these things that the farmer actually uses for the purpose of converting on his farm into his finished product, we can then reasonably consider what share the agricultural community can reasonably be asked to bear in increased costs for their clothes, shoes, or other industrial products that, for the good of the country, it is determined to produce. I distinguish between the things the farmer buys to complete into a finished product and the things he uses such as clothes, furniture, and so forth. If you do that, I think you will remove the antipathy between agriculture and industry.

Now you come to a very grave problem, indeed. Better complaints are made in this House from time to time about arising costs, and it very often happens that you have to complain bitterly that the cost of, say, shirts, has gone too high. But you know when you complain that it is not the shirtmaker's fault. If the shirtmaker were left alone, he would produce as good and as cheap shirts as are made in Derry or in any part of Great Britain. But what has happened is this: that when the shirt manufacturer brought his industry up to a level of efficiency equal to the Derry or Belfast or British manufacturer, and was not only dominating the market here at home, but getting his share of the market in England, selling his stuff in England against Belfast and Derry, our Minister here at home clapped tariffs on to the shirting, on to the buttons, on to the thread, and thereby increased the cost of production to the home shirtmaker in such a way that he lost all the trade that he had got in Great Britain and abroad, because he could no longer compete with the Derry and British shirts, and had to increase the price of his products in the home market. That is bad enough, but when you get a step further, and the taxation of the raw materials of industries here at home results in the price of the finished article rising so high in the home market that not only is all the foreign trade lost, but the purchasing capacity of our own people is outstripped, then you have a situation of an expanding supply on the home market and a contracting demand, because people are no longer able to pay the increased cost.

Many Deputies think that if you raise tariffs high enough you can charge any price you like inside the tariff wall. That is nonsense. There is an optimum price that a manufacturer can get from the consuming public, and until he reaches that price his production will expand up to the point of saturation. But the moment he passes that optimum price that the people can afford to pay, the demand for his product drops either as a result of people accepting a lower standard of living or of looking for a substitute for what he is producing. That is happening at present in the boot industry. You have raised the price of the raw materials of boots with the leather factories, the stiffener factories, the thread factories, etc. What is happening is that people are giving up wearing leather boots and are wearing rubber boots. Any Deputy from the country will tell you that half the fellows under 21 at present, where they used to wear heavy nailed boots in wet weather, have gone over to rubber boots. The only thing that kept the consumption of rubber boots down during the last winter was the fact that the Government gave Dunlops an immense order for rubber boots, and it became impossible to get rubber boots from Dunlops at all. If full supplies of rubber boots were available, the heavy leather boot factories would have had a much worse time than they had. A very large number of fellows in the country are now using rubber boots instead of heavy nailed boots. The effect of that on the boot industry is going to be catastrophic, because we want to sell every pair we can to keep the existing factories working as the competition is immense. The arrival of the rubber boot is going to play the very devil with the leather boot trade. The leather boot on intrinsic merit can hold its own against the rubber boot because it has advantages over the rubber boot. It ventilates the feet, it is warmer and, from many points of view, a more suitable cover for feet, particularly for the working man. When you force the price of the leather boot too high, you drive people to look for a substitute. Their prime consideration is to keep dry feet, and they go over to the rubber boot.

There is no comparison between the two. The rubber boot is more than a boot—it is an ankle cover as well.

I never saw a boot that did not cover your ankle. It is a queer boot which would stop there. I am not now advocating policy or prophesying something. I am telling the Deputy what I know to be true, and I think the Minister knows it.

The Deputy is satisfied that it is all a matter of price.

The Minister knows the statistical end of it and I know the facts from the evidence of my eyes in rural Ireland. I see them wearing rubber boots.

The Deputy's contention is that it is all a matter of price. That is his argument.

No, it is not the argument. I am saying that it is one of the results. If you drive the price to a certain height you induce people to look for a substitute, to the great injury of the article that you sought to protect. There is no use in the Minister closing his eyes to these facts. I am not making a contentious speech. I am directing the Minister's attention to the facts, which he ought to know, and which I have no doubt are already engaging his attention. I am suggesting remedies. There is a remedy. There is a way of securing effective, useful, expanding industrial production and of securing that with virtually unanimous support of Deputies here. I put it to the Minister that consultation and reflection can determine a group of industries upon which there would be substantial agreement that they should be developed and that we should, then, say:

"We fix no limit to the march of these particular industries because we want them to grow as big as they can, consistent with the standard of conditions which we think requisite for people employed here. Therefore, we are going to reduce your cost of production to the lowest penny, always provided that the standard of working conditions correspond with that which we consider to be socially desirable."

We would consult these industries as to their essential raw material and tell them that the markets of the world are open to them for these raw materials, that they can buy them as cheaply as they can procure them anywhere, take them in here, convert them into a finished product under the conditions obtaining here and sell them to our people and abroad, if they can. That is sound sense and it is the only conceivable way in which you can get continuing expansion. The Minister knows that.

I admit freely that if your ultimate object is to get industries which will exactly fill the national requirements it does not matter what your raw materials cost, it does not matter what happens within very wide limits. You can cut out all supplies of that commodity save those produced here. You may compel some of our people to go bare-footed because they are not able to buy boots at all, but you can provide some market from amongst the people who will buy boots no matter what they cost. But you cannot develop a market abroad. I want to see our people getting tiptop value and our fundamental manufacturers going abroad for two reasons. If they go abroad, it means, in the first place, that they will expand the employment of our people under conditions we can control; and, secondly, it means—and this is most interesting —that the same thing will happen as happened in the case of the woollen and textile trade before the Minister came into office. When they went abroad and began to get a little footing in the foreign market, they came up against competition they had never known before.

There is the rub.

Exactly. They had the home market, and when they were just scrambling into the foreign market they met this strange competition. They discovered that they would not be able to hold their footing in the new market if they did not inquire as to this competition. They found that their cost of production was low and their standard of efficiency high. They began to cast around to find what it was that was imperilling their foothold in the new sphere. They found that their technique was wrong. They came home, as the Minister knows, and brought in foreign designers, with the result that they increased their market abroad and ended up in 1931 producing woollen textiles that were as good as if not better than those of the west of England. In 1931, while the Irish textile millers had a considerable foreign market, you could put west of England cloths and Irish cloths side by side and sell the Irish cloth without any tariff. It was better stuff. It had been made better by the impact of experience of the foreign market on the Irish textile producers. It was that incentive that drove some of them to make the plunge, get foreign designers and go all out for new designs. The quality of the old stuff was excellent. It would have worn for ever, but the finish and design were not up to world requirements. They would never have learned of these requirements and would never have thought of supplying them if they had not gone to the foreign market. Thus, in addition to to getting expansion of industry, you get the impact of world experience on your own industrialists, which raises their standard of efficiency.

I mentioned shirt making. We have a tariff on the interwoven material of which you make some soft collars. Not a yard of that has ever been made here and not a yard of it will ever be made. We had a good export trade in collars and shirts faced with that material, which is also used in the cuffs. We have lost the whole trade because, although the Minister allows a rebate on so much of the material as is used in shirts for export, in practice it is impossible to estimate what that quantity is and manufacturers had to give up the production of the shirts altogether. Take the grandrille shirt —the shirt of the workman of rural Ireland. Not an inch of worth-while grandrille is manufactured in this country. One mill is producing a cloth that is called grandrille, but it is hopeless. That is no reflection on them. This is one of the old traditional cloths of Lancashire. A few mills around Clitheroe have been producing grandrille back into the fifties of the last century. We are trying to produce it in Glasnevin or Harold's Cross——

Or Grangegorman.

The mill does not want to produce it. There is no profit in it. But a tax was put on to get it produced here which constitutes a substantial burthen on every fellow who buys a shirt in rural Ireland. It is a silly burden because it is doing nobody any good. Take flannelette. One mill here is producing flannelette. It is not bad stuff but it is 2d. a yard dearer than the stuff previously available. For the material which people used to pay 10d. for they are now paying 1/-, and for the material which cost them 1/- they are now paying 1/2. What good does that do? No employment is given. The mill which is making the flannelette gave far more employment when shipping coarse linens to Brazil. They have lost the Brazilian trade, and they have thrust upon them this flannelette trade which they do not want. That is the kind of industrialism which brings the whole industrial future of this country into the arena of controversy.

Jeopardising a good industry like the readymade industry which can be built up and made competitive as against any readymade industry in the world is not a good thing. One hears a lot of people saying that all readymades are made by sweated labour. There are many readymade products being made in this country at the present time by a firm that is working under the best conditions in the British Isles and the product of that firm challenges comparison with anything made at Leeds. There is no reason why that factory should not get a foreign trade. There is no reason why it should not work up to a foreign trade if its raw materials were not taxed up to the hilt. I am a critical buyer and I know the Leeds output and the Belfast output and all the sources of readymade clothing in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I am convinced that that factory in Dublin is producing readymades to equal any of the imported ones but, of course, the cost at which they are sold is too high.

Take the boot industry. It is in the same position; the prices are high because the cost of the raw material is high. There is immense competition within the tariff wall now, but the difficulties of these firms is increased by the fact that a tariff has been placed on every sort of raw materials these firms use.

There are some industries in this State which are rotten industries. They are inefficient, dishonest, embarrassing and wrecking industries, the genuine industries that we have in this country. There is a leather manufacturing industry in Carrick-on-Suir. That industry has a tariff. But my information is that it imports more than half of what it sells and in many cases it is merely doing a finishing job. Irrespective of that, it has an immense tariff and it is given a licence to overcharge the boot manufacturers in this country. Can the Minister deny that? Can the Minister deny that an industry has been started in Cavan for making heels, toepuffs, etc., and every firm manufacturing boots here has to get some of its raw materials, its heels and toecaps from that firm in Cavan? I do not know how many that firm in Cavan employs, but it would be cheaper for the country to pension these employees; the material produced there is raw material of other factories. Remember that in the case of women's light shoes every penny counts. If you make a shoe too dear for the particular type of customer nobody will buy it at all, because anybody who wants a quality shoe will get that kind of shoe no matter what it costs, but the person who wants a cheap shoe will buy it where he or she can get the cheapest. If you raise the cost of a type of shoe above a certain figure the people will not buy it at all. That is one of the crucial difficulties in the case of the major industries. It would be much cheaper for the country to pension those who are producing heels and toecaps than to quota or to harass a major industry into buying the articles which they are producing.

I put it to the Minister that there is a line of country to pursue (1) to remove the antipathy between the agricultural and the industrial industries by giving agriculture a fair field in the purchase of what it has got to import. Agriculture is the source of the country's wealth. The more profit we can make for the farmer the more wealth there will be for everybody else. It is not high prices agriculture wants but high profits. We cannot control the prices realised for seven-twelfths of our agricultural produce. Therefore, the only way to increase the profits is to cut down the cost of production, and there is only one way in which to do that. The wages paid at present to the agricultural labourer are not enough. But 27/- a week is all that agriculture can pay. On another occasion I will deal with how that is to be met. The farmer cannot save on labour and he cannot save on the land. Agriculturists are working as hard as they can. The only way you can help the farmer to make a profit is by keeping down the cost of his raw materials.

To what extent would the Deputy put the saving that could be made to the farmer by taking off the tariffs?

Does Deputy Moore mean how much would be saved annually to the agricultural community by exempting the raw material from a tariff?

No. I mean how much would be the saving to the individual farmer?

I think it would be hard to answer that. You have them ranging from a five-acre farmer to the 500-acre farmer. Not wishing to give the Deputy a short answer, I do not think the figure as to the saving could be arrived at without very careful research, but I am satisfied it is sufficiently large to amount to the difference between what might be considered a reasonable and satisfactory return for the agricultural community and the poor return they now get.

Would Deputy Dillon put a figure on it?

I know the current prices of the farmers' produce. Store cattle are selling at 45/- a cwt.; fat cattle at 40/- a cwt.; pigs at from 79/- down to 68/- a cwt.; and pigs are not paying because the cost of feeding stuffs is too high. I am not in a position to give the Deputy an accurate figure——

I do not want an accurate figure, but——

In the first place, where would you strike an average between five acres and 500 acres and, in the second place, I admit that when we come down to details and establish what are the raw materials, borderline cases would arise. I can imagine the Minister taking a stand on galvanised buckets. That would be a border-line case as far as the farmers' purchases of raw materials go. The Minister and I would not differ, say, about agricultural implements, but one can say at once that there would be border-line cases which you would have to determine whether they came within the ambit of the farmers' raw materials or not. But I will say this, that to relieve the agricultural community the removal of the tariffs on the raw materials of the farmer would operate to increase his income by between 15 per cent. and 20 per cent. That is a conservative figure. That would represent a large profit into the farmer's pocket. Assuming that the farmer is just breaking even now, this 15 or 20 per cent. extra—I am giving that figure for what it is worth—would make an immense difference. The Deputy may argue that the figure is too high, but I would be glad to hear the Deputy's figures. They would contribute to the fund of general knowledge. Here are the broad lines of a possible agreement on this matter:—If we could reach agreement on that, then we would be on the road to giving the farmer an opportunity for agricultural development. We should do what we could to encourage the larger industries and not harass them on wreck them by putting tariffs on their raw materials. These are the Guinness', the Jacobs' and the Harland Wolfs of the future. Let us consult together to make those industries that are capable of being competitive a success and send them ahead. Let us say to the vested interests: "You will be carefully controlled."

I wish to bring to the Minister's attention the case of industries started here which achieved a substantial monopoly. That monopoly is controlled. Then there steps in a group of persons who have been engaged in distributing that commodity for sometime. Take the case of paper bags. They say to the monopoly factory: "You must deal only with us; you must not sell anything to anybody but us, and we will distribute your product for you." Then having hog-tied the factory into giving an undertaking to that effect, they exact from the customers an undue margin of profit. That will have to be watched. An attempt is made in some places to make little close boroughs who are to have the distributive monopoly of a particular article. Once they start, no new entrants will be allowed. The Plumbers' Union have nothing to learn from these fellows. These fellows learn most of what they are now doing from the trade unions of the restrictive kind. This sort of thing is just as great an abuse in the hands of merchants as it is in the hands of trade unionists. Any combination the membership of which does not depend on merit, but on class, is a rotten one.

That does not apply to trade unions.

Yes, sir, if you are not the son of a plumber you cannot become a plumber; if you are not the son of a paper-bag wholesaler you cannot become a paper-bag wholesaler. I do not care whether a class consists of plumbers, paper-bag wholesalers, or dustmen, as long as it is a class it is rotten. I can quite see, it is fair to say, that if you are not an A1 plumbers you will not be allowed into the Plumbers' Union, or if you are not an A1 merchant you will not be allowed into the Merchants' Federation, but anyone, small or great, who can work himself up to be an A1 man will be allowed in side by side with the biggest men in the union or in the Wholesalers' Association. That is fair, but when you found it on class— and that is what those monopolies try to do—it is grossly unfair. I recognise that the Minister may have difficulty in controlling that, but I think it would be a public service if the Minister would state explicitly when he comes to reply that he condemns that practice, that he objects to the formation of vested interests who want to make a close borough of the distribution of protected merchandise, and that he will insist on a system being established which will admit any bona fide merchant to buy on competitive terms with those side by side with whom he has to trade in the country. That evil being abated, our industries being determined, and our progress being embarked upon, we need not imagine we will be unique in that; we will be simply learning from Scandinavian example. When the rest of the world went tariff mad they saw their opportunity; they cut tariffs down, brought in raw materials cheaply, and built up a large number of industries in Scandinavian countries in the last seven or ten years, to the great advantage of their people. I should like to see ourselves doing the same thing.

There is one last word I want to say in that connection, and I have no doubt this will bring down on my head a storm of disapprobation from the Labour Benches. Nevertheless, it requires to be said, and it ought to be said. During the last few years we have intoxicated ourselves by passing legislation improving conditions of labour in this country—legislation of which the Minister for Industry and Commerce has often boasted. The principle of those Acts received support and approbation from all sides of this House, but nobody so far, I think, has seen fit to point out the danger of it. I should like to see in this country the highest standards of employment in the world, but I do want to see employment in this country. I do not want to see employment only on paper and nobody working. I want to see good conditions laid down and enforced, and the maximum number of men at work enjoying the benefits of those conditions. We have the example before us in France of what happens when in a false humanitarianism you try on paper to raise the standards of working conditions higher than can in practice be maintained; instead of improving the lot of the working man you throw him out of employment altogether, because you destroy the industry in which he is working.

To what standards is the Deputy objecting now?

I will tell you. I am not going to make any vague or rambling assertions in this matter. I am fully aware of the extent to which we may be misrepresented in this matter, and I imagine it is that danger which has kept many others silent. I cheerfully face that danger, because I am quite satisfied that what is being said now ought to be said, and ought to be faced, for the protection of the people who depend on industry for their livelihood. I think, bearing in mind that we have a restricted market in this country and that the ultimate strength of our industries depends on their expansion abroad, we should be circumspect before, by Statute, we force the standards of employment here higher than those normally enjoyed by British trades unionists. I do not say that British trades unionists are my bean ideal, but I say that, being a practical man, I am satisfied that if we are going to get into the British market with our industrial products we cannot afford to run ahead of the British trades unionists, or we will impose costs on our industrialists which will cripple them when they come into competition with the British industrialists in the British or other foreign market. Now, I admit that unless we had industrial conditions in Great Britain, such as in fact we have, we might have to say: “Whatever the objective is, we will not go down as low as they are,” but I do not think that going down to British trade union conditions is a substantial degradation for any working man in this country. I do not think it is any degradation at all. I do not want to pretend one can argue that we ought to try to compete with industrial conditions in middle-Europe or the Far East. Rather than that I would abandon industry altogether, but where you have a very decent industrial standard right beside us, and where you have a great market in England, and our other potential market in the United States of America or the Southern American Continent, we needn't fear to keep in step with them. In America you have even higher standards than you have in Great Britain, and although at present in South America you probably have a very low standard in many places the tendency there will be upwards to that of the United States of America and Canada—that is the group we ought to fit into. Now, I should like to be able to lead that group in regard to industrial conditions, but we are not able to; we have not the strength not the power. I should like to be right up to the most recent standard of improvement, but I would be very prudent before I would pass that. I would be much happier five per cent. below the best than five per cent. over the best, because, taking the long view, if we are five per cent. below the highest conditions in Great Britain then our manufacturers are guaranteed perpetually an opportunity of competing, but, if we are permanently five per cent. over that, then, as certain as we are in this room, sooner or later our fellows will be squeezed out by the constant burden of overhead expenses greater than their competitors. The ideal would be to go step-by-step with them—where you had a trade union agreement governing conditions in England, to make that govern conditions here as well.

To what is the Deputy objecting?

To the danger of the trend. In Great Britain the Trade Board machinery is of very limited application, and the trades unions in Great Britain have reacted against State interference and have said: "We prefer to make our own agreements." I think the Deputy will find that is true.

Where did it originate, and why?

The Deputy will find it is true, and the net result of that has been that you have a fluctuating, supple, adjustable machinery for regulating wages rates and conditions in Great Britain. Here, what we are inclined to do is to take conditions on a good day and fix rigidly a certain level of conditions, sometimes in the Minister's office in Lord Edward Street.

Would the Deputy give us any indication as to how many people he imagines are governed by Trade Board conditions in this country?

I am talking not about Trade Board conditions necessarily. I am talking about the general plan of, by legislation, regulating minimum wages, minimum hours and minimum holiday periods. I am fully aware that that is quite open to the reply: "What are you complaining about? Whose hours do you want increased? Whose wages do you want cut down? Whose holidays do you want to take away?" That is darned silly criticism. I want to see every man's conditions raised higher and higher, but I want to secure that, in our desire to do that, we do not, in fact, destroy the industry whose operatives we want to benefit.

Have we any workers in Ireland who have shorter hours than they have in England at the moment?

No. What is in my mind and what I want the Deputy to reflect on is this: If we are going to travel precisely the same road as France went under the Blum Government and concentrate our attention on the statutory improvements of working conditions as they did from, I believe the highest motives, remember the net result of it is that they are now in a situation where, in the name of national emergency, all the legislation then passed is now being repealed by decree. A national emergency has come along and, in my humble judgment, has been made the excuse and the occasion by the Radical Socialists in France, which is largely controlled by a certain section of the population, to take back all and even more than the Blum social measures conferred on the operatives.

That is more like it.

That is the very danger. If you try to go too far you may create difficulties which will precipitate an emergency. The informed observer may say a moderate adjustment will remove the emergency, but the vested interest may say: "Ruin is upon us; we must be radical to meet this desperate situation," and then you will find the operative, whom you tried to benefit in the first instance, is back in his original position with this additional difficulty. Once you have attempted a reform and that reform is nullified by force of circumstances, you will find that it is ten times harder to re-enact the reform at any subsequent period because you will always be met by the argument: "You tried that before and it failed." I fully appreciate that it will be suggested that we want to see the workman ground down.

It is meaningless if you do not say what you are objecting to.

If it is meaningless, the Deputy cannot understand plain English. Everybody interested in the industrial future of the country, understands the meaning of it fully. What is vitally essential here is some foot rule, to make up our minds for the future that we will keep step by step with the British trade union movement——

How do you suggest the 105,000 unemployed should be dealt with?

I said here recently that if the Lord Mayor of Cork would get up in this House and convince me of any movement which by any method, at any expense, involving any sacrifice, would provide eight hours' work per day at a fair rate for every unemployed man in this country, I would campaign the country with him.

I would expect some more from you.

If the Lord Mayor of Cork will put up any proposal, one which will even involve the absorption of all my private property, which will secure for every unemployed man in this country permanent employment for eight hours per day at a fair rate of wages, I shall campaign the country with him to ensure its ultimate diversion to that end. There is no burden of taxation, there is no national expenditure consistent with the economic survival of the State which I am not prepared to campaign for, if the Lord Mayor of Cork will convince me that it will provide permanent employment of eight hours per day at a fair rate of wages for every unemployed man in this country. But there are two things which I absolutely refuse to do. One is to get up and blather off every platform that if the people put out the Fianna Fáil Government and put me into office, I shall find employment for every man in the country. That would be an absolutely wrong and lying statement. That was one of the shameful, wicked things the Fianna Fáil Government did in 1932 in its struggle to get into office. I have no intention of taking a leaf out of their book.

The second thing is this, I sponsor no solution of the unemployment problem that means enslaving every unemployed man and woman in the country on the German or Italian lines. We could solve unemployment overnight by conscripting every unemployed man, giving him a pick and shovel, and putting him on the roads or on the land to work at what we think he ought to get or else put him in jail or into a concentration camp. That is slavery and on that basis there is a solution. Remember that a practical solution of unemployment is the German solution, and muddleheaded people can be heard saying: "There is one thing Hitler did, he abolished unemployment." He abolished it simply by converting free men into slaves, and if they did not want to work or demurred he put them into concentration camps. That is poision; it is treacherous and wrong towards a man suffering from the affliction of unemployment to suggest that he will get work if he supports us politically when we know in our hearts that cannot be done. That is a course to which I do not propose to subscribe. Subject to that final warning, there is nothing I want to add, except sincerely to say to the Minister that if he means business we can get somewhere in industrial development here. If this question is to be made continually a cause of acrimonious differences and if legitimate grounds are to be acrimony, then the industrial revival in this country will never properly get under way.

Deputy Dillon appeared to be about to tell us something of the dangers which he thought were likely to arise in this country and to lead to economic disaster by a continuance of the social and economical policy of recent years. The Deputy, after solving unemployment, in his remarks carefully avoided giving any indication whatever of the spheres in which he thought we were travelling too far ahead of Britain as a possible market for our surplus agricultural and industrial products, if, in fact, we have an exportable surplus of industrial goods. The Deputy seemed to think that Irish workers were getting benefits that are substantially ahead of British workers. I think a comparison should convince the Deputy that there is no justification for the fears he expressed. For instance, if the Deputy was to turn to agriculture as distinct from industries.

If Deputy Norton takes rates of pay and conditions fixed for Irish industries which had to compete abroad a substantial consideration should be the decreased pay of workers in trades unions abroad. That was the danger.

When you come to ask that question you have to ascertain what, in fact, is an adequate wage. You must ascertain that without necessarily applying it to the conditions elsewhere.

They are not going to do that.

I will show it to the Deputy. It may be true that an Irish worker receives, for doing a certain job, a wage in excess of that which the British worker receives, but you have then to ask, how much can the Irish worker buy for that wage compared with the British worker. While I concede that there may be occasions in which there is a difference in wages apparently in favour of the Irish worker when he goes to spend the wages on a Saturday night, he is probably getting less for them than the English worker receives.

When you make a comparison in respect of wages you have to measure wages by the industry. That is the real test.

Does the Deputy not agree that in industrial development as a source of employment it is imperative that the cost of production bears comparison with the price obtaining in Great Britain.

I do not agree. I do not agree that we have reached a stage at which any danger of that kind is indicated. The best evidence is that to-day the minimum wages fixed by the Agricultural Wages Board in Great Britain are 35/- weekly.

Never mind agriculture. I am talking about industry.

The Deputy mentioned a danger which does not exist and tries to make a comparison. Here is a comparison which can be made. The Irish agricultural worker gets 27/- weekly and the English agricultural worker a wage of 35/- weekly. If what the Deputy says is true at present, we ought to be able to flood the British market with agricultural goods, inasmuch as that substantially lower wage is raw material available to farmers here cheaper than it is to farmers in England. To that extent the lower wage is a bounty. It is not available in respect of wages for British farmers and is producing results that Deputy Dillon, the Government or I desire.

Is labour the only raw material of agriculture?

I am not saying it is, but I say in respect of wages, in relation to the finished product, that Irish agriculture is getting that labour cheaper than English agriculture, because in England the wages are 9/- per week more, at a minimum, than what is paid to Irish workers.

Why are they able to do that over there?

That is another story.

Derating and subsidies.

I am not going to chase that hare. The point Deputy Dillon made was that higher wages here necessarily involved difficulties about exporting goods and the capacity to do so. I put to the Deputy another example where wages were substantially lower here and that the advantages he sees in Britain are not comparable to the danger he pretends to see in industrial goods being exported. That is a matter upon which we will not agree, any more than on the proposed joint campaign that Deputy Hickey and Deputy Dillon would agree when they came to an examination of the point of view. I will leave that matter aside. This is an Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce, and I want to refer to some matters in respect of which the Minister has a serious national responsibility, not merely to the House and to the nation as a whole but in particular to those who are the unfortunate victims of a social system which condemns tens of thousands to conditions on the border of permanent pauperisation. In the old days before 1932, the Government Party of to-day used to tell us how easy it would be to solve unemployment. The Taoiseach told us before the 1932 election that work would be made available by the Government Party for the whole number of unemployed people. Somewhat earlier, when he was obviously much younger, the present Minister for Industry and Commerce believed the problem could be settled in 12 months.

Let us get that background of the picture, and let us see how little reality and comparison there is in a statement of that kind with the position that exists to-day. According to the Government's own statistics there were in March, 1937, 92,000 persons registered on the unemployment register. In March, 1938, the figures had risen to 101,000. In March, 1939, 106,000 people were registered as unemployed at the employment exchanges. These are ghastly figures, and the steadiness of the tendency to increase indicates that there is in this country a hard core of unemployment of about 100,000. The rigorous test imposed by the employment exchanges shows that they were available for work and were genuinely seeking work. That problem faces the House to-day. That is the problem before the Minister. That is the problem to which we have to find a solution, and it is the one on which we ought to have something comprehensive from the Minister. As if supporting the fact that we are looking to them, in the present policy which is being pursued by the Government for a continuance of that large unemployment problem, we have only to look at the figures in respect of the insured population.

According to the Government's figures, there were 19,000 workers with claims current for unemployment insurance benefit, as distinct from unemployment assistance benefit in March, 1937. In March, 1939, the number of insured unemployed workers with claims current at employment exchanges was 22,000, so that we have not merely an increase in the number of workers seeking benefit, and seeking employment in respect of insured occupations, but we have also a very substantial increase in the number of persons seeking unemployment assistance, in which there is no insurance status whatever. I should like to ascertain from the Minister to what he attributes the substantial increase in the number of unemployed in the past two years. What is the cause of that? It cannot be said that industrial disputes are giving artificial returns at the employment exchanges. It cannot be alleged that there is any temporary dislocation in any particular industry which is adding to the number of unemployed insured workers.

Are we to take it that our unemployed insurance workers must now look forward to longer periods of unemployment than formerly? Are we to take it that we are always to have here a very hard core of unemployment, represented by such an appallingly large unemployment figure? When we come to the unemployment fund, there are certain statistics available that have been ascertained by Parliamentary questions. The figures of the unemployment insurance contributions paid by insured workers indicate that such workers suffer long spells of unemployment. For the unemployment insurance year 1938, the average number of contributions per worker was, in the case of men, 28; in the case of women, 41; in the case of boys, 23; and in the case of girls, 23. If you take the counterpart of these figures you find that unemployment amongst men during that year amounted to 23 weeks per man, whilst among women it amounted only to ten weeks. These figures indicate that not only is the unemployment position not satisfactory from the point of view of those employed, but even those obtaining employment must, apparently, be prepared to expect long periods of unemployment, and be content to derive any benefits they can from social legislation, that may have been passed by this House, for their sustenance during periods of unemployment.

These figures, particularly in respect of unemployment, would be serious and disturbing if, at the same time, our population were increasing, or if we were keeping our people at home and finding employment for the natural increase in the population which occurs each year in every progressive country, but what are the figures in respect of emigration? Between 1926 and 1936, 167,000 people emigrated from this country. During the same period, I may mention that the excess of births over deaths was 163,000, so that, during the ten years 1926 to 1936, we not only exported the entire natural increase in our population, but we sent 3,000 or 4,000 citizens after them into the emigrant ship and, notwithstanding the export of our population, we still have a very serious unemployment problem. It may be argued that the figures I have quoted in respect of unemployment do not tally with those in respect of emigration, but the figures in respect of emigration for the years 1936, 1937 and 1938 do not make any more comforting reading. In 1936, there went to England alone, taking the balance of inward and outward passengers, 29,000 people from this country. There was a net export of 29,000 people. In 1937, we exported 31,000 and in 1938, 18,000, so that in the three years 1936-1938 inclusive, we have exported 78,000 of our people. During that period our unemployment figure still continued to increase because the number increased from 92,000 in 1937, to 101,000 in 1938, and, still higher, to 106,000 in 1939.

These figures, I suggest, ought to give food for thought to the Minister and they ought to do so particularly in view of the latest information which has been made public as a result of the recent census. There, we find a very serious and a very disquieting position. According to the volume of the census just published, there is a very grave menace facing the nation to-day from the standpoint of the loss of its virile manhood and womanhood. Two of the most serious conclusions to be drawn from the census figures are an increase in the number of old persons and a decrease in the number of young persons. In 1841, only 3.1 per cent. of the population were 65 years and over and, in 1936, 9.7 per cent. of the population were 65 years and over. If we look at the figures in respect of the young people, we find that, in 1841, 38 per cent. of the population were under 15 years and, in 1936, 27 per cent. of the population were under 15 years. These are very striking figures; these are very menacing figures; and these figures indicate that there is in this country an economic disease which is preventing people from getting married and driving the flower of our manhood and womanhood to the emigrant ship in an effort to find, in other countries, the work which is apparently not available for them here.

We had yesterday from the Minister for Industry and Commerce in respect of industrial problems the first breath of reality we have had from him for some considerable time past. Speaking at the opening of a new chocolate factory, the Minister made these statements, and when you remember that they were made by a Minister whose custom it has been to make flamboyant, picturesque speeches, bristling with prosperity, the significance of the words becomes even more remarkable. He said:—

"The next five or ten years will be the most critical in the history of Ireland."

He made an appeal to all classes and Parties to give a fair chance to industrial development which, in those years, must play a vital part in the nation, and he declared:—

"In that period we will repair the ravages of the past and build up firm foundations for future prosperity or we will fail, and our failure will mean the ultimate disappearance of our nation. We must not, and we will not, fail."

There is a declaration by a Minister who obviously realises that, not withstanding all the boosting of his policy, notwithstanding all the efforts to make an unplanned policy work, we are in for a critical period, and that it will require the co-operation of all classes and parties, if we are to avoid a failure which will "ultimately mean the disappearance of the nation." The whole speech of the Minister yesterday indicated that, at last, he was beginning to realise that things are not as prosperous as one would imagine from listening to rosy speeches in the House by the Minister, because, referring to the publication of the recent volume of the census, he went on to say that the number of children under 15 years in rural areas declined by 13 per cent. in the past ten years, that 64 per cent. of the women under 30 were unmarried, a situation not parelleled in any other country in the world, that the percentage of both men and women unmarried at the younger ages was the highest in the world, and that emigration had reduced the normal proportion of the population at the productive ages and left an exceptionally large number of old people in relation to the total population. He added:

"These facts pointed inevitably to the conclusion that there existed a deep-rooted disorder in the economic system which must be eradicated if the race is to survive."

That is very good from the Minister for Industry and Commerce, from the man who recently stated in the Seanad that there was more nonsense talked by otherwise well-meaning and intelligent people on the drift from the land—and, of course, that meant the drift to the emigrant ship—than on any other subject that is being discussed in this country.

The Minister, with the new report before him apparently realises that unless something is done to stop that rot, to stop that drift from the land and across the seas, there is grave danger that the race may not survive. In the face of a speech of that kind yesterday, delivered by the Minister, who is very slow to admit his mistakes and who is always willing to grasp any kind of factor which will justify his own point of view, we ought to have from the Minister on this Estimate some indication as to what the Government policy is in relation to stopping the drift from the rural areas to the cities and from the rural areas and cities to the emigrant ship. Beyond a few routine remarks about the machinery of his Department this afternoon, the Minister did not open up for the House any indication of the Government's policy in respect of the serious unemployment problem which confronts them to-day. The reason for that probably is that the Government have no policy whatever for dealing with the unemployment problem except the Micawber-like policy of waiting for something to turn up—put on a tariff on this commodity; try and start an industry, and see what will happen; assist this industry by a tariff or a quota, or perhaps by a bounty, and then we will see what happens. But there is no plan; there is no co-ordination. There is a tariff on one commodity, which is the raw material of another industry, and consequently you get a kind of tug-of-war—a manufacturer or producer of a raw material with a tariff on imports of his particular type of commodity in order to keep out a cheaper type of commodity, and the manufacturer here then, who requires that raw material, being compelled to pay a very high price for the native manufactured raw material. There can be no plan or no co-ordination or industrial stability arising out of an ill-conceived policy of that description. You get that unthoughtout and unplanned position, not directed by minds concentrating constantly on the problem, and if you graft on to that the instability caused by the recent London Agreement you get some picture of the necessity to-day for hard thinking and serious thinking and the speedy application of remedies for unemployment in the industrial situation as it confronts us in this country to-day.

It is idle for the Minister or anybody else to pretend that the London Agreement did not cause dislocation and dismay to Irish industrialists. There is not an Irish industrialist who has been backing the Government who does not acknowledge that the effect on Irish industries of that Agreement has been very unsteadying indeed. Every industrialist who is free to talk, since the London Agreement was made, has complained about the instability that Agreement has caused, and has expressed grave concern as to the future of many of the industries here when, at the request of English manufacturers, the tariffs which brought these industries into existence are to be revised. Here, our Government go to London and make an Agreement with the British Government, with not the slightest consultation with any Irish economic interests, except such as they represent themselves or such as they conceive they represent themselves. Not an industrialist in the country was consulted. Not a trade union official in the country was consulted.

Nobody was consulted as to the wisdom or otherwise either of signing the Agreement providing for a review of practically every tariff we imposed, and, where that was not provided for, for a very definite reduction in some of the tariffs already imposed. The British, however, did not do that. They consulted their manufacturers; ascertained from them what exactly they wanted done; stipulated that there should be reductions in certain tariffs imposed by our people against their products; and, judging by the Agreement—its terms and consequences, and the dislocation caused in Irish industry —it was the British industrialists and the British Government who got the best of the economic and industrial sides of the London Agreement.

The statement made by the Minister this evening on the London Agreement and its unsteadying consequences will do nothing, I fear, to restore stability to industry, or to remove the doubts and misgivings which have been caused by a review of tariffs by the Prices Commission, and by the overriding fear that, when the British got that Agreement signed, providing for that review of our tariffs, they knew at the same time that they were going to get a reduction in the tariffs which so far have operated disadvantageously against their exports to this country. I think it will be a long time before our industries overcome the effect of the London Agreement. I think there is less employment now in our industries in consequence of that Agreement than there was before the Agreement was made, and I think that a review of the tariffs, and a reduction of them in the interests of British manufacturers, is going, not only to slow down employment in our industries, but to postpone some of the industrial development which it was hoped might take place here so long as our industrial policy could not be influenced by external considerations.

At the last election we had a statement from the Government Party that they hoped, during their period of office, to open another 300 factories. There have been very few of them opened since the last election, and there is no indication now of any terrific enthusiasm to open new factories here, nor any indication of the development of gigantic factories here, or that this country is attracting to it a large number of potential industrialists anxious to exploit our industrial resources here. All the indications are that there is a very definite slow-down in respect of industrial production in this country, and I have no hesitation in saying that I think the London Agreement, in the manner in which it was negotiated, and in the manner in which it is operating, will probably prevent the development here of a number of industries which might have been expected were it not for the disorganising effect and influence of the same Agreement.

Yesterday, the Minister appealed to the House and to the nation to co-operate in order to give a fair chance to industrial development. On what basis can anybody co-operate? On what basis can any Party in the House, not withstanding its utmost desire to preserve and develop Irish industry, co-operate to-day? One does not know what the Government's industrial policy is beyond the fact that one of the things they want is to impose tariffs, to impose quotas, and to impose restrictions; but as part of, or in connection with, what, one is left to wonder and to think for oneself. One does not know what relationship the tariff or bounty, the quota or restriction has to any kind of national effort to develop our industries on a sound and healthy basis. One can only see what is done—just a piecemeal effort to develop industry as far as it can be developed; but there is no national plan; there is no co-ordination and no national thinking-box dealing with the question of the development of our industries to-day. If the Minister wants co-operation I think there are men and women of goodwill, both inside and outside the House, anxious and willing to co-operate in every possible way; but if there is to be co-operation it must be co-operation in furtherance of a plan, in furtherance of something that has been surveyed—something that has been thought out, something that offers a promise of realisation.

At one stage in their political evolution the present Government, through the months of the Taoiseach and others, used to advocate a policy of establishing an economic council here which would survey the requirements of the nation and plan to supply these requirements along the most efficient and comprehensive lines. After seven years of office we see little indication that they now have any use for an economic council or machinery of that kind. We can see now no evidence that they appreciate the benefit of a council of that kind, but we have sufficient experience to know of the loss to the nation in misdirected and blunted effort from having no body of that kind to think out the nation's plan and to plan the road over which the nation should have travelled during the past seven years of attempted industrial development in this country. If the Government wants co-operation it must plan first, and plan on comprehensive lines. It must plan on lines which would beget the co-operation of all Parties and all peoples towards a building-up here of an industrial system which gives promise of being conducted on efficient lines and which will not always have to be bolstered up by a tariff which, in many cases, can operate merely as an incentive to an employer or a group of employers not to develop their industries on the most efficient lines.

There are one or two other matters which call for review on this Estimate. The first is the question of unemployment insurance and its administration by the Minister's Department. The statistics which are available to members of the House indicate that in the employment year 1938-39——

I take it the Deputy is covering all the Votes that come under the Minister's Department —Vote 61, for instance?

I am covering Votes 57 and 61. In the employment year 1938-39 the contributions of employers and workers to the Unemployment Insurance Fund amounted to £957,000. The State grant amounted to £273,000. Except for a few minor sums of no particular significance, these items total £1,230,000. That sum comprised the Unemployment Insurance Fund for the year 1938-39. The expenditure charged against that Fund in that period included benefits paid to workers and associations administering benefits to workers, £660,000, and the refund to the State in respect of administration expenses came to £184,000. Taken out of the fund for the purpose of subsidising the unemployment assistance fund was the sum of £283,000. The total payments out, therefore, amounted to approximately £1,129,000 and there was left in the fund at the end of the year a sum of not less than £100,000.

I would like to draw special attention to the fact that out of the combined contributions put up by employers and workers, amounting to £957,000, only £660,000 found its way back to the workers. It comes to this, that £300,000 of the joint contributions of employers and workers and £273,000, a supposed contribution by the State, are swallowed up in administration on the one hand and in being utilised to subsidise the Unemployment Assistance Fund on the other hand; so that it is the insurable workers who are making such a very substantial contribution towards the maintenance of whatever solvency is supposed to exist in the Unemployment Assistance Fund, instead of the State and the whole community discharging their responsibilities to uninsured workers covered by the Unemployment Assistance Fund. The employed workers are subsidising that fund to the extent of £283,000.

One might understand that if unemployed insured workers had adequate rates of benefit, but when you find that the rates of benefit for insured workers are grossly inadequate, much lower here than they are in Great Britain or the Six Counties, the continued raiding of that fund to the extent of approximately £283,000 is a most unfair tribute to levy on insured workers. But, even apart from the fact that an unjust tribute is levied on the insured workers to discharge a debt which properly belongs to the State and the community, we find that £100,000 is still left in the fund as a surplus. Presumably a similar figure existed last year and similar surplus will accrue in respect of the next and subsequent years.

Is it proposed to utilise the surplus in the fund to increase the benefits to the unemployed insured worker? The present rates of benefit are notoriously low. If you give a man benefit at the rate of 15/- for himself, 5/- for his wife and 1/- for every child, to expect a man to exist on that inadequate benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Acts is expecting him to do impossibilities. With the surplus in the Fund there is no reason why the benefit should not be substantially increased. The time has arrived when the continued raiding of the insured workers' fund to subsidise the Unemployment Assistance Fund should stop, and the unemployed insured workers ought to get a higher rate of benefit.

There is another matter, and that is the position of the oil refinery in Dublin. Disquieting information reached the public a short time ago, that a substantial number of workers had been laid off there. If the viewpoint of the workers concerned is any criterion, there are grave fears that additional workers may be laid off. This is a gigantic undertaking, if the earlier stories of its origin and development are to be believed. I would like the Minister to indicate what is the position in connection with the future development of what is described as the national oil refinery. Is it certain its development will be proceeded with? What are the expectations of early development, and what is the general plan behind what is described as the national oil refinery?

There is another point with regard to the alcohol factories. According to information ascertained by way of parliamentary question, between August 1st, 1938, and February 1st, 1939, only one of the five alcohol factories worked nearly full time, and that was at Cooley. In that period there were 156 working days. One alcohol factory worked 62 days out of the 156; one worked for 48 days; one worked for 23 days and one did not work a single day. It does not look as if the period of exploitation indicated by these figures justifies the earlier promises made to the House in respect to the development of the alcohol factories. What is the Minister's policy behind the factories? What is the plan behind them? Is it intended they should be developed and operated over the full seasonal period, or is it intended that they should be merely allowed to stand idle until such time as the farmers are prepared to sell potatoes at a price which can only mean bankruptey for every farmer supplying the potatoes?

A considerable sum of State money has gone into the development of the factories. At one time we were told that their development was an important national, economic and industrial asset. To-day it looks as if the position in regard to them is not so satisfactory. We ought to have some statement as to the future of these factories. Are they to be regarded as live, national assets? Are they going to be operated for the full seasonal period? Are they likely to yield their return to the State for the money invested in them? Or does the Minister realise they are not now capable of producing the industrial commodity which they were set up to manufacture?

These are some matters of importance which I thought it desirable to raise on this Estimate. They are matters of considerable public importance in view of the rather despairing speech of the Minister as reported in the Press of to-day. I hope when he is replying that he will give the House some indication of a plan which he expects will overcome, not merely the serious unemployment problem in the country, but the grave fears for our future industrial development which he indicated in the course of his speech yesterday.

Before I deal with the general policy of the Minister, I would like to refer to some information he gave us about wheat. Deputy Dillon has dealt exhaustively with the opportunities given to the millers to exploit and plunder this country, but there is one particular item that he has not referred to, which I would like to mention.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted, and 20 Deputies being present,

The Minister informed the House that, for emergency purposes, in view of the present unsettled conditions in Europe, provision had been made for certain supplies of essential foodstuffs for this country. He told us that provision had been made for 50,000 tons of wheat to be maintained here, over and above the normal supplies that are maintained by millers, and how that 50,000 tons of wheat was paid for. The provision for recovering the cost of maintaining that 50,000 tons of wheat that the miller was not going to use at the moment but which was simply locked up in his lofts, was 1/- a sack of flour. When the Minister mentioned the figure, I thought I should calculate exactly what it was costing the country and what 50,000 tons of wheat actually mean in flour and how long it would supply the country. 50,000 tons of wheat will make about 34,000 tons of flour. It takes three sacks of wheat to make two sacks of flour, approximately. 34,000 tons of flour is just about one-tenth of our total annual requirements in flour, so that the 50,000 tons of wheat that the Minister has provided as an emergency measure would last this country just about five weeks. That is the provision that is being made in the face of the present situation in Europe—five weeks' supply over and above the normal supply that is carried by millers in normal times.

What is the cost of that 50,000 tons of wheat that is locked up? It is costing 1/- a sack. Normally we consume in this country approximately 2,700,000 sacks of flour. At 1/- a sack that amounts to £135,000, and 34,000 tons of flour manufactured will make 272,000 sacks of flour. So that on a supply of wheat, which, when manufactured, will make 272,000 sacks of flour, the miller receives £135,000, or, in other words, just 10/- a sack. The miller gets, in this country, for maintaining five weeks' supply for the country as an emergency measure, just 10/- a sack for the flour that wheat would produce.

I have calculated it on another basis. That 50,000 tons of wheat is 400,000 barrels. You can buy foreign wheat to-day at approximately 15/-. At 15/- that would amount to £300,000. For locking up £300,000 worth of wheat in his lofts, the miller gets £135,000, exactly 45 per cent. on his money.

I want to know when this bargain was struck. Was it done in a period of panic last September? We had for months beforehand ignored a menacing situation which was developing in Europe, a situation that reached a crisis last September, and for which any sensible Government would have provided long before the September crisis. I want to know if this bargain with the miller was made then or since, under ordinary business conditions, or does the Minister really believe that this is a good business deal for the country? Is it simply another opportunity, availed of by the millers in this country, to wipe the Minister's eye? I can see nothing else in it. The millers in this country are getting an opportunity of getting 45 per cent. on their money for storing £300,000 worth of wheat. If we were to maintain what would be a sufficient supply as an emergency measure, it would cost this country an enormous sum, on that basis, because the actual amount provided only amounts to five weeks' supply.

Much has been said here about the industrial policy of the Minister. I can only say, as a Deputy representing agriculture here, that the success of industry in this country can only be judged by how far it has helped or retarded our agricultural activity. The Minister when at various functions throughout the country usually avails of the opportunity to talk about our balanced economy. There is no balance in the present economic policy because, on exchange, the balance between agriculture and industry is absolutely in favour of industry. We have heard responsible people in this House and outside of it refer to the precarious position of agriculture at the present time, to the flight from the land and to the fact that in the last four years the number employed in agriculture has gone down by the huge figure of 43,000. That gives one an idea of the serious position that has been reached in the industry. In my view the policy of the Minister is, to a very great extent, responsible for that situation. There is no getting away from the fact that to-day there is a serious clash of interests between agriculture and industry. Industry is not being developed on lines helpful to agriculture but rather on lines that are detrimental to it and that tend to retard output. We are all, including the Minister, I am sure anxious to preserve agriculture which is our primary industry. If it does not prosper there is no hope for the development of a secondary industry. Agriculture provides us with our great source of wealth. The purchasing power that we need for the products of our secondary industries must come from agriculture. The policy of protecting certain essential raw materials required for agriculture is, as Deputy Dillon has pointed out, preventing any possibility of expansion in agriculture. Suppose that we are getting a relatively good price for our agricultural products, what is the good of that if the cost of the raw materials necessary for their production is so high that it leaves a negligible profit to the producer.

Because of the present unsettled conditions in Europe, and with the British thinking in terms of war, you have at the present time a demand for food stuffs for livestock and for live stock products all of which we are well equipped to produce here. When such conditions prevailed during the Great War our people were able to take advantage of them. They were able to increase their production and make good profits. The reason that they are not able to take advantage of the present conditions in Europe is because they are being seriously hampered by the Minister's policy. I am not opposed to industrial development, but I suggest to the Minister that he ought to plan industry along lines that will be helpful rather than detrimental to our primary industry.

Take the case of artificial manures. The Minister for Agriculture has adopted the wise policy of subsidising their use on the land. Every farmer-Deputy knows the tremendous advantages that can accrue from their increased use. They improve the fertility of the soil and help in the production of more and better stock. From inquiries that I have made from a merchant I have learned that you can buy foreign super—Dutch super—at about the same price as you can buy home super, with the Minister's subsidy thrown in. What does that mean? That the £100,000 which the Government are providing by means of this subsidy in order to encourage the use of super phosphates is going into the pockets of the merchants. On a previous occasion I pointed out that after the Great War when there was keen competition in this country—it continued up to the time that the present Government came into office— the home manufacturers were able to get from three to four shillings a ton more for their super phosphates than the foreigners who were importing here. The reason was that the home produced super was always in better condition: it was finer and free from lumps. Our farmers thought that it was well worth the extra three or four shillings a ton as compared to the foreign stuff. That was the position when we had free competition on the home market. Compare that with the position to-day when the Government are paying £100,000 by way of subsidy to encourage the use of super phosphates. I have told the House where that £100,000 is going.

The Deputy is now dealing with a matter which appears in the Estimate of the Minister for Agriculture. It does not come into the Estimate before the House.

I am dealing with the tariff policy of the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

If the £100,000 that the Deputy speaks of is in the Vote for the Minister for Agriculture, then it is on that Vote that the matter should be raised.

Well, at any rate I am finished with it, and I now propose to take the example of grass seeds.

I wonder does that come under this Vote?

It is a protected industry.

If the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not responsible for it, then it cannot be raised on the Estimate for this Department.

I submit that it is part of our industrial policy—to import grass seeds in the raw and have them cleaned here.

It would appear to me that it would be more appropriate if that were raised on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture.

To go on from the manufacture of super phosphates to the necessity for having a machine to distribute that on the farm, I may say that there is a tariff of 33? per cent. on artificial manure distributors coming into this country. I admit that there is an artificial manure distributor manufactured in this country, but it is an absolutely obsolete type that was given up by other countries ten years ago. You have machines made by foreigners, and imported here, which have been developed and improved enormously in the last ten years. Yet we are manufacturing here a type of machine that is obsolete. Any man with any common sense, who realises the importance of having good machinery to distribute the manure evenly over the land, and who will not buy a machine made in this country, is forced to pay 33? per cent. import duty. That seriously hampers the agricultural industry, and hampers the farmer when he purchases such a machine. If the Minister is going to protect machinery manufactured in this country, he ought at least to see that the machines he so protects are up-to-date in design and capable of competing with similar machines imported from abroad. That is a reasonable request to make to the Minister when the farmer is forced either to buy an obsolete machine produced at home or pay a duty of 33? per cent. on an imported machine. If the Minister is going to give protection to anyone to manufacture an important article in this country relating to agriculture, at least he should ensure that the article so manufactured is of modern and up-to-date design.

Binder twine, again, is a very essential commodity. Last year binder twine could be imported at £30 per ton. The actual cost here of Irish-manufactured twine was £44 per ton, a difference of £14. I am just giving these few examples to show that the lines along which we have developed industries in this country are such that they have seriously handicapped and retarded agricultural production. I suggest that the Minister should devote more of his time to examining the possibilities of developing industries that will take their raw materials from agriculture, rather than developing industries that will take something which is an absolutely essential raw material of agriculture and manufacture it here at an artificially inflated price, with the result that the cost of the raw material here is so high that it practically wipes out the margin of profit for the farmers. After all, a very big percentage of what we produce in this country must be sold on the export market at prices over which we have no control, and the profit of the farmer is the difference between his cost of production and the price he receives. As I pointed out, at this particular time, when the price we are receiving for our produce is a reasonable and relatively fair price in present conditions in Europe, this country should avail to the full extent of the opportunity of supplying the demands which are there. But we find ourselves seriously hampered by a policy which is retarding agricultural prosperity. The Minister should give close attention to that point which has been stressed by other Deputies.

It cannot be too often repeated that there is a clash of interests between two policies at present, between industry, on the one hand, and agriculture on the other. We cannot afford to ignore the interests of agriculture, because it is our most important industry. There is no analogy at all between the situation which exists in this country in the development of agriculture and, say, in England. Agriculture is not the primary industry in England. It is an important industry, but it is not the most essential one; at least it is not so essential as it is to us. Then, again, they are rich in minerals and in the essential raw materials for industrial development. In this country we have to import practically all the raw materials for industry. That has resulted in increasing the cost of essential raw materials for agriculture. The Minister has not made much of an attempt to take the by-products from agriculture and develop secondary industries along those lines. He ought to pay more attention to that.

We have heard some reference to the London Agreement. From reading the monthly magazine, Irish Industry, I notice that within the last two or three months the people for whom that magazine purports to speak are becoming more severe upon the Minister. Up to the February issue, I think, the Minister was certainly lauded month after month for his energy and ability and for the wonderful development he had made in industry in this country. The Minister, I am sure, feels very proud of what he has done for industry here. But, when you ignore the consumer's interests, give a monopoly to anyone who comes along to produce an article, and cut out all competition, it is quite easy to develop industry. That is what happened here.

We have given monopolies to individuals to manufacture goods, and actually ignored the consumers' interests, and especially the interests of our primary industry—absolutely and completely ignored them in a good many instances. You can build up industry on that basis; but industry developed on such a basis is bound to be harmful and has done a tremendous amount of harm in this country. After the London Agreement those people in an article told the Minister to get out, that he had let down his own people. Then last month we were treated to their ideas as to how the fiscal policy of this country had been abrogated when they went over to make such an agreement. The fiscal policy of the representatives of the people in this House has by that Agreement been definitely abrogated. It has been completely taken out of their hands. You have handed over your fiscal powers to a body outside this House—the Prices Commission. No matter what the London Agreement has done as regards our fiscal powers, if it is any way helpful in reducing tariffs, abolishing monopolies and ensuring competitive prices for the goods produced for our people, I shall welcome it. It is about time there was some little protection for the unfortunate people living on the land. When some limitation is put on the opportunities of these people who, for the last few years, have plundered and exploited the people, you can understand how they begin to howl and tell the Minister to get out, that he had let down the common people. It took the London Agreement to protect, to some extent, the consumers and the unfortunate people in the backward parts of rural Ireland. I hope that, from experience and from the contacts he has had with statesmen on the other side, the Minister is a bit more enlightened as to the line he should travel in industrial development in the future. Signs are not wanting of a change in other Ministers. The Minister for Finance has, at certain functions, referred to the necessity for developing and expanding agricultural production. I speak as a practical farmer, and I say that there is no possibility of expansion in agriculture until the stranglehold put on the industry by the Minister is released. That is what is wrong with agriculture to-day. It is not the price of our produce. The price of our produce is right, and one would expect it to be right when the British people are thinking in terms of war. Fianna Fáil Deputies cannot deny that there are bitter complaints from the agricultural community all over the country. That this state of affairs should obtain when we should be availing to the fullest extent of the opportunities offering is astounding. The agricultural industry is being retarded and hampered by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. It is about time he sat down and came to his senses. It is about time that he, the Government and the Fianna Fáil Party realised that, no matter what Government is in power, the one big industry that must always be the primary industry in this country is agriculture. Whatever activities we undertake to develop secondary industries, we ought not to hamper or retard agriculture. Instead, we ought to preserve it at all costs and then develop secondary industries.

The Minister should not allow any secondary industry to cut across the interests of a well-established industry that has been able to stand on its own feet and compete in open market against the food producers of the world. This is making the problem for the Minister much more difficult than it has been. It is a very simple thing to develop industry if you ignore all other interests—the interest of the agriculturist and the interest of the consumer. But when you try to develop industry under certain restrictions, the task becomes more difficult. I suggest that the Minister ought to set these restrictions to his activities in industry in future and, in doing so, promote the primary industry of the country. The secondary industries can come afterwards.

Like the last speaker, I welcome the industrial policy of the Minister. The further he carries it out, the better my constituents will like it. I assure him that I shall not, like members of the Opposition, come knocking at his door to establish an industry in this or that town in a particular constituency and then get up in the Oireachtas and condemn his industrial policy. I never knew industrial development in any locality to interfere with farming interests. Where industrial development took place in a town, dairying, market gardening and intensive cultivation followed in its wake. Deputy Hughes, who comes from a constituency where there has been industrial development, should be well aware of that. The Deputy spoke about a war. He referred to the enhanced prices one industry got for its products in the last war—the farming industry.

I think the Minister showed great foresight in establishing industrial development here and, when the war takes place, it will be found that the profits that the farmers make in producing cattle will not all have to be given for the purchase of imported articles at fabulous prices. It will be very helpful then to have an industrial arm here as well as an agricultural arm. The Minister, I say, has to be congratulated on his foresight, no matter how you look at this industrial development.

My principal reason for speaking on this motion is to refer to one aspect of industrial development, and that is the development of the turf industry. The production of turf in the form of bricquettes has been an unqualified success. I come from a constituency adjoining that in which these bricquettes are produced; but I must say that we are dissatisfied with the handling of the whole business. The supply is not at all equal to the demand. That would be a very useful factory if war were to break out. Everybody speaks very highly of its output. My own experience is that the bricquettes are a very good substitute for coal. But the fact is that the consumers cannot get the supplies they want. I do not know whether the machinery is capable of turning out the quantity in demand or what is the reason. The fact is that the orders are in for weeks before they are executed and when they are supplied delivery is made very often in the middle of the night when it is impracticable to take in the turf.

I am sorry I was not here when the Minister spoke. I was in the city and I could not help being out of the House. I understand he said something about bogs. Whether these bogs are able to produce turf or fuel I do not know. I hope they are. There is a very big market here for peat products. I have been speaking to firms in my own constituency who handle coal and of late years they have turned to peat. They complain that they cannot get the supplies they need. I sincerly hope the Minister has given directions to speed up the supplies in the present year. None of us hopes for war, but if it comes about it would be a great thing to have these bricquettes and other turf production on which to fall back.

As far as this Estimate is concerned, I wish to try to deal with matters which, to my mind, have not been dealt with up to the present by other Deputies who have spoken on the question of industrial development to-day. Before speaking on these matters, I should like to take an opportunity of bringing this House back to a sense of proportion with regard to the question of unemployment. It is very easy for the Opposition to blame the Government for not having solved the unemployment problem and for having the country confronted with a seriously large figure of persons without employment. But it is up to the Opposition to suggest whether there is any way of solving unemployment other than those methods which have already been adopted by the Government.

I would like before proceeding to deal with the matter to give what I consider a fair analysis as to the reasons for unemployment at the present time and the fact that there has been an increase in the present year. One reason has been dealt with by the Minister, namely the uncertainty arising from the Anglo-Irish Agreement and the uncertainty before that Agreement was arrived at. That uncertainty is slowly diminishing, and as the Prices Commission settles down to its normal work and as its decisions have been announced—so far their decisions have been most reasonable and moderate and the industrialists are gaining confidence—that uncertainty will continue to diminish. Retailers are no longer maintaining only week by week stocks of goods. Some time ago they were under the impression that perhaps in a very short time the tariffs would be reduced on certain articles. There is still some uncertainty, but the very extreme uncertainty that existed during the whole of last year because of the Anglo-Irish Agreement and later on by world prices, no longer prevails.

Another reason for unemployment is what may be described as the post-economic war depression. Deputies may be aware that many of the adverse effects of the great war showed themselves only in the two years which succeeded that war. In the normal course of events we were bound to have a certain depression in agriculture resulting from the effects of the economic war. Later on the Anglo-Irish Agreement will show far better results. One of the minor causes of depression after the settlement was that farmers gambled on the price of cattle. They gambled for a rise; when the economic war was ended they were disappointed that prices did not rise.

Again, in certain districts, owing to the bitterness of politics and the extreme bitterness with which the agricultural policy of the Government was debated here, production was lowered, there were less workers on the lands, with less drainage and less improvements. Farmers shirked some of their work on the land because of the undue lack of profit likely to be available from the export of cattle to England. But that difficulty has now passed. So far as drainage is concerned, the Government are at present investigating the whole problem, and the commission that has undertaken to deal with that task will be able to increase employment through wisely-calculated economic schemes for the drainage of the country. Another reason for the unusual unemployment at the present time is the fact, as has already been stated in the House, that as a result of our political history, agricultural production has fallen behind that of other countries. We are only just beyond the termination of the economic war, and in the beginning of the working of the new Anglo-Irish Agreement. For the first time in the history of this country, we are able to debate our economic policy without having to relate it to what might be called the normal policy of the Government in working for the freedom of the country. That is a factor that cannot be too highly stressed.

One fact was very highly stressed. It was very ably stated by one who spoke the other day at a meeting of the Women's Industrial Development Association. There is a world drift from the land throughout the world, including even countries whose agricultural development was on a more normal basis than our own. In all those countries agricultural employment has declined since the early years of the 20th century, and industrial employment has increased. I am not suggesting that industrial employment can ever supercede agricultural employment, but I do say that the industrial arm, if developed as Arthur Griffith wished to see it developed, should provide opportunities for the men who are drifting from the land. That drift from the land has been a general development all over the world, as a result, perhaps, of the change of taste, and so on. If the Government had not provided for industrial development, and if they had not placed factories in most of the large towns of Ireland, we should now have to face a very serious problem. We would be faced with a drift from the land, with absolutely no alternative offering in the way of employment in any other direction beyond emigration to England. I am not arguing that there cannot be reemployment on the land through a development in agricultural production, and through an ending of the depression occasioned by the economic war, but there will always be that tendency, that drift. That matter is one which has to be considered by any Government in this country.

The third reason for unemployment lies in the fact that all over the world there has been a great increase in what might be described as services to the community, such as tourist development, local government services— opportunities given to people in their leisure time. During the great depression in America the services of that kind showed the smallest decrease in unemployment, and when America recovered from the depression the services of that type—tourist development and so forth, services involving the leisure of the community—showed the largest and the most rapid increase in employment. That is a factor which has not been exploited in this country, and which is now being exploited for the first time by the Government, in the new Tourist Traffic Bill which will be announced shortly. That is a factor which has grown throughout the world. The enormous growth in employment through tourist development and services ancillary thereto cannot be too highly estimated, particularly in this country with its opportunities for tourist development. I am merely trying to make a certain reasonable defence of the Government in that they are thinking about relieving unemployment, but that a lot of their plans were delayed up to the end of the economic war, and are only now under consideration.

Coming to the general problem of industrial development, we do have to face the fact that farmers' costs are all important to them in maintaining the export trade which we all know to be essential to the prosperity of this country, and industrial development has unquestionably got to fit in with the general scheme of agricultural development and agricultural export. We can turn our backs on any sort of short circuits in the way of methods of helping industry which in the long run are merely attacks on the consumer. Such aids as subsidies or social credit schemes or excessive tariffs, tariffs that go beyond reasonable limits, will ultimately be of no help to us. To my mind the whole future of industry depends on industrial costs, and if Deputies in this House would think of constructive ways of assisting the Minister to encourage the reduction of industrial costs, they could do no better thing for this country. In the future the whole essence of industry lies in the reduction of industrial costs, and it is the one thing to which we must turn all our energies. We have to make up our minds right away that we are going to have a more difficult problem than large countries like England, and that the solving of that problem is going to require a bigger effort by the community than in countries where they have not the unusual problems— problems of a small population and a small market—which we have to face in connection with producing industrial goods at reasonable prices. That is all the more reason for Deputies in this House to be united on this question, and to give every assistance they can, both in the House and outside it, in helping the Minister to bring industrial costs down to a reasonable level.

On the credit side, as far as industrial costs are concerned, we have established a large number of industries. There is no need for me to go into them in detail to-night. There is no need for me to make a sort of election speech in which I would praise the efforts of the Government, because the people all over the country know the efforts of the Government in promoting industries, but I would mention that as far as conditions of employment in industry are concerned, as incentives to produce well and produce adequately, we can regard them with a certain amount of pride. Our conditions of labour, on the whole, as compared with most other countries in Europe, are excellent. Wages to-day in this country, even making allowance for the cost of living, are, for example, in ten out of twenty important industries, higher than in London. There are cases where the wages are not yet adequate, but taking it large and wide, it cannot be said they are inadequate for the average worker in industry where there is a properly developed relationship between employers and trades unions. There are definite exceptions, as in all cases. As far as hours of work are concerned, we are definitely ahead of many countries in giving workers a reasonable amount of leisure time.

On the debit side—the problems which we have to face—the first problem is that of the output of industry; the fact that, in a large number of industries which have had a reasonable opportunity to develop, the output is very considerable lower than it is in the United Kingdom, which means that the cost of the article is greater. There is a number of reasons for the low output of industry at the present time. One of the first reasons, and the most important to my mind, is the appalling prejudice in the minds of the public towards goods of Irish manufacture. It often makes me feel that a great deal of the spirit of nationality in this country is very superficial, almost you might say mystical in character, when it comes to actually making some real, physical effort to support things which concern the nation as a whole. I could quote many instances, with which I will not bore the House, of undeniable prejudice against goods of Irish manufacture, cases of exchanging the labels of Irish and English goods, and marketing Irish goods as English or foreign for the purposes of experiment, proving over and over again that the sales resistance to products of Irish industry by members of the public is altogether exaggerated. Realising that industrial development has come to stay, and that, no matter what opinion may be on the value of industry, if we want to preserve the vast majority of our economic industries, Deputies of all Parties in the House can do an enormous amount in insisting on people taking a reasonable attitude towards the products of Irish manufacture. That is one definite factor opposing a good output, the sales resistance which manufacturers constantly meet with in every aspect of our commercial life.

Some of the products that have been made for the first time are not satisfactory. Some of them are definitely defective, but the average person— instead of saying "Well, I did buy something that was bad to-day, but the rest of the things I bought were very satisfactory"—exaggerates in his mind the importance of the defective article. As a result, you get a tremendous desire to buy foreign goods, and with it the necessity for a much higher tariff than would be necessary if even a reasonable percentage of the population were to take a reasonable attitude towards goods of Irish manufacture.

Another thing affecting the output of industry is the fact that I do believe that, taking it large and wide, even after the main adverse effects of the Prices Commission have passed away it is not good for a country where there are newly established industries to have the type of negotiation for a revision of duties of the kind which has been made inevitable by the Prices Commission. I realise that under the circumstances the Government were compelled to follow the Ottawa type of agreement; that under the circumstances it was only reasonable to expect that in settling the economic war they were compelled to adopt the Ottawa type of agreement, which compels examination by some form of tariff board, but I do prophesy that at the end of three years the Government will seriously consider the alternative method of revising duties to suit Anglo-Irish trade and to suit industry, namely, the method adopted by common agreement between Australia and England, whereby the Australian Government informs the English Government of what are the industries which it intends definitely to protect and develop, and, having informed the English Government of what those industries are, the two Governments negotiate together for a schedule of maximum duties to obtain over a period of time. Negotiations are carried on direct by the two Governments concerned and there is none of the long, costly, painful business that is made necessary at the present time under the tariff board system in the case of other nations, members of the Commonwealth, and here. I would seriously suggest to the Minister that if, in the course of the next two years, it is made possible for him to adopt this Australian modification of the Ottawa Agreement, it would be to the advantage of newly-established industries which are in a sensitive condition. If the method of direct negotiation were adopted, and if a plan of industrial development were given to the English Government whereby the groups of manufacturers on both sides were made aware of the future position——

What would be the advantage of that? Would investigation not have to take place in the case of direct negotiations also?

All I say is that the time taken would be far less and the material necessary to obtain the information required would not be so extensive. I believe that manufacturers would feel more certain of their position if the Australian method were adopted.

What about the manufacturers who would be left out? What would they say?

The case of the manufacturers who were left out would not be subject to examination. There would be a whole lot of products in which there would be no change. It does not mean that the case of every product would have to be negotiated. I am merely suggesting a method of doing the thing. There is another question which seriously affects output in industry, a matter of which the Minister is aware and in which I feel that, perhaps in the next five years, he might consider giving indirect State assistance. That is, the question of assisting industries which are newly created, to rationalise and to improve their position and to organise themselves on a more intelligent basis for the purpose of reducing their costs of production. To give one example of what is inevitable in the case of newly-established industries, take an article which can be made economically in one factory and for which there is sufficient market within the country. A manufacturer proceeds to manufacture that article for which he hopes to get an economic profit and then, within a very short time, four or five similar factories are started to manufacture the same article. The result is that none of them can produce the article and make a profit on it. That is a thing which should not happen. I hope that during the next five years the Minister may be encouraged to give more active attention towards developing a sort of vocational relationship between industrialists in the same group so as to enable them to do that job of work for themselves.

Then there comes the question of Labour's contribution towards output. I have mentioned the responsibility of employers. Now comes the question of responsibility of Labour. I think the situation here is one which should be freely debated in the House because it is a matter of vital importance to the industry. There is no question that there is difficulty at the present time in obtaining the same quantity of output from industrial workers in many classifications of industry as is obtained in England, even in industries which are relatively fully established. I am convinced that unless the country takes a realistic attitude towards this question and unless the Department, as far as it can go, gives greater encouragement towards securing a greater output by Labour, that a great deal of our industrial development will not succeed. This is a serious matter affecting the industries of the country. To give one example, in one large industry in the West of Ireland where the workers carry on their work under good conditions in a well-lighted factory, about one-third of the workers produce a sufficient amount of material from the machines to make the trade fairly profitable and to make a good week's wages for themselves. The other two-thirds when they get to a certain point go home and are content with a certain amount of money. No matter how the workers are sifted you always get that relation, one third who produce a good output, and two-thirds who seem to be content with the lower output and a lower rate of wages.

Are they employed the whole year round?

Yes. Even if you offer certain inducements in the form of bonuses, you find extreme difficulty in securing any increase of output. It is a very big problem. It should be the concern of Deputies and of the Minister in the course of the next five years, because it runs throughout whole branches of industry. There is the difficulty of creating sufficient ambition, one might say, to increase the volume of production of machine products so as to reduce the cost of the article. That is one question which should concern the Minister in the course of the next five years. Another difficulty is that there is a deliberate attempt made in certain unions to delay production by machinery for the purpose of retaining employment. That is a matter on which again, the sooner we face reality and the less we talk chimerical nonsense about the machine displacing labour, the better. I have found that the greatest illusions exist amongst the public in regard to what is called technological employment. This is another important factor in Irish industry and it is well, when this Estimate is being considered, that people should be made aware of the facts in regard to the machine, that they should be told that the use of the machine has enormously increased employment in industry throughout the world and has never displaced labour, as can be proved if the results over periods of ten years are taken.

The feeling that is expressed in certain Labour circles that machines will displace labour is one that is primarily due to the depression in America where unusual conditions obtain, a depression arising in the middle of vast industrial development. I can only suggest to the Minister, to his Department and to Deputies in general that they should take the case of the smaller democracies who have never undertaken a war, who have never allowed corrupt influences to affect their economic development, who have never made violent changes of the kind made in America as a result of speculation—those countries where they have gone to the maximum degree in the direction of improving their industrial equipment, and in the development of the machine as a means of reducing the cost of production and where they have made paramount the question of quality, quality, quality all the time, these small democracies where unemployment is lowest, where the problem of unemployment does not stare the people in the face like some monstrous spectre—countries like Norway, Sweden and Denmark.

This problem must be tackled seriously in the next five years if our industrial products are to be brought within the reach of the farmer. No amount of theorising can get rid of these facts. The exploitation of the machine in this country, where in a small market you cannot provide articles for the farmer at an economic price without that machinery, is absolutely essential for the welfare of our industries. Let me put it in this way: If labour and employers—employers are also responsible because they have very vague ideas on this subject—do not fully exploit the use of the machine in industry, with the result that, perhaps, 10 per cent. is added to the cost of the article; if the cost is increased to a degree at which the product cannot be bought by the farmer or by the general consumer, it will cause a feeling of hostility amongst the general community with a consequent serious reaction on industrial development in the country. This is a very serious factor affecting industrial development in the country.

As far as output and labour in other directions are concerned, it has relation to untrained management and labour in the new industries, and development there will be slow necessarily. It is only as a result of training and tradition that output can be increased, and the public will have to face a certain sacrifice in order to train those new industries, and that sacrifice will have to be given, and, in my opinion, should be given freely and willingly, because it will be a long time before, in certain industries, there is sufficient experience amongst employers and employees. Then comes that fact that 1,000,000 days were lost one year through disputes. I suggest that here again there is a certain lack of realisation amongst people who undertake industrial disputes; people do not seem to value the meaning of industrial labour in this country yet. In certain labour circles, when a day is lost, they do not realise that it means an actual loss in production. Another reason for the lowering of output is the failure of industry so far to undertake any exports, beyond a certain small number, and with the exception of the older industries which always had an export trade. I should like to recall to the Minister certain suggestions of which he has been made aware already, but which I should like to emphasise in this House, in the hope that there will be some general support as to the ways and means of improving the quality of goods and lowering the cost of production. The first suggestion is that there should be some form of industrial standards. The Federation of Irish Manufacturers are considering how they can assist the Council for Industrial Research in providing stamps, whereby the public would know the relative quality of English, foreign, or Irish goods. I am certain that, as soon as we reach a certain point in exchange, the question of cost of organisation will arise, and I should like to ask the Minister whether he should not consider some more direct intervention might not be helpful there, soon after the deliberations we are attempting to develop. That is a very essential part of industrial service which should be a section of the Government service in relation to industries, the establishment of standards for industries.

The second suggestion is, that if we are to carry on industrial exports as to which statements are frequently made in public, and mentioned here to-night by Deputy Dillon, it is essential to have something more than Interdepartmental committees composed of people representing the Department of External Affairs, the Department of Finance, and the Department of Industry and Commerce, who from time to time would consider the possibility of industrial exports. We need in this country a live export department, a department that would have to do with figures and with freights. The cost of various laws affecting imports into various countries, consisting of people who could act in the capacity of national salesmen for our country's products. Practically every country in Europe has that service well established, while we, who are forced to face an adverse trade balance of £17,000,000, in respect of products that we purchase from countries other than the United Kingdom, have no such service. I believe the time is ripe, when our industries are well established, to establish a service of the kind, and I suggest that the Minister should consider that matter. With regard to the development of the right sort of feeling in industry, for the purpose of lowering industrial costs. I feel that the Minister will have to intervene sooner or later, either by increasing technical education in industry, and offering to workers in industry some method of training them to look on industry as a whole, giving them some ideas about how their industries operate as a whole, what they mean to the country, and what particular part they play in them. Until the State enters that particular field of development we shall not get the right attitude towards output.

With regard to labour disputes, I have noticed that a number of industries are making an effort to provide conciliation machinery. I recently had occasion to read a volume issued by the International Labour Office on conciliation machinery, and I notice that a number of countries make a practice of having a code prescribing compulsory arbitration, by getting an independent board to decide what wages should be paid labour. That is a scheme which would not be accepted in this country—if the Minister was considering applying a certain law, say, to a body of workers employed in an industry compelling them to adopt conciliation machinery and to negotiate for wages agreements by means of a fixed schedule of conferences and arbitration boards. In some countries arbitration boards, at the end of the negotiations, if there is no agreement, give an award which is not made compulsory, but nevertheless it is a guide to the community as to what might be regarded as a reasonable point of view with regard to disputies. I suggest to the Minister that he should consider formulating some type of conciliation machinery, whereby, in the case of employers and employees, he could by arbitration orders, either delay strikes or lock-outs. That would be an advantage to all concerned. Generally speaking, I think what Deputy Mulcahy said with regard to uncertainty in industry, and the necessity for having agreement in the House as to what industries should be developed, is one which should bear further thought by everyone.

And there is only one way to get that.

It is the first time it was proposed formally in the House by the Opposition. There should be some way of avoiding discussion and controversy and eliminating uncertainty in industry by having agreement. I am not going to propose, as a member of the Government Party, what the solution is, but I believe that the suggestion that has been thrown out by the Opposition is worthy of consideration, because one of the most important factors in industrial development, and all too frequently forgotten, is the necessity for the investment of new capital in industry. That is a thing which is frequently forgotten in discussions of this kind. Deputies will agree, when they examine the examples of English and Swedish economic development, that this country requires the reinvestment of new capital in industries and agriculture, and in both. There are signs that in the next three years, if not now, it will be necessary to invest new capital in industry in this country. Capital is a very sensitive thing and nothing should be done to destroy the right kind of attitude whereby capital can be got, either through banks, public savings or the reinvestment of foreign securities. The preservation of a capital market in industry is an essential factor in our industrial development, and if the Minister would consider ways and means of carrying out the suggestion of the Opposition, it would go far towards establishing the proper credit conditions in industry which are absolutely essential.

Deputy Childers told us that he took part in the Debate with a view to bringing the House back to a sense of proportion, and he also complained about the lack of realism amongst Deputies, and the people generally, as to the loss of wealth owing to industrial disputes. Having heard that from Deputy Childers, I was looking forward to hearing some realism from him about the human waste of capital that is taking place amongst the 105,000 people registered at the labour exchanges which, I think, is the greatest human waste we could think of. Whether the Deputy deliberately avoided saying anything about it or not, I am not sure. I looked forward to the statement of the Minister, because anything he says about our social and economic problems I look upon with great interest. I was sorely disappointed that he passed over the important problem that concerns all, the unemployment problem.

I read the Minister's statement yesterday in another place with interest. He evidently was well aware of the important problem confronting us. The statements that are made sometimes convince me that it is a question of how we do things rather than how we say them that is the test of our sincerity, and I should like Deputy Childers to realise that. Deputy Childers, and some of the other Deputies who have spoken, seem to look upon the unemployment problem as a matter of mathematical formula and they reduce it to statistics. I, for one, would not like to hear anybody discussing this problem with a view to making any political capital out of it because I look on unemployment in this country to-day, and the poverty flowing from it, as a challenge to society. Unfortunately for the worker, unemployment is more than a problem. It is a grim reality of terrible hunger and of natural desires unsatisfied. The trouble about the problem is that the unemployed lose their place in the family of the nation.

I am rather surprised that a man like Deputy Childers, who seems to have studied a good deal and to have an accurate mind, would not try to get down to realities and I suggest that when Deputies get up to speak here, they would have a sense of proportion and a sense of realism. The Government are doing, let me say, all they can in the way of regulations, means tests and rotational work to make the unemployed feel their position as bitterly as possible. They give them to understand that the only possible way in which they can live is by sponging on their fellow citizens who are in work, and there is a good deal of that line of thought in Deputy Childers' remarks in which he discussed the lack of realism regarding output of work, etc. The important thing to remember in relation to unemployment benefits, means tests and rotational work is that these are looked upon as a fixed method of dealing with the unemployment problem. You can boast about the home and the family as being necessary to the social order, but so long as the State lays it down that they will only give assistance to the unemployed man, his wife and five children and will make no provision for the other dependent members of his family, all our professions of Christianity are very empty.

We could all talk high-flown talk about the Constitution and the wording of the Constitution, but I tell Deputy Childers that I have sufficient realism in me to know that the human life rests upon a physical basis and, above all, a man must be fed, clothed and housed. When we deny these necessaries of life and exploit the human needs of the mass of our people instead of supplying them, our political action becomes useless and impotent, so far as doing anything good is concerned. These are the matters upon which I should like to concentrate Deputies' minds rather than statements about Australia, and something that happened before the War, and the position since. If there is anybody who has shown a lack of realism, it is Deputy Childers in his remarks to-night.

The Government have three specific methods for remedying unemployment, three specific contributions towards reducing unemployment, and I mentioned them.

From the figures I have it is clear that unemployment has increased rather than reduced in the past three years.

I mentioned three specific things the Government were doing in order to reduce that excess, and to reduce it further, if possible. They are schemes of national drainage, studying agricultural production and further industrial development. They are three definite schemes.

The fact is this, and it cannot be denied, that the moment an unemployed man's insurance benefit is exhausted, he is looked upon as being in an entirely distinct class, and he is subject to all the indignities to which a man can be subject in the shape of means tests and rotational work. If he is to be employed, he must be employed at less than the wages paid to a man on a weekly wage, and, since the wages do not represent a living wage, the unemployed on relief schemes are getting less than human needs demand. Deputy Childers cannot deny that. I have a letter which I received from an unemployed man in a north Cork town, and it might bring the situation home to Deputies more definitely than I could do it. The letter reads as follows:—

"I have to bring to your notice as a Christian the terrible sufferings of the unemployed in this part of the country. Here is my own case. I am 35 years of age, married, with three children, aged three years, two years, and three months. I am a labourer, unemployed through no fault of my own. I am allowed 13/- a week unemployed assistance to support myself and a family of four, pay rent and clothe ourselves.

To keep the roof over us, I must pay a rent of 2/5 a week. I pay 2/6 a week for coal. Light and some other odds and ends cost me another shilling. Then I have 7/1 a week to buy food and clothes for the five of us. I do not beg or steal, or look for charity in any form. I am willing to work if I could get anything to do, so why should I be driven to do something nobody belonging to me ever did, that is, to look to the neighbours for charity? But I can tell you it is a terrible thing for me to look on at my three helpless children starving to death slowly. My youngest child is living on milk and water. The mother could not nurse it through starvation. I am also becoming broken down in health through starvation. I am almost bootless, and my clothes are in rags. If I got work in the morning I should start barefooted, but I am willing to do that to keep the children alive and to keep a little home together for them and their mother.

We have no furniture. What little we had was sold to buy food. I have just sold some of my undergarments to a friend who gave me a few bob for them to buy food and to keep life in my family while I am waiting for work. There are two things for which I thank God. In spite of everything I am still an honest man. Nobody can tell my children so far that their father was a thief. That is my first cause of consolation. The second is that I did not vote for the people who are responsible for my present sufferings.

I appeal to you to do anything you can in your present position for my starving children and for the thousands of others who are as badly off as mine. I have also written to Mr. MacEntee and to Mr. Cosgrave."

That is typical of cases I could quote by the thousand. We have not been shown here this evening any indication that we are conscious of the suffering of the people of the country. The Minister stated in his speech yesterday that he looked for the co-operation of everybody in solving the unemployment problem, and Deputy Childers has made the same appeal. I want to tell the Minister and Deputy Childers that, so far as our side of the House is concerned, we are more than willing to do everything we can to help the unemployed. I was rather surprised at his remarks about the output of workers, because I have been in consultation with other employers in the City of Cork, and they tell me that the output of their workers is exceedingly good. I have in mind one particular factory where an employer put in modern machinery and he has now 18 workers where he had 64 workers before. When the 64 workers were employed on machines they were doing from 63 to 65 yards of cloth per week per person. The employer has now automatic machines and each person is working six automatic machines, each of which is doing 100 yards of cloth per week. I should like to know from Deputy Childers where is the incentive for workers when there is no security for the 42 men who have become redundant. I am not in any position to contradict the Deputy, but I would be rather surprised to know that any worker will refuse to work and earn wages if he is secure in his employment for the main portion of the year.

I should like to say that the position in this country for solving the unemployment problem is the best of all the countries I know of. We had Deputy Dillon telling us to-day of what is being done in other countries, and he quoted for us how the people in New Zealand were having 5/- a week for each child. Of my own knowledge, from papers I have got from Australia, I know that there are six States in that country where they have established a minimum wage of £4 5s. and 5/- for each child up to six, and that in New Zealand they have also a minimum wage of £3 a week for agricultural workers, with a month's holiday in the year with full pay.

I want to know from the Minister, or from anybody in this House; what is preventing us from giving the necessities of life to the people of this country? Here we are, in an age when it is recognised that we can produce in abundance where we have got even over-production of everything that our unemployed so badly need and can give it to them in abundance, and yet we cannot let them have it. All we can give is State assistance of about 15/- a week for an unemployed man, and if he has six or ten children the State is not prepared to make any contribution towards the maintenance of these children. I think that is quite contrary to the Constitution that we hear so much about. There is no other State in the world that I know of where there are so many facilities for solving the unemployment problem as we have in this country. We have the people behind the Government, who have a large working majority in the House, and we have the full co-operation of everybody here to solve the problem. We have the men and we have the materials and we have the machinery, and yet we cannot get men to work to produce the things of which we are so much in need.

I certainly say that this problem of unemployment and also the matter referred to by Deputy Childers are very far from being of the nature that Deputy Childers would seem to want to make them. The Minister referred to-day to the Conditions of Employment Act, and suggested that it was not being availed of for the adjusting of agreements, in the way he would like it to be. I think that the difficulty there is that the only things suggested in the Conditions of Employment Act are agreements concerning wages. The Minister mentioned one particular agreement between employers and the trades unions, and that was in the hosiery industry. The reason for that agreement being registered was that it did not contain anything concerning conditions of work. There is a fault in that Act inasmuch as it will not register any agreement as to conditions of employment, and will only register an agreement between employers and workers in regard to wages. Having had some experience of signing agreements with bodies of employers, I am quite satisfied that every agreement between employers and trades unions would be immediately registered if the Act permitted it, but under the Act, only agreements between employers and workers dealing with wages, and wages only, will be registered. I suggest that one of the things the Minister could easily do would be to amend the Act so that every agreement between employers and workers could be registered, and I can assure him that as far as we are concerned they would be registered.

A Vote such as this covers a very wide field, and some of the other speakers have ranged over many topics. I only want to refer to one section of the Vote, namely, the Prices Commission. I do not apologise in that some other speakers have referred to this subject. At the same time, I do not think they called attention to it from the angle from which I wish to draw the attention of this House. The Prices Commission, if I might to refer to it, is composed of several sections. There is, first of all, the ordinary section which deals with overcharging or profiteering. Now, I do not propose to call any attention to that, but I do wish to comment on some of its other activities. There is no doubt that some years ago we had a political economy in which the individual manufacturer was a law unto himself. The present Government have increased the invasion of the Government into industry. I will say that that seems to be a tendency all over the world and that the present Government are not alone in the way they have taken up investigation into industry, and having replaced the individual effort of the manufacturers with a position in which the Government Department are more or less in the position of junior partner in industry, the manufacturer has to turn to them on many occasions.

I should like to suggest to the Minister that the present Prices Commission seem to suffer from a problem that is probably vexing the minds of the Government also, namely, whether they are to put employment or efficiency in Number I category. It seems as if at one time employment was up and at another time, efficiency was up, I should like to call the attention of the Minister to a case that took place not so very long ago before the Prices Commission, in which there was an Irish manufacturer who was manufacturing within 10 per cent. of the prevailing prices in Great Britain. Of course, he was manufacturing under a much higher protection, but his prices were within 10 per cent. of the prices which were prevailing in Great Britain. Now, I understand, or it is reported, that the Prices Commission investigated that manufacturer's activities and practically said to him: "You are making too much money". He called attention to his price list and it ultimately came down to this, that his prices were reduced. I suppose the manufacturer can get over that. At the same time, it is very important for the manufacturing community to know whether the profits they are making are to be the prevailing cause for an investigation by the Prices Commission. That is a matter that can be very easily remedied. On the other hand, there are some companies that are 50 per cent. to 100 per cent. dearer than the world's prices and they are four or five months behind in their deliveries. I should like the Minister to give manufacturers a clear-cut lead as to what is the prevailing idea in the minds of the members of the Government.

I am not mentioning these cases with the idea of presenting a grievance. I mention them more with the idea that the Minister should give us an indication as to what way the minds of the members of the Government are turning, whether they are turning towards employment or towards efficiency. I have said before that the position of the manufacturer who is making too much money can be very easily remedied.

Deputy Childers spoke about increased production in industry. I would be very pleased to see that. One of the most important things for the manufacturer at the present time is to know where he is going and by what standard he is going to be judged. Perhaps the Minister will give us some idea. Is it merely a case of what his balance sheet is like, and it does not matter what sort of service he is giving to the public?

Deputy Childers has referred to what he thinks is prejudice against Irish goods. I think he will find, on the contrary, that the average person who can discriminate is always prepared to give a preference to Irish goods and, where they are turning against certain articles it is either due to a prejudice that is well-founded, or possibly a misconception of who has hit them in the increased price which is in some cases loaded on to the cost of the article.

There is another matter to which I would like to refer. I am still keeping to the Prices Commission; I do not intend to refer to any other aspect of this Vote. There seems to be an idea that there ought to be a certain amount of rationalisation in industry. A lot of countries have gone in for rationalisation, and probably in the long run they have created greater efficiency. At the same time, it has led to very great hardships for the time being, and large numbers of people have been precipitated out of one branch of industry more or less into the gutter, leaving them to be absorbed haphazard by rises in other branches.

How far is the Minister prepared to support that idea, or how far is it the Government idea that there should be rationalisation and that certain manufacturers should more or less confine themselves to supplying certain articles and carrying out, possibly, certain schemes? While that may seem a very small point, at the same time it is an important one, because over a long number of years it will produce very great changes in industry, and if there is going to be any fundamental change in the way this country does its business it would be much better if we got a clear-cut announcement from the Government than if we got it in piecemeal fashion from a Government Department.

Lastly, I would like to refer again to employment and efficiency. In some cases the Government seem to be anxious that employment should be given; anything that creates employment is all right with them. I think in the long run it is efficiency that will tell, and if certain manufacturers are not efficient the sooner they are told that the Government will not support them the better. I think the Government should outline some scheme to inform people that they are not up to the standard and the sooner they do something along those lines the better it will be for the country and for that employment that so many speakers have referred to.

I believe the Minister has the key to agricultural development, in one respect at least. He would be well advised now, after six years, to remove his tariff on artificial manures. When he was putting a tariff on artificial manures in 1932 he was told that the output of manure would be curtailed considerably, that more money could be made by the factories engaged in the production of artificial manures if there was no tariff put on, in as much as more manure would be used in the country. After the Minister put on his tariff I, who have considerable experience in the county I come from, never saw a bag of artificial manure being spread on grass land in the whole country. Any manure that was used, was used in the production of wheat and beet. For the dressing of grass land there was no such thing at all, as far as I could see, nothing in the way of artificial manure being used, nor has there been anything done in that direction since. I challenge the Minister to produce figures with regard to the different classes of manures used on tillage land and in the preparations made for the top-dressing of grass lands. I doubt very much if the artificial manure manufacturers applied for a tariff and, if they did, I doubt very much indeed if they would repeat that application to-day. It has meant less business for them and, were it not for the boom in wheat and beet production, the artificial manure manufacturers in the country would be idle. Instead of getting more employment they would have 100 per cent. less.

Deputy Norton instanced the case of the agricultural wage paid here and the agricultural wage paid in England. He instanced it, of course, in proving a certain point, but the facts are that he offered no explanation of the relative wages paid here and in England. How is it that the English farmer is in a position to pay 35/- a week? Is it not because of the advantages the English farmer has as compared with the Irish farmer? The English farmer had not to fight an economic war. As a matter of fact, he benefited by the economic war here because he got more for the stores he raised and the beef he produced. In addition to that, he had complete derating of all his agricultural land. In addition to that again, he had a subsidy on the beef he produced. That, of course, is the explanation of the wage there and the wage here. I want to say that miserable as the wages are here, they are more than the farmers can afford to pay their workers, and even the Labour representatives who come from the rural areas know that.

There was talk about tourist development here being a boon to the nation. What good is that to the agricultural community, to the farmers and the workers? Does it mean that we are to go to the tourists with our hands out begging for a copper? Is that the heritage that a Deputy Childers seemed to think we had in this country? We are not beggars. We never have been beggars, and we are as proud and as good a race as the English.

Tourists consume food. I was not talking about beggary at all.

They consume food?

Yes, lots of it.

They consume food in their own country as well as here, and ours goes over to them, and the difference or advantage between eating it here or in their own country is nothing at all. Hundreds of thousands of pounds are being spent on the development of tourist traffic when there is many a hungry mouth in need of a bite to eat. Last year, when discussing this Estimate, I raised the question of the Carrick-on-Suir slate quarry, and I had not an opportunity until now of commenting on some things the Minister said in connection therewith. The Minister, who is probably the most influential man in the State at the present to do harm, as far as he could in his statement, damned for all time the activities in the slate quarries of this country. There is not a man with a shilling in his pocket who would invest a shilling in the production of slates in our slate quarries after hearing the Minister's speech. He spoke about a vein of spar that was discovered, which prevented the machinery from working. He said he was fortified by a geological expert in his Department.

Is that in last year's Estimates?

Last year's Estimates, yes.

The Deputy may not reply this year to what the Minister said last year.

I am not replying to it.

And the geological expert is no longer employed.

It is a good thing. The one thing is that he never claimed to be an expert in quarrying. He may know all about geology. He never claimed, on his own admission, to know anything about a quarry. The spar he discovered there was in every quarry in the world. It is less in fact there than in any other quarry in the world, less than in the Welsh quarries, which are employing hundreds of men. The Minister gave us to understand that this particular vein that was discovered prevented the employment of machinery. There are four processes in quarrying slates: first of all you have to take the debris off the head of the quarry; then you begin by blasting. When you blast, you convey it to the saws, and when you have it sawn you split it, and then you dress it. There are four different operations: blasting, sawing, splitting, and dressing. This spar was never put before the saw. It is separate altogether from the slate. It is a vein that runs through, sometimes a foot, sometimes two feet, sometimes five feet. The Minister said that this prevented the machinery from working. It did not prevent the machinery from working.

The Deputy has said he is not replying to the Minister. He obviously is. Last year, this matter was raised by Deputy Gorey. It was replied to by the Minister in his concluding speech and the Minister cannot, in 1939, be replied to on the speech he made in 1938. Therefore, that matter of the quarry is closed. I do not know whether the quarry is closed or not.

It is closed, Sir, as far as the Minister could close it. But I want to know now what is the Minister going to do to repair the wrong he did to the 125 families earning a living out of those two quarries. I have letters here.

What wrong am I supposed to have done?

You let all the machinery go for £105 18s. 5d. When I spoke last year, I thought it was this particular expert, the only expert in Ireland in a position to make an authoritative report, and he says, "I may say——"

I will not hear any more about that quarry. The Deputy may not reply to the Minister's speech of last year.

"——I also know the position. It is utterly tragic." I have got that in.

The Deputy should not boast in that fashion.

I submit, Sir, I am entitled to raise this question. I am entitled, I submit, to remove a wrong that has been put on public property in this country.

I think the position is quite clear. A case was raised by the Deputy last year. He got full opportunity of stating his case. The Minister replied. The Deputy now states he has had on opportunity since of replying to the Minister. This is not the opportunity. Otherwise the debate would be interminable. If the Minister concludes a debate in 1938 and on the next year's Estimate somebody gets up to reply, there would be no end to debate. There ruling is very definite.

Deputy Dillon and several other Deputies referred to matters that were also referred to last year.

They referred to matters of policy, not particular cases, which is quite different.

This certainly centres around a particular case, but it is also a question of policy and, if the Minister allows himself to be fooled by individuals and commits a great wrong——

The Deputy will have to sit down, if he cannot get away from that case.

It is a good job the Minister has the protection of the Chair.

The Deputy will resume his seat.

The Minister needs the protection of the Chair, and he is getting it.

After listening to the Minister's speech, I feel that his policy may be summed up as one of trial by error. Before his Party came into power we had some very good and some very old industries, and we had tariffs, but since its advent to power quite a number of those old industries have got into a bad position. The Minister claims to have established a number of factories. I want to say that by far the greater number of them are just kept alive by the sweat and blood of our people. Those industries which are being guided by the Minister are costing the country too much. I was glad to read the report of the Minister's speech yesterday in which he admitted that practically the only industry we have is the one for which he has no responsibility, I am sure he is well aware that without that industry his industrial activities must stop. If agriculture were subsidised as industry is being subsidised in the towns, and if people as result had to pay a price for agricultural products which would give the producers a decent standard of living—if that were done, although I think it would be wrong to do it—it would have the effect, I believe, of soon bringing to an end and industrial activities of which we hear so much.

The Minister spoke of turf and mineral development. The type of turf development that I see in my part of the country is, in my opinion, insane. We have a number of bogs in the country I come from. The Minister's policy has put practically all of them out of production. The Turf Development Board has spent tens of thousands of pounds in the South of Ireland. The spending of all that money, while it may have given a few weeks' employment to a number of people, has been of no benefit to the community as a whole. I was glad to hear the Minister say that we may expect some new developments with regard to minerals. At every general election during the past ten years the people have been told of the policy that the Party opposite had for the development of the Slievardagh coal mines in my country: that the mines were going to be open, that railways were going to be run to them and so on. I hope the Minister has some new scheme for dealing with those mines. They are situate in a most impoverished part of the country. The Government have a spent a good deal for money in getting a report from experts on their possible development. That report indicated that there are 90,000,000 tons of coal there. I hope the Minister will do something to develop those mines, and thereby provide much needed employment in that district.

The last point I propose to deal with is the cost of the articles produced in the new factories. If the Minister is not able to secure a reduction in the cost of production these factories cannot possibly be kept going. I would advise him not to be starting small factories, employing a number of girls and a few men in country towns. The fathers and brothers perhaps of those girls are drawing unemployment assistance, and spend their time leaning over the half-door. I know at least half a dozen factories in which employment is provided mostly for girls. The unfortunate thing about those factories is that the sons and daughters of small farmers and cottiers are running into the towns to see the local T.D. s expecting them to find a job they do not they fail to get a job they do not return home, but instead become a drag on the towns where they remain. I would suggest to the Minister that he ought to abandon this policy of trial by error so far as industrial development is concerned. The Minister before he agrees to the establishment of a new industry should satisfy himself that it is one which is likely to succeed, one that can carry on without requiring subsidies from the people.

I am encouraged to intervence in this discussion by the very frank statement which the Minister is reported to have made yesterday. I take it that that statement has already been referred to. All I desire to say is that there will be cordial agreement with the Minister's conclusion, that most of our problems at the present time are bound up with the question of employment. I want to take that view of the Minister and relate it to a particular problem. During the industrial campaign of the last four or five years there were certain portions of the country that were completely untouched. Whatever grievance the people in my part might have on that score it is not as great as the grievance they have due to the loss of the one industry, other than farming, that they had.

I refer to the slate quarrying industry which has been peculiar to West Cork for the last 50 or 100 years, one which gave a considerable amount of employment. I do not know if the Minister will be surprised to learn—I have got the figures from the directors of the concern — that in the last one and a half years 250 men have lost their employment in that industry. That is a staggering figure especially when it relates to a part of the country where regular employment is scarce enough, and where industries, outside of farming, are almost unknown. I would be glad to have the co-operation of the Minister's Department and of the Minister's interest personally in the problem that has arisen in connection with the slate quarries at Benduff and Madranna in West Cork which used to provide regular employment for a considerable number of men. At certain times the employment might be slightly less than at others, but then again during periods of activity it increased very considerably. The position, however, during the last 12 months has been one of steady decline. Of course, portion of that decline is due to a slowing down in building activity in the country. With regard to that slowing down, the view is strongly held that the permission given to local authorities, in connection with housing schemes, to use asbestos slates and, in fact, the compulsion which is stated to have been used in that connection on certain local authorities has entered very materially into this position of gravity in regard to the unemployment which has thus been created.

I do not profess to talk on this question of the manufacture of asbestos slates with any knowledge whatever, except that I am told that the labour content of that industry is very small, having regard to the labour content of the industry of quarrying slates; that in fact, a great many more men find employment in the slate quarrying industry, and that that industry is very much more valuable. I do not want to talk of the competition of one particular part of the country with another, but I do complain, and I think with some reason, of this very serious position that has arisen in West Cork — that instead of having got any assistance towards this industrial advance, the industry that we had is gone, or almost gone, and that the quarries are now being worked with a skeleton staff. The difficulties of the management have been accentuated in recent months by a very heavy fall of overhanging cliff which has hindered development very considerably. I would ask the Minister to have the whole position with regard to the industry examined. I do not expect impossibilities from the Minister or his Department, but I think he call easily satisfy himself that this industry is a comparatively old one, that it has afforded fairly regular, if not very highly paid employment, over a long number of years, and that, in a district where the number of unemployed would be fairly large at any time, its loss at the present time is a very serious one. I bring the matter specially to the Minister's notice on the occasion of the discussion on the Vote for his Department. I presume I am in order in referring to the administration of the Unemployment Assistance Act?

Yes. Although there is a special Vote for unemployment assistance, I think it would be better to deal with it now on the general policy of the Department on the motion to refer back. That is, I think, the usual practice. The other Estimates can then go through except where there are amendments.

On that point, it has been usual to have a very definite discussion on the unemployment situation on the Unemployment Assistance Vote.

I would not agree with that. I think the Chair is right in urging that the general question of employment and unemployment, and the policy in relation to it, should be discussed on the main Estimate, and the only question which would arise on the Unemployment Assistance Estimate is the administration of the Acts.

My remarks will deal with appeals on the question of means, and in view of what has been said I would be willing to reserve that for the Unemployment Assistance Vote.

The Deputy can make them now.

Very well. I think there is serious ground for complaint in regard to the administration of the Act. The manner in which cases of persons in receipt of unemployment assistance are being investigated, more especially in the last five or six months, seems to me to indicate a desire to cut unemployment assistance down to the minimum without any regard whatever to standards and with a complete disregard of any kind of relation to human needs. Having regard to the fact that in previous discussions on this subject in the House one found a difficulty in making a general case, and having no answer to the argument that concrete cases of the kind ought to be put forward, I have just picked out a few cases at random which are not the most striking types of case to illustrate the argument I have in mind, but I think they reveal a desire to economise in pounds, shillings and pence, without due regard, to put it very moderately, to the needs of a particular case. I have three or four cases here that I intend to deal with and I will read certain extracts from correspondence dealing with them to indicate what I mean. I understand that in cases of this kind the practice is not to mention names of individuals. I do not intend to mention any names, but if the Minister or any officer of his Department desires any information in connection with them afterwards, I shall be able to furnish it.

The first case is that of a man whose unemployment assistance money was reduced from 6/- to 3/- on account of means. He did occasional work on relief schemes and when relief schemes were, even occasionally, in progress they did not raise this question of means. I understand that his means were examined and re-assessed because of the fact that he was supposed to get a portion of his living from fishing. Now this man's fishing gear consisted of a small row-boat from which he used lines. I do not think there is any need to explain to any Deputy who has any knowledge of how a fisherman plies his craft that means derived from gear of that kind could not be very much. If a man went out, without any nets or any up-to-date gear, in a small row-boat, from which two or three lines were trailed, in the hope of getting a few dozen mackerel or fish of that kind, that certainly could not be held to produce means of any substantial value. An appeal has been lodged in this case.

My personal experience of appeals of this kind over a considerable time is that the decision is a foregone conclusion. In that connection I want to complain of the delay in conveying the decision in cases of this kind. I want to complain of the protracted and unjustifiable delay that takes place in informing the persons interested in appeals, and Deputies who make representations in regard to them, of the decisions. Several weeks, and sometimes months, elapse before the decisions are conveyed. I do not think there is any need or occasion for that. I do not think any amount of pressure in a Department could justify the delay that takes place.

I have one other case which is typical of numerous cases of the kind which have been brought to my notice. This is the letter I received:—

"I live in the village of ——, and have not one perch of land, only a rented house. I was in receipt of 8/- per week unemployment assistance and, on the death of my wife, I was cut down to 4/-. I lodged an appeal, as I had not one acre of land, or means of any kind, and pending the decision of my case, I will have to seek home assistance."

Another case deals with an appeal by the son of an alleged farmer, the valuation of whose holding is £4, and who possesses one cow and a few fowl. He was in receipt of 10/- old age pension. The main purpose of the man's desire to qualify for unemployment assistance is to enable him to get some work that is available in the district. A considerable sum of money is being spent on road maintenance in the locality, and he desired to qualify for a share of that work. That particular case is also before the Department at the present time, together with a number of other appeals of a similar kind. My experience is that they meet with very little success.

I should like to know from the Minister what standards are fixed in the Department for dealing with appeals of this kind. What opportunity does the person who lodges the appeal get of making a case? On paper, the person lodging the appeal supplies certain facts as the basis of his case, in the first instance; but, in the matter of the Old Age Pensions Act and the Widows' and Orphans' Pensions Act, the person concerned is entitled to make representations in a more definite manner. He is entitled to have representations made by somebody directly representing him. In this particular type of investigation, that procedure does not obtain. Investigation officers make visits fairly frequently to certain districts. I understand that, in certain cases, the inquiries are indirectly conducted with the assistance of neighbours, and I am not at all satisfied that the information derived in this way is always accurate or fair to the person concerned. The Minister's sense of justice will easily perceive that, in a matter of this kind, there ought to be some method whereby the person concerned would get an opportunity of putting forward arguments in connection with the figures held by the Department to be those governing his means at the time of the appeal. I suggest that courts of referees or some such machinery should be invoked for the purpose of examining into means, with the desire to hold the scales evenly between the State and the unemployed person. The present method of investigating appeals, the delay in deciding appeals, and the inevitable result of the appeals against the particular person concerned, or very largely against him, seem to indicate a policy of steadily abandoning, in that way, the principle of paying unemployment assistance. I feel that that is a matter that ought to be brought to the notice of the House and of the Minister. I ask the Parliamentary Secretary responsible for this branch of the Department's work to have the delay in issuing decisions in appeals and the general procedure by which the Act is administered examined with a view to the improvement which it very much needs at the present time.

I rise to voice my approval of the Minister's industrial policy and to express to himself and to his Department my appreciation of the progress that policy has made during the past four or five years. The constituency which I represent — North Cork — has benefited to a certain degree by that policy of industrial revival and the only thing I regret is that still more of the benefits of that revival are not conferred on the constituency. Like some previous speakers, I regard the agricultural industry as the premier industry and I hope it will remain so for many a long day. But, unlike previous speakers, I believe that the Minister's industrial policy is a help to agriculture and to the agriculturist. Deputy Hughes alleged that the Minister's industrial policy had a stranglehold on agriculture. I hold a different view. I believe that the industrial programme and the industrial policy of the country will help agriculture and that the more industries we have established here, the better chance the agriculturist will have. Exception was taken to certain tariffs imposed by the Minister's Department — tariffs, for instance, on artificial manures and manure distributors.

Deputy Hughes seemed to lay great stress on tariffs on artificial manures and on manure distributors. My experience of foreign artificial manures— someone mentioned superphosphates— is that tariff or no tariff farmers would not use foreign manures as long as they could get the Irish-made article at a reasonable price. I think Deputy Hughes himself would agree with that. As regards manure distributors, one would imagine on listening to Deputy Hughes that every ounce of artificial manure used in the State was dumped with the aid of manure distributors. I want to point out that in this matter the 33? per cent. tariff is really no hardship on the farming community so far as artificial manure distributors are concerned. In my opinion the amount of artificial manure distributed through the medium of artificial distributors would not in this country be 10 per cent. The other 90 per cent. is distributed by the God-given machine namely, the worker on the land.

I notice from the Estimate that the item for mineral exploration is reduced from £7,500 to £2,000. That is one thing with which I disagree. I think that the more mineral exploration we have in this country the better. The sooner the whole country is explored so as to see whether we have minerals or not, the better it is for the country. We want to know how we really stand as regards minerals. I would like to suggest to the Minister that he might think it worth his while to spend more money in exploring the coal fields in Cork. In the absence of borings it is really hard to say whether the workings of these coal fields would be an economic proposition or not. If it is found from borings not to be an economic proposition we need not worry any more about it. If it is found to be an economic proposition then we should take steps to develop it.

Deputy Murphy mentioned about asbestos slates replacing ordinary slates. I regret that that is the case but I hold the fault lies not with the Government policy, with the builders or with the public. The fault lies with the quarry owners and their management of the quarries. When the housing boom started a few years ago there was a very great demand for slate. I regret to say that I was shown several samples of slates from certain quarries which convinced me that the owners or managers of these quarries were not careful about the stuff they put on the market. It seems to me they thought anything was good enough so long as it had the name of slate.

I would like to appeal to the Minister to review the means test as it applies to people in receipt of unemployment assistance. There has been too much tightening up of the means test in the case of people applying for unemployment assistance. I would ask that that matter should be gone into sympathetically. There is unfortunately a big unemployment problem, notwithstanding the fact that that problem is not now so acute as it was some years ago. Nevertheless it is there. The only suggestion I wish to make in regard to that is that all Parties inside and outside the House as well as the general public should keep in the forefront of their minds the determination of doing their little bit as best as they can to help to relieve that situation. It is not any help either inside or outside the House for any one Party to shout political catch cries at the other Party. It is action that is wanted. This is a problem that requires action along with a favourable atmosphere in which to help to solve it. I regret that we do not always get that favourable atmosphere, particularly in this House. The Government are doing their best to grapple with the problem and they have succeeded to a large extent. I am sorry to say the only help they get from across the Floor of the House is "the plan." That is shouted across the Floor. Those who shout that tried their own plan with the public last June and their plan did not work.

As a farmer, and as one having a keen interest in the agricultural life of the country, I welcome this industrial development. I see the justice of protecting industries as well as protecting agriculture. All countries have gone in for the protection of their various industries, and we have to do the same. The more industries are developed in the country, the greater will be the help these will give to the agriculturists. It is by more development, both industrially and agriculturally, that we can hope for the solution of our unemployment problem.

The Minister's speech this evening might have been made by one of the officers of his Department in detailing what administrative work had been done during the year. So far as his own political conduct of the Department is concerned, or rather the political policy of the Government with regard to industry is concerned, we were left without any information of any sort of kind. The Deputy who has just spoken might perhaps have been a more suitable person to move this Vote than the Minister, because he was more optimistic than the Minister was so far as one could gather from his speech. The Deputy who has just sat down said that, in looking for the fruits of the policy that has been in operation for the past six or seven years, we ought not to have political catch-cries in connection with unemployment. I wonder when did the wisdom of making that statement come to the Deputy? I recollect seven or eight years ago his Leader telling the people of this country: "Do not let Cosgrave or McGilligan deceive you about solving the unemployment problem. It is not so easy to solve that problem in any country in the world as here. Do not let them deceive you." Now we have the Minister's confession that after seven years trying to solve unemployment with the assistance of Deputy Meaney and with the assistance of the Prime Minister there are 100,000 persons on the unemployment list. Emigration is as big as ever it was, industrial expansion, notwithstanding all the facts, has failed and there is a decreasing population in the countryside with unemployment as rife as ever it was. Those are not statements from this side of the House at all. They are the Minister's own statements.

Now we are asked to co-operate. To co-operate in what? For continuing that policy? We are asked to co-operate in remedying a situation of which the gentlemen opposite and the optimistic Deputy are the architects, builders and surveyors. We cannot co-operate in that work. We can co-operate on a sound basis of industrial, commercial and agricultural expansion in this country. But there is no plan over there. There is no agricultural policy at the present moment. They are looking for one. Have they got it? From their speeches made here this evening they are merely looking for an industrial policy. We are told that there are a number of people on the Continent of Europe in places where life is not as secure as it is here, who are willing to embark upon industrial expansion in this country, and that the prospects are quite rosy.

"Five" is a very popular figure in Europe at the present time. It was almost patented in Russia, where they have a five-years plan. Now, we have here in this country five critical years ahead of us. The optimism of the Deputy is not reflected in the speeches of the Minister. Why? Because there was no industrial plan at all at any time on the part of either the Government or their supporters. What they had was a policy of piling on tariffs, whether or not they were well-advised, whether or not they would produce good results, whether or not they were going to hunt people out of the country, and denude the countryside of the finest peasantry in the whole world. We are asked to co-operate. In what respect are we expected to co-operate? Is it in increasing taxation, and rendering it still more difficult for those who are engaged in industry or in agriculture to carry on their business? What is the policy of the Government in regard to it? The Revaluation Bill? We can leave out of consideration altogether such interruptions of the normal course of business as the Offences Against the State Bill and the Treason Bill, although it might be possible under one of those Bills to put a man in the dock for objecting to the enormous taxation that is imposed upon the people. We learned from one of those speeches of the Minister, or one of those statements, that we have stopped certain things coming into this country which came in formerly, such things as bacon and butter, and that we are now reserving the home market exclusively for our own people. I wonder if the Minister ever took pains to examine what the result of that policy was — whether, where formerly we were able to consume 4 lbs. of bacon, we are now consuming only three — and whether those who consider that the costs of production are too high paid no attention whatever to the cost of living in this country. If by reason of an increase in the cost of living, wages or other costs increase, it must be reflected in the added cost of the article that is in production. The Deputy who has just spoken said he was a farmer, and that he was in favour of industrial expansion.

So are we all, but we do not want industrial expansion which puts the farmer out of business. We do not want industrial expansion which will put ten men into employment and throw out 100 men. If one examines this industrial expansion at its best, it will be found that for every man put into industrial occupation there is a man taken out of employment on the land. We are told now that if we want to maintain and increase our industrial expansion we must maintain and increase profitable production on the land. That is very easily said, but, if one examines how those who are on the land had to conduct their business during the last five or six years, it will be seen how difficult it is to expect them to get anything out of the land. During the period when bacon was allowed to be imported into this country, and when butter could be imported into this country, the surplus of agricultural produce sold out of the country — when I say "surplus" I mean a net surplus, a surplus which provides for every single item of agricultural produce that was brought into the country — the average revenue to the farmer of this country was £50 in 1931. What has it been for the last six years? It has been £26 — a loss of £24 — and the Deputy-farmer is well satisfied with it. Of course he may be; he may be one of those fortunate ones, but they are not all fortunate. They are not all members of the Dáil. They have not all got shares in the new industrial businesses which are paying dividends.

The Deputy may have them.

I have not a penny in them.

I have not either.

Any investment I have in this country, or had, was in the old, well-established industry that was in the country. That is the point which was neglected in connection with the industrial expansion which has taken place— that the costs of maintaining or conducting the older established industries in this country were to some extent prejudiced by an ill-advised expenditure which the Minister indulged in. Take his own Estimate; there is no item this year, but there was £194,000 last year for industrial alcohol. Is there any member of this House who would put his money into an investment of that kind? Would the Minister put his own money into it?

It is on account of fool projects such as that that the cost of living is rising, and that the investing public of this country will look much more suspiciously for the future at industrial prospectuses of one kind or another. If we are going to have industrial expansion in this country, it must be and it ought to be out of the savings of the people. It ought not to be of the speculative order. If we have an increase in our industrial progress and in industrial goods, without expanding upon our savings, it does not matter to us in a case of that kind whether or not Continental conditions are favourable or unfavourable. The Banking Commission report gives us the information that in the year 1929 the industrial exports of this country amounted to £1,600,000. Nine years afterwards, after all this great industrial expansion which we have had, they amounted to £600,000 — £1,000,000 down. One would imagine that after this intensive, efficient, great push, there would have been reflected in our exports some real evidence of that expansion. Instead of that, what have we lost? We have lost practically £1,000,000. It is no pleasure in the world to us to have to say those things. It is no pleasure to read the Minister's own condemnation of this policy, or at any rate his confession that his policy has not been the success which seven years ago he told us it was going to be.

We want to know what co-operation we are going to get in this country from the Ministry itself — how they are going to reduce the costs. If the industrialists and the agriculturists and every other person engaged in business in this country are going to be asked to be efficient, confident, and careful, are we going to see the same efficiency, the same competency and the same carefulness on the part of the Ministry? Are we going to have less of this extravagance which has distinguished the Administration during the last six or seven years? We should like to know also what the Minister has done during the last 12 months in connection with the Prices Commission. If a British manufacturer, or the British Government, as the case may be, cites a particular firm to appear before the Prices Commission, we should like to know whether or not the Ministry takes any interest in that, what action it takes, what help it gives, if it gives any, and whether it interferes with the prospects of those firms that are so engaged in making their case before the Prices Commission. If co-operation is expected we expect also co-operation on the part of the Ministry for what they can do in that connection. We would like more efficiency, very much more efficiency at a lower cost.

If I were to take the case that has been mentioned by the Minister, I could not gather exactly from what he said what he meant. If he meant that by reason of the storage of 50,000 tons of wheat in this country, the people had to pay 1/- a sack more for the flour that would be milled from that wheat, I say that is fairly expensive. If, on the other hand, he meant that we have got to pay 1/- per sack during the whole of the year for six weeks' supply, then I say that that is beyond all contemplation. I hope the Minister did not mean that. There is a great desire on the part of the general public in this country for many years to support Irish industry. It is all nonsense to say that there is an objection to the purchase of Irish goods. Whatever objection there is to-day is to that kind of product, for which it is beyond the people's capacity to pay and which is not up to ordinary standards of quality. Industrialists themselves are amongst those who object to that. It should be the pride, and certainly would be the desire, of all sections of the community to see certain commodities manufactured here but there was no great cry for industrial alcohol. There was no great cry for such an extension of the sugar beet industry as has been made. There was no need in connection with the growing of wheat or the milling of flour here to mulct people with the costs that they had entailed. All the efforts that were made in connection with the big industry have been according to the Prices Commission very expensive. If these are the fruits of the policy of the Government during the last seven years, one need not wonder at the cost of living being what it is. If a desire is expressed either for co-operation or for the continuance of industrial production in this country, then it is up to the Government to ensure that the cost of living will be reduced and that those who are engaged, either in production or craftsmanship, will be able to live in frugal comfort on their earnings.

In what I consider to be a very pessimistic speech delivered by the Minister for Industry and Commerce at Inchicore on yesterday, he asked for the co-operation of all Parties and all people in his industrial endeavours. In so far as this Party is concerned, I think we have always shown earnestness in our co-operation. For a considerable time after Fianna Fáil became the Government of this country, we were brought into consultation with the Government and were told what their industrial outlook was. After a time, of course, we got the cold shoulder. I think we are entitled to ask what co-operation the Government require. At what stage is the co-operation needed? Is it when an industry has become an accomplished fact in a district? Everybody knows that Deputies, other than Government Deputies, are the last to be told when an industry is to be established in a certain district. If there is to be co-operation, I think the members of other Parties in the Dáil should be permitted to enter at the front door and be told in the initial stages of an industry what the Government's policy is.

I suggest that it is impossible to see in the policy of the Department any settled plan or ordered development relating to industry in this country. The Anglo-Irish Agreement cut across what appeared to be the industrial policy of the Government over 12 months ago. The first shock of that policy, I suppose, was unavoidable but I think the people are entitled to know now, 12 months after that Agreement has been reached, what definitely is the industrial policy of this Government. Is it necessary that traders and the public should be kept in suspense, watching what is going on behind closed doors at the Prices Commission? Industry is, I think it will be admitted, in a very precarious position in this country when the development of industry is dependent upon, to a great extent, the views of British manufacturers because we all know that under the Anglo-Irish Agreement it is only necessary for a British manufacturer who has a new rival in this country, to bring that fact to the notice of the British Government who will in turn bring it to the notice of the Irish Government and that the matter will then be investigated. We are not going to get industry of any stability on a basis of that kind.

Deputy Childers, when he rose to speak, told us that he wanted to bring the debate back to a sense of proportion. Well, I do not think he reached any particular degree of proportion while he was speaking. I do not think that the historical survey he made will be any great consolation to the 100,000 people who are unemployed in this country. His speech from beginning to end was a lecture, and most of the lecture was devoted to telling the working class that they should give more output, and he asked the Minister to inquire into the position of the working class in so far as output was concerned. As far as output is concerned, we, in this Party, have always advocated that a man should give a fair day's work for a fair day's wage, but it is very hard to reach a position of that kind when there is so little employment in the country.

It is only human nature to expect that if a man gets only three or four months' employment in a year, and does not know what he will do for the remaining period, you are not going to get the best from that man. We want some kind of planned industry, and in that connection I recommend to the Minister what the members of this Party have already recommended, that an industrial advisory board should be set up to find out the real needs, to see what the country is capable of producing, and in what direction we should develop industry. When the Minister arrives at that stage we will be in a better position as far as industry is concerned.

We were told on various occasions that 300 or 400 new factories had been established. Perhaps that is so but, in spite of all, it is very peculiar that we have still 106,000 unemployed. We are entitled to ask how that is so considering the new factories that have been established. We must assume that the establishment of these factories has been, in some way, responsible for closing other factories, or for closing some other forms of work. During the past two or three years the unemployment figures have been increasing. On March the 20th, the number of persons registered as unemployed was 106,048, and the corresponding figures for March 22nd, 1938, were 101,329, and for March 22nd, 1937, 92,847. Taking the statistics for March, 1932, 22,548 belonged to the insured members of the Industry and Commerce group. The corresponding figures for this class in March, 1938, were 23,095, and in March, 1937, only 19,631. I suggest that that reflects a very serious situation. As far as the Minister's statement was concerned, I suggest that it was a pessimistic one, and that he must have been thinking of these figures, which are a true reflex of the situation that prevails. We are certainly faced with a very serious situation. While new factories have been established the numbers unemployed are increasing, and increasing amongst a decreasing population, because it has to be admitted that people are leaving the country daily.

That is unfortunate, but it is true. The condition of the unemployed is certainly very serious. Deputy Hickey read a letter concerning a man in County Cork whose position was not a very enviable one. I think the letter reflects the position of a great many people. The amount of money given under the Unemployment Assistance Act is not at all sufficient to keep body and soul together. No matter what the cost, I am afraid the Minister will have to reconsider the position as far as these people are concerned.

In the course of the Minister's speech he referred to the fact that his Party was not yet in a position to implement the position of small harbours. I suggest that the implementation is long overdue, because the smaller ports are suffering. They suffered considerably in recent years in consequence of the economic war. I suggest to the Minister that the only concern of his Department appears to have been that of the larger ports. I have in mind the position in Wexford. The Minister knows that, as far back as 1932, representations were made to the Department in connection with the development of that harbour, and he advised at that time that an expert should be employed to make a survey. He went so far as to name the expert, and it cost Wexford Harbour Commissioners in or about £1,000. A scheme was prepared and sent to the Department, but it was sent back to be amended, and then, when amended, between the Department and the Board of Works it was completely turned down. There were two or three expert minds, with a good deal of experience of the development of harbours, brought to bear on the scheme; yet it was turned down by the Minister. As I mentioned, that cost the harbour commissioners a good deal more money than they could afford.

It might have saved them a lot of money.

It saved the Government a lot of money. I say that the harbour commissioners were treated very badly. I wish to refer also to the question of reciprocity as far as insurance is concerned. In February, by way of a supplementary question, I asked if the Minister had been in touch with the British Government regarding reciprocity in the payment of national health insurance and unemployment insurance, and he stated that he had. About a week or so afterwards it was discovered, through another question, that the Minister had not been in touch with the British Government since 1932 or 1933. Now that there are better relations between the two Governments, I urge the Minister to get in touch with the British Government again with a view to having this question settled. As he knows, it is causing a lot of confusion and hardship, and he would be doing a good day's work if he could get something done about it.

There is one thing with which I agree in Deputy Childers' statement, and that concerns the tourist traffic. The Minister made a statement before the Tourist Development Association last year and promised certain financial support. As he indicated to-day a promise was given prior to the Christmas holidays to introduce a Bill. The Bill has not seen the light of day, but I appeal to the Minister to let us have it as quickly as possible, as those interested in tourist development are, so to speak, marking time for some months, waiting for the Bill to be issued, so that they can frame a programme. No matter what Deputy Gorey said, tourist development has been responsible for bringing to this country in recent years large numbers of people, who would not have come here were it not for the fact that that association was there.

These people come here and they put a good deal of money into circulation. That helps the farmers indirectly, because they produce the foodstuffs that these people help to consume. I think the numbers that visited this country last year and in the previous year proved a record as far as tourist traffic is concerned. This is an industry which should be developed and to which attention should be paid. I congratulate the Minister on coming to the aid of the Tourist Development Association. In the course of his remarks Deputy Hughes complained about manure distributors that were supplied to farmers. I come from the town where these machines are manufactured and I never heard anything about them but praise. In fact, the manufacturers cannot turn them out fast enough. I have never yet heard of complaints.

If there are any, I am perfectly satisfied that if the attention of the management was directed to them, they would be adjusted and any possible cause of complaint removed. I think any person should be very careful before getting up in an Assembly like this to decry an Irish industry. That industry is responsible for the employment of 300 or 400 men in Wexford. I believe it could do even better work, as I was told recently that one firm was importing parts that could be made there. They are capable of being made there and I should like the Minister to make some investigation into it, because there is what I consider to be abnormal employment in the agricultural implement industry at the moment.

Did the Deputy say "abnormal employment" or "abnormal unemployment"?

I am sorry; I think I did say "abnormal employment". I should have said abnormal unemployment at this time of the year. To come back again to the question of unemployment, before this Government came into office, they very definitely accepted the solving of the unemployment problem. I know that they made very great efforts, but I suggest that at the moment the public bodies are being asked to carry too great a burden. I can speak for Wexford Corporation and there the unemployment problem is costing directly a sum of 2/8 in the £. That is too much for a small municipality to be called upon to pay, to do something which, to my mind, is the duty of the Government, because they accepted it as being their problem. The fact that 2/8 in the £ has to be levied by the local authority prevents them from having money to do useful work in the provision of social services and things of that kind.

There is a levy of 9d. in the £, through the medium of the poor rate, being paid by towns like Wexford, Sligo and places of the same population. It is necessary to levy a rate of 10d.in the £ in order to get the full 9d. because of the fact that there were certain remissions of rates. The Minister is not even satisfied with that. He must get the full levy of what 9d. in the £ would be capable of producing, if one could levy a rate on the gross valuation. Owing to remissions, however, it is necessary to strike a rate of 10d. Since that levy was fixed under the Unemployment Assistance Act, the Government have reduced their contribution to the Unemployment Assistance Fund, and I do not think it is too much to ask that the Government should also give a reduction to the local authorities. Local bodies at the moment are at their wits' end to try to lighten the burdens on local ratepayers, but when we are faced with a position in which 2/8 in the £ has to be paid to do what I consider to be the Government's job, I think too much is being asked of the local authorities, and I ask the Minister to consider the matter.

It is rather difficult to understand the criticism by Opposition Deputies on this question of tariffs. No matter how tariffs might be subjected to fair and due criticism in certain details, to try to correlate the existence of tariffs with the condition of the people and with the flight of the people from the land is not a justifiable attitude. One has to remember that the flight from the land is not something which has occurred since the application of tariffs in this country, say, 20 years ago, and more intensely applied during the last ten years. The flight from the land is a very old problem and it varies just in proportion as the opportunities in outside countries offer attractions to the young people to leave this country. I know the conditions of country life pretty well, having lived in the country all my life, and if there is one reason more than another why the people are leaving the land, it is, and, to my mind, it is the principal cause, that there are already too many people living on the land.

That, perhaps, may not apply to certain parts of the country, to the Midlands, and perhaps parts of the South, but in the West of Ireland there are definitely far too many people forced to live on the land, too many both from the standpoint of the area of land available for the family and the standpoint of the quality of the land. There must be an exit; there must be a way out found. At the same time, we have an effort made to suggest that tariffs in some way are responsible for the decrease in the marriage rate. It has nothing to do with it. The decrease in the marriage rate is the outcome of that vicious system by which we have concentrated on land in the congested areas more people than the land can possibly maintain. The result is that the young people, who should get married in the normal way at ages between 20 and 30 years, are restricted by the number of the family in excess of what the holding can maintain. These people do not marry until late in life, and probably not at all. The problem is how to get some of the people off the land. Nobody will assert that our total production from the land could not be achieved by a much fewer number of people, if modern methods were applied to farming, and since our principal market is in an outside country, where we have to compete against farmers who are producing under conditions very different from ours, it is only reasonable that if we are to take advantage of and develop this agricultural programme, which the Opposition seem to think is the only possible programme for advancement in this country, we must naturally reduce the number of people who are to be maintained on the country. There is an alternative, but it must be one or the other. The alternative is to bring our people back to the standard of living which our forefathers had on these farms.

The Deputy's view is that the flight from the land is not fast enough?

In some districts yes, definitely. We must, as an alternative, get back to the conditions under which our people lived as peasants, when the area of their survey or travel in the course of their lives was probably ten miles, and when their method of travelling was usually on foot or on horseback, if they possessed a horse. That form of living has disappeared. Many other attractions have arisen and people in the country must now find the means to pay 'bus fares, to pay for a seat in a motor-car, and money to maintain the family in a fairly modern form of dress, for attendance at functions such as dances and such things. If there is a way by which these modern facilities can be eradicated from the rural areas, and the old-fashioned notion of rigidly living within the confines of ten or 12 miles all their lives, strictly within the province of their own farms and on the output of their own homes for clothing and for provisions, substituted, we can maintain a much higher number of people on the land than ever before, because we have more scientific means of producing a greater output per acre than our forefathers.

I was rather surprised that Deputy Cosgrave should have attacked rather viciously the wheat scheme, the peat scheme, and some other schemes. I say that every one of these industries is a national asset. Will anyone, looking at the world situation to-day, say that it is not sound national policy to build a reserve of essential foodstuffs, regardless of cost, for the possible emergency this country will have to face when, as the outcome of present war preparations, war occurs? We all concede — on the Opposition bench as well as here — that expenditure in preparation for war should be made in the form of guns, aeroplanes, and such expenditure as that, but surely nobody will deny that the provision of food supplies is the first essential, and that every ounce of effort that can be put into development on these lines should be put into it, and is good national expenditure and should not meet with opposition from any responsible leader in this country.

Anyone who has experience of country life will know with what anxiety a father or mother of children looks to somebody to see if employment can be found for one of their children. No parent in this country wants to see his or her child leave the country if employment can be found for the children here at home, and let me tell those people who feel that criticism of the effort to industrialise this country will have a popular effect and make a popular appeal to the farmers of this country that they are immensely mistaken. The prospect of finding employment in this country in any work that will maintain their children will be supported by the parents in this country because they love their children and love to see them remain at home in this country if it is possible to find employment for them here. Every industry that is started is a ray of hope to these parents in the area in which the industry is started. In that connection, my only objection is that the Government have not given fuller consideration to the placing or distributing of industries, not so much from the viewpoint of what is an economic position in which an industry should be established, but from the point of view of placing these industries in areas where the population is in excess of what the land can maintain. On that ground I found fault with the Government, and I still have that objection and say that their plan has not been as effective as it should have been.

I am one who holds that no undue expenditure has been applied to the farming community in this country that the farming community generally are not quite prepared to carry in so far as that expenditure gives any hope of providing employment for their children. Farmers, on the other hand, undoubtedly, have had the advantage of fairly substantial facilities in the way of gratuities, bounties and so on given in every direction in the form of protection to their own industry. Those who are engaged in the dairying industry know perfectly well that if it were not for the protection given to that industry over the last seven years the industry would be in an impossible position. Similarly, those engaged in the poultry and egg business are well aware of the same facts.

What facts?

Protection for the poultry and egg industry, certainly.

In the name of God, what is the protection that is given to the egg and poultry business, except to wipe it out?

I suggest that that would more properly arise on the agricultural Estimate.

I quite agree, but the Minister should give that advice to his supporter.

Deputy Dillon spoke for two hours to-day.

So far as the pig industry is concerned, an amount of protection also has been given to the farmers and producers. So that, so far as the farmers are concerned, they have had a reasonable return from the industrial effort of the Government. What I want to emphasise, and what I want to make clear is this: that the whole system of the Government is a strong endeavour to make a national, sound economy here at home. Let us visualise the position if the situation in Europe should develop and a great war should occur, and that in that war England were beaten. What would become of the prospects of our market there?

Hear, hear!

Our market is there dependent upon the surplus population in England. The population of England is about 40,000,000, and should she lose her power she would have to reduce that population to the normal number of people that could be maintained by her area, which population would be something in the nature of 7,000,000 or 8,000,000, or perhaps a little more. What would be the prospect then with regard to the development of our agricultural produce for export?

Why not supply your own people here first? Why should not your own people here be your first consideration with regard to supplying them with agricultural produce?

Are they not being supplied here at home?

They are not.

I think that is rather strange because in the case of many commodities or foodstuffs, of which there might be a possible shortage for our own people, they are actually being conserved here. Take the case of butter.

The majority of the people have not the money to buy it.

It is unfortunate if they have not, but in so far as it is possible to do so by the tariff protection the Government have offered they have endeavoured to secure for the farmer a reasonable price and they have ensured for the farmer, in the case of many commodities, a price much higher than he would get in a world market, as well as endeavouring, in industrial undertakings, to ensure a higher rate of wages for the workers here, in many cases, than is paid to the workers in similar industries in England. In view of all that, nobody can say that the Government have not made an honest effort to meet the situation, but it must be borne in mind that if the storm that now seems to be gathering in Europe were to lead to a great war and result in the destruction and overthrow of the British Empire, then the outlet for our agricultural products would be very limited.

That is very true. The Deputy never spoke a truer word in his life.

In that situation, would it be considered desirable that we should stop or limit alternative employment in this country and that we should concentrate entirely on agricultural production and neglect every other industry in the country? If our people, who are now employed in England, came back here because England's industries were closed and were no longer able to employ them, and we had to sell our farm produce to somebody else and buy, from somewhere else outside, the things that are manufactured, where would that market be found?

Is it not infinitely more sane to ensure, at least at this juncture, that our whole economy with regard to food supplies and industrial things should be provided here at home? It is not a question of the difference in the increased cost of living here or there which may occur as a result of that policy. Probably, it has occurred in connection with many industries because, in the beginnings of any industrial undertaking, workers will not be as efficient in the first few years as those who have been engaged in similar industries for a longer period; but if we have a belief in the intelligence and capacity of our people we must assume that, in a given time, they will be equally as effective and efficient as workers in other countries; and, aiming at the general stability of this country here, the only effective policy to pursue is that of efficiency in our agriculture and efficiency in our industries, and both must go hand in hand if this country is to survive.

Hear, hear! That was a very sensible speech.

It has been suggested from the Government side of the House that we on this side have no industrial policy. We may not have a purely industrial policy but we have what some people call an industrial agricultural policy, or what I should prefer to call, if it could be so arranged, an agricultural industrial policy. If the Ministry were so minded and had adopted that principle in relation to their general economy, many of the things that occurred during the last five or six years would have been prevented. I often thought that it was rather a pity that the dual offices of Minister for Agriculture and Minister for Industry and Commerce could not be combined under one head: that the Minister for Industry and Commerce could not also control agriculture in this country or vice versa, that the Minister for Agriculture could not control industry and commerce in this country. If that could have been done, I believe that many of the things that have happened in this country would not have happened.

If the Minister for Industry and Commerce were responsible for agriculture he would have engaged in a much different kind of policy than he has. If, on the other hand, the Minister for Agriculture was Minister for Industry and Commerce, he would hesitate a long time before he engaged in some of the activities that the Minister for Industry and Commerce has engaged in.

This debate has drawn some remarkable statements from Deputies. Perhaps I might first refer to the remarks of the last speaker. It is a rather new proposition in this House, coming particularly from the Fianna Fáil benches, that the reason the people are fleeing from the land is that there are already too many people on the land. That is an enunciation that I could not have imagined coming from the Fianna Fáil benches. I remember, five or six years ago, we were engaged debating the wheat policy and the policies of other Ministers, and when some of us on this side ventured to prophesy some of the things that have happened, one of the arguments made here was that there were going to be hundreds of thousands of people put into employment by the wheat and the other policies of the Government, and we were faced with a comparison of the millions of people in this country 60 or 80 years ago. That was one of the stock arguments — the number of people on the land 60 or 80 years ago. Almost every Deputy in the Fianna Fáil Party suggested that it would be well for the country if we got back to the position that we occupied 60 or 80 years ago when we had, not 2,750,000, but 7,000,000 or 8,000,000. When some of us suggested, as Deputy Maguire suggests now, that we did not maintain the 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 people, it was rammed down our throats that we were talking nonsense. I am one of the persons who has always held that we never maintained 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 people here. We had them, but we did not maintain them.

It is to me a remarkable renunciation of the policy for which the Minister for Industry and Commerce is primarily responsible, when a Deputy on the Fianna Fáil back benches says that the Minister's policy, in effect, has reduced the agricultural community to such a state that they are fleeing from the land. The Deputy who has just spoken attributes almost all the evils that have arisen to what he calls the over-accumulation of people on the land. All over the country, school managers, clergymen and everybody whom I have spoken to, are lamenting the decrease in the population on the land, and now we have a prominent member of the Fianna Fáil Party telling us there are too many people on the land. Almost every day when the Dáil meets I see questions on the Order Paper from Deputies over there looking for parcels of land for people. It was supposed to be one of the foremost policies of that Party to put extra people on the land. If there is anything in the arguments put forward during debates here in the House, that would seem to be the foremost plank in their policy.

Yes, to take them out of the bogs and put them on the good land.

You want to put them on the land and your colleague tells us that one of the reasons for our present-day evils, for the ills from which we are suffering, is that there are too many people in the country.

When Deputy Bennett was in Deputy Maguire's constituency he told me that he would not live on 10,000 acres there — that he could not live on it.

As regards the decrease in the marriage rate, the same argument was put forward, that there were too many people on the land and they could not marry. He did not put forward the other argument, that they had not the wherewithal to marry, that the Minister's policy had put them in such a position that they could not afford to marry. I, too, was interested in the Minister's speech of yesterday. One of the captions in the newspapers was to the effect that there were five critical years ahead.

One almost dreads to envisage what is going to happen in the next five years if the lesson of the last five years is to be taken as an index. Are we going to have 100,000 added to the 100,000 unemployed that we have to-day? Are we going to have another 75,000 added to the numbers who have migrated to other places, looking for work? Are we going to have another 25,000 of a decrease in the population? Are those some of the things that will be experienced in the critical five years ahead?

The Minister asks co-operation from all the people in his policy. Does he expect co-operation from the impoverished farmers who cannot live, who are not able to pay their way or to employ labour? Does he expect co-operation from that type of man, or even from the unfortunate labourer? The numbers of unemployed have gone up to 100,000. Every day there are more unemployed. The cost of living has increased beyond the vision of any man.

They are prepared to work if they can get an opportunity of working; they are entitled to that, but they get no chance.

Evidently they are. One Fianna Fáil Deputy whom I heard here said that the Minister's policy had no effect on agriculture, that it was, indeed, a benefit to agriculture. Deputy Maguire lent further force to that argument and suggested that we agriculturists were benefiting out of all reason by the industrial policy of the Minister. Where is the benefit? Let us take one or two comparisons between 1914 and 1939. We are getting about the same price for our produce, through the efforts of a beneficent Fianna Fáil Government, as we were getting in the years before the Great War. But our cost of living, mainly because of the policy of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and his Government, has gone up by — I cannot really calculate how much. I think it would take the Minister and his staff a week to calculate the exact increase.

The main reason why we were plunged into all the difficulties that now confront us is because the Government have not combined, with their industrial policy, an agricultural policy. They were in such a hurry to proceed with their insane idea for general industrial development in this country that they forgot agriculture: they forgot the repercussions which their policy would have on agriculture. There might have been some sanity in their policy if they did not move so quickly. Like he child, they should have learned to creep before they started to walk, but they did not do that. They commenced in a hurry and proceeded in a hurry, and apparently they could not get on quickly enough for some Ministers. So that there would be nothing to hamper their activities, they forced a Bill through the Dáil, and they put on the closure in order to get it passed. It was under the guise of an emergency measure, and it was called the Emergency (Imposition of Duties) Bill. It was to give them power to adopt tariffs in this country without due consideration being given to them. The House was forced to pass that measure, and the closure was put on, as I have said. It was presumed that it was a temporary measure, but it is there still. It is still being operated, and some of the regulations and the tariffs that were made under it were brought up in this House for review some eight or ten months after they were an accomplished fact. I move to report progress.

Progress reported, the Committee to sit again to-morrow.
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