It is disgusting and degrading. The only thing I must refer to I do with distaste. What is more contemptible than the man who is willing to wound but afraid to strike? What is more contemptible than the man who gets up in public and says: "So-and-so has done wrong and you are responsible for him, but I will not tell you who he is; I will not tell you where the wrong was done; I will not tell you who was injured, because I do not want to give you the chance of repairing what was wrong. I want to have it to talk about in fairs and markets. I want to have it to say that it could not be contradicted, but I will not add that I was too cowardly to give it form, so that it could effectively be challenged". Shame on the creature who strikes from behind and runs. He should be proud of his valiant assassination of some public servant's character. He can boast of it when he gets back to County Wexford. None can daunt him. He is prepared to face the doughtiest challenge, always provided that he does it in the dark.
Deputy Cogan spoke of three officers calling on a farmer who made an application. I thought he was going to say that it took at least a year, but to my gratification they called promptly; they gave an estimate. I was beginning to glow with satisfaction until the second trio entered. Up to that point all might be well but when the second trio began to tell the farmer he ought to approach the county T.D.s I confess my optimistic hopes began to flag. It is not impossible at this early stage, when we are training staff and trying to establish procedure, that you might have three junior men going just to learn their job and three responsible officers following in their footsteps to ensure that they are giving full satisfaction. We are only a fortnight at it and we are trying to bind ourselves to see that the least experienced member of our staff will not be a reproach to anybody. There is no other way we can do it, except by sending chaps out with an experienced man and, for superior precaution, going round in a selected number of places and asking farmers, "Did the fellows who called on you give you every satisfaction and look after everything?" I do not think I have any apology to make. On the contrary, that is what I wish them to do because I wish all officers in this project to train in their obligation to have as their primary objective the satisfying of the farmers' requirements.
That explanation I think is possible, but the Deputy may rest assured that the matter will be closely examined. If that is the explanation, I want to make it clear that far from censuring any officers in connection with this incident I shall commend them, as they have done admirably what I would have them do. The Deputy is no doubt aware that the matter is one of such a highly specialised character that the Otto Cahn Endowment made large sums available to carry out extensive experiments in the Welsh mountains, which are similar to our Wicklow mountains. The objection to raising the level of fertility in certain circumstances is that it becomes uneconomic. A variety of factors enter into the matter which render the problem a complicated one, and it must be dealt with in that spirit. Any attempt to do it absolutely may result in a waste of money and a failure to achieve one's purpose. The danger is that if you attempt to raise the level of fertility higher than the elevation will permit and attempt to raise stock on it which require a higher degree of fertility to keep them in health, a farmer may incur heavy losses in trying to raise valuable stock under these circumstances.
Let us get this clear. The object of this project is not confined, as Deputy Derrig seems to think, to marginal land in the accepted sense of the term. We are not seeking to bring back into marginal production, land the operation of which would become uneconomic the moment normal trading returns. What we want to do is to go in on land which we can make arable by carrying out certain mechanical operations, the effective performance of which requires capital equipment that we can never reasonably hope the average individual farmer will be in a position to command. Unless we do that, we must reconcile ourselves to an unending future in which that land may be regarded as forever derelict. A strong economic argument can be put for the proposition that large areas of the land of this country are not economic, that we can evacuate the population and leave it to the seagulls. There are men who accept the Manchester School of Economics who would argue that very strongly. I reject that school of economics quite categorically and I say that we are not going to leave the land to the seagulls, economics or no economics. The Land War was not fought for economics and this project is not being prosecuted for economics. The Land War was fought to make the lives of our people on their own holdings happy.
The purpose of this project is to make the lives of our people on their own holdings happy. What we feel is that if you put land in a state of arability which will result in the man who works on his own holding getting a fair living, he may never expect to get rich or to accumulate great wealth on the land of Ireland, but he will be able to raise a decent family decently. That is a modest objective. I think it is worth £40,000,000 to enable my neighbours in my own country, if they work hard on their own holdings, to raise a decent family decently. If this House does not think it is worth £40,000,000, then the House should not pass this Estimate. That is the plain fact. I think we are purchasing something infinitely more precious than the Manchester School of Economists ever conceived. If anyone differs with me in that, he should challenge a division on this Estimate and put up a proposal that we evacuate large parts of this country and install seagulls. We can vote on one side for the people and on the other side for the seagulls.
As Deputy Cogan himself perceived, Deputy Allen is rushing in and Deputy Derrig is passionately stirred about giving everybody fertilisers for nothing. That is a great hobby-horse. When I asked Deputy Cogan what he had in mind, Deputy Cogan replied that the rate of the subsidy must depend on the price of the fertiliser. I want to assure Deputy Cogan that, in practice, what happens is that the price of the fertiliser depends on the rate of the subsidy. If I announced that there is going to be £1 per ton subsidy on "super", up will go the price of "super". If I make it £2, up again will go the price of "super". You would imagine that Fianna Fáil, for whom Deputy Allen and Deputy Derrig speak, subsidised fertilisers regularly. If Deputies will turn to column 1710 of Volume 115, No. 12, they will see that I showed the House that, year after year, Fianna Fáil went through all the motions of appropriating large sums to subsidise fertilisers and when the year was done they had not spent the money—not a penny. In one year they had to take back from the fertiliser manufacturers a large sum of money which they said they charged in excess. Did they give that money to the farmers who paid the excess prices? They did not—not a penny of it. It went into the Exchequer. Now, I welcome Deputy Allen's declaration on behalf of his Party and I endorse it. But I do not believe in paying the fertiliser manufacturers to bring down the price of fertilisers, not a bit of it. I welcome the assurance of Deputy Allen that I have the support of the Fianna Fáil Party in saying to the fertiliser manufacturers that they are going to bring prices down or we shall bring them down for them, and not by changing or chopping costings, etc., but by putting a factory down beside them. That is the way to bring down the price of fertilisers.
I am told that I should provide a subsidy for ground limestone. Seventyfive thousand pounds a year we have been shovelling out to subsidise burnt lime, but we have not spent one penny piece in subsidising ground limestone. Yet the smallest farmer can buy ground limestone in Ireland cheaper than he can buy it anywhere in Great Britain, and in Great Britain it carries a subsidy of a varying amount according to the transport associated with the delivery. Why should our people pay subsidies to any ring or monopoly in order to get the fertilisers which the land requires at the lowest possible price? So long as I am Minister for Agriculture we are not going to do it, but we are going to insist on getting such supplies of phosphates, potash, nitrogen and lime as our people may from time to time require at the lowest possible price. If the cartel will not supply it we will find another means, and I welcome the knowledge that Deputy Allen and his colleagues accept that so that we may be unanimous about it.
Deputy Smith says: "No matter how low the price of fertilisers is, still I would subsidise it because money is being lashed around." Why is it if a Minister for Agriculture in this country persuades the Government to make some money available for the farmers of the land it is being "lashed around," but if you buy a Constellation aircraft, that is not lashing money around, or if you plan to build a hotel in Glengarriff to cost £1,000,000 that is not lashing money around?