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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 22 Jun 1950

Vol. 121 No. 16

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27 — Agriculture (Resumed).

One of the matters in which I am particularly interested is the dairying industry. I would like the Minister to tell the House what progress he has made in developing the dairying industry and what encouragement he has given. I look upon dairying as one of our main industries. The Minister has from time to time made certain erratic statements covering this industry. It is typical of the Minister that he is so elusive that when he is cornered with a statement he makes to-day, he will have some other answer to-morrow and he will slip through just as an eel will slip through your fingers. That has been the attitude of the Minister regarding all phases of agriculture.

We have in my constituency at the moment a very plentiful supply of milk. A number of farmers who hitherto were not in it are going into the dairying industry. In fact, we are reaching saturation point as regards the production of milk. There are many of our dairymen finding it very difficult to dispose of all their milk. That is a serious problem in the County Dublin because the dairying industry there is one which gives good employment. I suggest that the Minister and his advisers should be keenly alive to a development of that kind and see what can be done to help those dairy farmers who have been in the industry for a long time as well as those who went into it in the last year or two. We have more milk there now than is required for ordinary consumption in the city and county of Dublin.

Certain dairy farmers in my area have reported to me that, at the moment, they have to send some of their milk to the chocolate factories.

Give me their names. Are they getting less than the fixed price for it?

I will give the Minister all the particulars.

Give them in the House.

As a matter of fact, on Tuesday last two dairy farmers were in with me from an area in north County Dublin where a number of farmers have gone into the dairying industry and they pointed out to me that they were not now able to dispose of all their milk. I know that to be true.

And you sat on it since Tuesday and did nothing about it.

I am talking about the representations that were made to me on Tuesday.

This is Thursday. What were you doing all day yesterday.

And the Deputy is in possession.

If the Minister moves two days after I give him this information, and if he is able to get a good market and a good price for the milk which those dairy farmers have to dispose of, I will be well satisfied.

Stop talking, sit down and write out their names and send them over to me.

More of our farmers in the County Dublin are now going in for the production of milk. In view of that, will the Minister consider setting up some centre in north County Dublin, or in the County Meath to which this surplus milk can be sent for the production of cheese, butter or cream? I notice that the Minister is saying something.

Well, I could not say it out loud.

Well, it is nice to think that I have got under the Minister's skin a wee bit. The Minister has always been very plausible on this point. In regard to the dairying industry he has made certain promises and statements from time to time. When he is replying, I hope he will tell me what his policy in the future is going to be as far as the over-production of milk in the County Dublin is concerned. I think I might also include the County Meath because the problem affects the farmers there, too. I have discussed it with Deputy Matt O'Reilly.

I thought so.

The Minister, when replying, can of course take advantage of me and, in his typical form, shower personal abuse on me. That is not going to deter me from putting the facts before the Minister as they have been given to me by my constituents.

I want to know now from the Minister how the farm building scheme, which was initiated by his predecessor, is getting along. I know that a number of farmers in the County Dublin have applied for grants for the reconstruction of their farm buildings. They are finding great difficulty in getting inspections made and in having the work carried out.

Did you give me their names?

There are really so many of them that it would take me some time to do so. However, I shall try.

You are chancing your arm in earnest now.

No, I do not chance my arm. The previous Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Smith, was the father and mother of that scheme. The present Minister has tried to misrepresent him a good deal by saying that there were so many letters and applications unopened in the Department that nothing was done.

He never said what you have said, that he was the father and mother of the scheme.

In view of the fact that the present Minister is so anxious to allege that all the miracles have happened since he became Minister for Agriculture, and that he has been responsible for everything, I want to make it clear that he had nothing to do with the promotion of that scheme. The only thing he did was to delay it for over 18 months. He succeeded in doing that in a very fine way by grossly misrepresenting the previous Minister as having neglected his duty. Of course, it is not a bit of trouble to the Minister to misrepresent anybody. Some day, when I am more wealthy than I am now, I will present him with a special cup. Representations have been made to me by several struggling farmers with small holdings of land in the County Dublin.

Struggling farmers in the County Dublin?

I suppose it takes all types to make up the world.

A struggle to get up in the morning, I suppose.

Those of them who are able to produce and rear their own cattle may be all right, but the position is different with the small man who has to buy calves on the market and rear them. Calves are very dear at the moment, and the man who has to do that finds it hard to make a profit out of cattle. These men have to carry on a system of mixed farming so as to maintain the fertility of the soil. The Minister has made a number of announcements dealing with millions of money.

I wonder whether he would not consider giving some money to such farmers through the Department of Agriculture. I know the Minister will tell me that the Agricultural Credit Corporation is there to do that. If one goes to that body one is only accepted if one's land is vested. There are still a number of tenants whose lands are not vested in them. They find it very hard to get money. We in Fianna Fáil set up the Agricultural Credit Corporation.

You what?

The trouble is that certain farmers are finding it hard to get loans from that body.

The Agricultural Credit Corporation was there before you were heard of.

We amended it a good deal. We made it easier for them to carry on. The Minister might bring out his magic wand again and do something in this connection just as he managed to grow green grass in old Ireland when he became Minister. I have given consideration for a number of years to this parish scheme proposal of the Minister's. I know what I am talking about in relation to this scheme. I visualise it as a scheme for assisting small farmers with uneconomic holdings who are forced to keep a horse or two horses on their land. Some sort of co-operative scheme should be implemented under which these farmers could purchase whatever machinery they need. I do not like to use the word "co-operative farming" because it savours too much of policy in the eastern countries of Europe. I want some economic scheme in which farmers could join together to purchase machinery for their own benefit.

What is stopping them?

In order to make a scheme like that a success it should be operated by some Department of State and it should be encouraged by public men and by the formation of parish committees.

That is nonsense.

If it is nonsense and if I am annoying the Deputy, I suggest the Deputy should sit out in the Lobby until I have finished. I have had some practical experience of such a scheme. Admittedly, it was a small scheme. It operated in the parish in which I was born. I think the Minister should give every encouragement through the medium of the parish plan he has suggested to the purchase of machinery, fertilisers and seeds provided he has enough inspectors to carry out the work. That scheme should be of great benefit to the small farmers who have to keep, perhaps, two horses in order to carry out tillage. They cannot afford to purchase machinery. I have made a few points and I have been brief.

An hour and forty minutes.

Finally, I appeal to the Minister to consider his policy in the circumstances in which we find ourselves to-day, with the war clouds gathering on the horizon. I appeal to him to continue the stable policy laid down by his predecessor of making this country as self-sustaining as possible. Perhaps if he went away on a holiday and did some kind of a retreat he might come back with a greater regard for Irish industry. His attitude on Irish industry at the moment——

Industry does not arise outside of the agricultural industry.

I am talking about the agricultural industry.

On the Deputy's last reference, that was not obvious to me.

Anything of an agricultural nature that can be produced outside — maize, wheat and everything else — is better than what can be produced at home.

Do not forget the wheat from the Argentine.

If the Minister continues that policy I hope that nothing of a really serious character will occur during his term of office in relation to the world situation because, if it does, God help old Ireland if he is Minister for Agriculture.

This debate has given rise to speeches of record length. The speakers are intelligent men and I hope their contributions will serve a useful purpose. Deputies from the country are naturally interested in agricultural matters. The Minister has adopted an attitude that has not been very general here in the past. I appreciate what he has done. I appreciate the fact that he had the courage to say that the industry for which he is responsible is entitled to a substantial sum of money in order to bring about an improvement in the land and in the position of those engaged in agriculture. I think the Minister is right in that. No money will repay the nation so well as money spent on the land. It will bring about increased production.

In my opinion the scheme suffers from a lack of personal application. However desirable it is in a general way, it is not absolutely suitable for the great majority of the people living on the land. The present scheme of land drainage being administered by the Minister and his Department is by no means suitable on the poor land of the small farmers. It will bring no results. It is useless to prepare a general scheme of drainage fixed by a standard regulation that a drain must be cut a certain depth without regard to the depth to which the soil may be used as a means of carrying off surplus water. The depth of a drain must be regulated not by a sketch drawn by an engineer but by the depth of the soil which covers the field.

There are many hundreds of acres of land in this country the owners of which are hard working and industrious people who are desirous of making progress and who would be glad to avail of any means of improving their land. Those people do not see any sense in bringing in machinery to dig up soil that has a non-porous core and the putting in of drains under that surface through which the water will not permeate.

Does the Deputy know of any case in which drains have been made and do not work? I assure him that there is no standard drain. Every drain is designed for the land into which it will go and if the Deputy knows of any single drain which has been made and which is not functioning 100 per cent. we are bound to go back and put in a drain that will function without any reservation of any kind.

Even if a farmer has done the work himself?

Mr. Maguire

Under the Minister's present scheme there are a number of farms on which drainage was refused because to the knowledge of the farmer the scheme would have been quite useless. I assure the Minister that if his inspectors will visit such farms he will find plenty of evidence that what I am saying is the truth. I am prepared to give all the information I have at my disposal to the inspectors and I have discussed all these difficulties with them. I do say this much that even with the best intentions in the world the Department of Agriculture would never be able to provide the drainage facilities which might be required in special areas in this country. So much is that so that, recognising that fact, the British Government under the Balfour régime set up a special commission of investigation known as the Congested Districts Board to deal with the land and carry out a survey in the various parts of this country. That board did an immense amount of good. There are people in the country yet who hold that it was one of the best institutions ever put into operation in this country to improve the lot of the people on the land. The Minister has no such plan as that.

Yes, we have. Every plan for a drain must be made on the farm and nowhere else.

Mr. Maguire

There are vast areas of land in this country to which this scheme is not applicable and I suggest that in these areas the Minister would be doing better in providing cheap manures and fertilisers to improve the quality of the land and the livelihood of the people living on it. Most of these people have a certain number of milch cows with which they provide milk for the creameries and they get for that from £8 to £10 per year cow. Farmers in Kildare can get from £25 to £30 per cow per year and the land of those poorer farmers could be made the better for grazing by the provision for these cheap manures and fertilisers. Provide him with those things and do not ask him to do drainage work which it is not commonsense to do. The provision of these manures and fertilisers would do much to improve the lot of these farmers and I would prefer to see that done than to ask the Minister to increase the price of milk.

To increase the price of milk would mean that it would have to be subsidised and this subsidy would go to the better off farmer at the expense of the poorer man. If they spent £40,000,000 on the provision of these manures they would do much better for these farmers with unsuitable land for drainage than they would be doing by the provision of drainage.

On the question of eggs and pigs the price of eggs is likely to fall and a serious situation will arise for the small farmer because the cost of feeding stuffs shows every indication of rising. I would agree with the Minister's policy in this matter if the price of maize was cheap but that is not the case. The poultry are an important source of income for the small farmer but they are now facing the prospect of a reduction in the price of eggs and an increase in the cost of feeding stuffs, including maize. There is only one solution for that and that is to go out of production.

In these circumstances, I am entirely out of step with the Minister in his attitude of non-compulsory tillage, if compulsory tillage is the only way by which we can increase our food supplies for animals and human beings here at home. If compulsion is needed, the land of this country must be utilised for that purpose and the Government's duty is to make the owners of the land produce the essential needs —a standard which has always been recognised by Church and State. Land holders have a certain duty. Surely by this time the Government, and the Minister's Department in particular, should have a thorough knowledge of the areas suitable for wheat-growing and the production of other essential crops. A general rough-and-tumble scheme of compulsory tillage would be fatal but we do know that there is certain land which is specially suitable for the growing of wheat and such land should be put back into the production of wheat and other cereals necessary for the country. It should not be left to the individual choice of anybody whether he should produce grass or foodstuffs. If the nation needs foodstuffs, as it certainly does, having regard to the present tendency of prices, having regard to the fact that every time we import maize at its present price it is uneconomic for the small producer of poultry and pigs and not only that but we are building up a dollar debt that is injurious to the State, we should insist that the land which is capable of producing foodstuffs should be put into production. Why then does the Minister not make up his mind and tell the farmers who have land suitable for tillage that it is their duty to the State to produce the food which the nation needs?

If the Minister will be good enough to examine the few points I have made and to see that the most necessitous section of the community will get a share of the benefits of these schemes and in that way distribute the money amongst these necessitous people, then I say the scheme is a good one. Let the Minister not for a moment consider that he is at a disadvantage politically because the scheme is not generally availed of as widely as he would like to see it. That suggestion was made, but there is no political influence that I am aware of strong enough to prevent farmers from adopting the scheme if they see that it is to their advantage. Let us rid ourselves of these false notions, let us get down to realities, let us recognise that it is difficult to legislate for certain areas to which the general scheme is not applicable. Let us get back to the Balfour idea and operate the scheme on the basis of the needs of the farmers in these districts which have special problems, in co-operation with the farmers there and after accepting the best advice we can procure from practical farmers in these areas.

Cuireann sé lúcháir mhór órm áiméar a fháil labhairt ar an Vóta seo, ná sílim gur ar shon na bhfeirmeoirí móra a labhair bunús na dteachtaí a labhair ar an Vóta seo agus gur tugadh faillí sna feirmeoirí beaga bochta. Ba eisceacht an cainteoir deireannach an Teachta Beircheirt Mag Uidhir. Ó d'imigh laethe an sean "C.D.B." rinneadh neamart iomlán sna gabhaltaisí agus sna feirmeacha beaga nach bhfuil neamhthuilleamach, sa dtír seo. Táthar ag tabhairt airde anois — don chéad uair ó fuair muid saoirse tá 27 bliana ó shoin ann, ar fheirmeoireacht na gcaorach sléibhe agus ar thógáil éanlaithe tí, agus tá a bhuíochas sin ar an Aire Talmhaíochta atá againn fá láthair.

Deputy O'Reilly told us that the basic industry of this country was agriculture. I think that both sides of the House will agree that agriculture is our main industry. We are also agreed that agriculture must come from the soil and to bring our industry to 100 per cent. efficiency we must prepare the soil. We are agreed also, I think, that, owing to the scarcity of the various commodities necessary to bring the soil up to a 100 per cent. standard of fertility, during the recent war our land did reach a very low level and that some revolutionary scheme was necessary to bring it back to the standard which it held some years ago. I think that under the land rehabilitation scheme a serious effort is being made to put into that land the elements that it lacked during these years and that it lacks to-day. I agree with Deputy Ben Maguire, who, incidentally is the only Deputy I heard speak of the small hill farmer and the small farmer on the uneconomic holding, that special consideration should be given to the small uneconomic holdings and particularly to the problems which they present in comparison with the larger holdings. We have had our freedom for the past 28 years practically and nothing whatever has been done during that period for the hill farmer in this country.

The present Minister in his opening statement on the Estimate outlined a scheme whereby he proposes to deal with hill farmers. The people resident in the counties formerly comprising the old congested districts do remember when the hills of Tir Chonaill, Mayo, Galway and Kerry were real sheep grazing farms. These mountains to-day are practically denuded of sheep and I am convinced that three reasons contributed to that. Reason No. 1 was the introduction of barbed wire into this country. Barbed wire had a most serious effect on black-faced mountain sheep. It destroyed the wool and, in isolated districts, it was even responsible for killing the sheep. No. 2 was the preponderance of scrub rams in the country, and No. 3 was the lack of proper marketing facilities for mountain sheep. We can never hope, on the wide open mountains of Donegal, to reclaim our land for the purposes of cultivation but we can hope to bring it back into a state whereby it can again become sheep raising land. If these hills are properly drained, properly manured and a good basic stock of sheep installed therein, and the scrub ram is wiped out, I think the Minister would be doing a very good day's work for hill farming and particularly for sheep breeding in the country.

I should like to thank the Minister also for what he has done for the poultry industry by subsidising it in the rural areas, particularly on uneconomic holdings. I think now that he has made a very serious effort to re-establish the poultry industry, in this country, he should set up a cannery but of that I shall have more to say on the Fishery Estimate. In the off-season of the canning of fish we could have canned foods. I make that suggestion to the Minister for his serious consideration.

I was very glad to hear yesterday, in reply to a question I put to the Minister, that he proposes to introduce a scheme in Donegal to endeavour to improve the milk yield capacity of our cattle. Unfortunately, for a good many years the scrub bull, like the scrub ram, has done more damage than can be estimated. There is no use in sending double dairy bulls where the land will not feed their offspring. I am glad to hear that he proposes to introduce Kerry Cattle in Donegal. If we get as many Kerry cattle as we got Kerry officials during the last régime, we shall be doing very well.

I support the motion to refer back this Estimate for reconsideration. Before giving my reasons, I should like to compliment the Minister on the White Paper which he has distributed in the House. It was very comprehensive and instructive. I am glad to see also that, according to his opening statement, there has been a great increase in the number of gallons of milk supplied to creameries. I should have thought, however, that the Minister would have been more honest in that statement and that he would have given the real reason as to why the number of gallons of milk has increased. Actually, there are a number of reasons for it and the Minister did not mention any one of them. I take it that he has taken the years 1947 and 1948 for the purposes of comparison. That was one of the worst periods on record and consequently the production of milk in that period was lower than would otherwise have been the case. On the other hand, last autumn, last winter and last spring have been very good, and there has been a consequent increase in the milk supply. Another reason which the Minister forgot to give to the House is that farmers are not now making anything like the same quantity of farmers' butter which they used to make on their farms. Due to the withdrawal of the subsidy on farmers' butter they are compelled to go to the creameries. Even though the Minister may desire to put across his point, he should consider giving the whole truth.

While I am on the subject of milk I should like to say a few words regarding price. The price of milk was fixed in 1947. Surely the Minister does not seriously contend that the price which was fixed in 1947 is justified to-day in view of the increase in the cost of production? During the year we have had experience of many deputations from various counties. I understand that one deputation was led by Deputy Madden from West Limerick. That, in itself, is an indication that the milk producers were not satisfied with the price — and they were perfectly right. The price to-day is not justifiable. Costs of production have increased on the land, in the creamery, in the factory. How, therefore, can the Minister justify the 1947 price in present conditions? Wages have gone up on the land and in the creameries. The cost of materials — oil, petrol, paper, box-wood, salt — which are necessary for the production of butter, has increased, yet we still have the price which was fixed in 1947 by Deputy Smith when he was Minister for Agriculture. The best answer the Minister got regarding the price of milk was that which he got from the co-operative creameries of the country. I understand that he circularised about 100 of them but that in only three cases was he told they were prepared to accept his price of 1/- a gallon for five years. Just compare that offer with what Fianna Fáil gave the farmers in 1947— 1/2 a gallon in the summer and 1/4 a gallon in the winter. How does the Minister or anybody else know what conditions will obtain five years hence? We are not living in normal times. Two years ago, when the Minister announced that he would continue the price of wheat for five years, I recorded my objection and gave my reasons. I said it was bad policy and I think even to-day that it is bad for the farmer to accept long-term prices. I was justified in making that statement as a result of what has happened since. Just take, as one example, the increase in the cost of production on the land generally. I am sure that that increase in cost is one of the reasons which influenced the creameries throughout the country not to accept the offer of 1/- per gallon. It actually represented a reduction. Even if they had accepted that price it would be only on paper that they would be accepting it, because they could not pay 1/- a gallon on the amount allowed for costs by the Department of Agriculture. From that point of view the price is still less.

Another matter to which I want to refer is the butter allowance which was made to creamery suppliers all during the emergency. During the emergency, as the Minister is aware, an allowance of butter was given over and above the ration. That procedure has continued since the emergency, even during the present Minister's period of office, up to the 1st of June, when the new off-the-ration butter was sold. Farmers who supplied milk to creameries had 12 ounces of butter instead of eight ounces. It was not an unreasonable allowance when we consider the labour employed by the farmer. He has to feed the people whom he employs and finds all those off-the-ration commodities at the extra price. It is usual that most men boarded with farmers do not bring their ration cards. In particular, the married men leave their ration cards to their own family and the farmer, therefore, has to supply tea, sugar, butter and so forth off-the-ration. They were supplying the raw material for butter, and that is why the creameries made the allowance which has been discontinued as from the 1st of June. These four ounces over and above the ration must now be purchased at the increased price. In other words, the farmer will have to pay an extra 10d. per lb. in respect of these four ounces. That is unfair. These people, at great hardship to themselves, fed this country during the war. There was a great temptation then to get rid of cows because of the lack of labour and because of the increased price of feeding-stuffs, but in spite of all that hardship, they did their duty and many of them kept their herds at the pre-war level. They supplied milk to the creameries so that the people of the country would have butter. This is the recompense they are getting now — they are being refused the few extra ounces of butter over and above their ration. I hope the Minister will make arrangements that the same conditions as those which have operated up to the 1st of June last will continue. Otherwise, it is possible that instead of supplying their milk to the creameries they will go back to the old system of keeping Saturday night's and Sunday morning's milk, separating it and making their own butter. Now, the subsidy is going to be saved, possibly, but it will go further than that, because the possibility is that the people going to the creameries, if they have not a big lot of milk in the winter, will give up going. That is the tendency where there is a small number of cows. If there is to be any change regarding the amount of milk coming in from the small farmers, you will find them going back to the old system of making butter on the farm.

It is the duty of the Minister to look after the interests of agriculture, but what has he been doing? The policy that he has put before the people is not a policy that is going to ensure satisfaction among the farmers. We want better markets. We were promised better markets, better prices and greater stability. Where have we better markets than we had prior to 1948? Where have we better prices than we had prior to 1948? Where have we the stability? I submit we have not better markets. You have no market for oats, barley, potatoes and many of the other things produced on the land. The only thing produced on the land that you have a market for is store cattle. There is, no doubt, a market for store cattle, but that market was always there. However, it is not as good a market to-day, even though the Minister has done his best to boost it, as it was at the end of the 1914-18 war. The price of cattle to-day is around £5 a cwt. and it went to £5 4s. 0d. in 1918, so that actually the present price is not as good. I have practical experience of that.

What was it six years after 1918?

The same conditions obtained in 1918 as obtain to-day regarding the price of cattle. What was the position that confronted the farmers in 1929, 1930 and 1931 after a policy which was very similar to the one now being pursued — that is, getting back to the grass policy? In 1929 we had the first big slump in cattle. They dropped from 48-/ a cwt. to around 40/-. That was the first indication of the big slump coming. The position regarding tillage crops was that we had no guaranteed market or price. We had the policy of one more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough from 1925 onwards. It was a good policy if it had been continued to its logical conclusion, but it was not.

The logical conclusion for a policy like that is that there must be something at the end of the one more sow, one more cow and the other acre, and that is a market. We had no market. If we had the market, then the policy would have been all right. I come from the Carlow-Kilkenny constituency and that, I believe, can lay a greater claim to mixed farming than any other portion of the country. We have there tillage, cattle raising, dairying, pig production and poultry production. Every one of the different phases of agriculture is carried out in that constituency. They were carried out in the same way during the period 1920 to 1932.

What was the position in the period 1929 to 1931 regarding barley? The price in 1930 was 13/6 per barrel and the farmers were lucky if they were able to sell it. We had a number of maltsters on the borders of Kilkenny-Carlow, some of the biggest maltsters in Ireland, Minch, Norton and Company, malting for Messrs. Guinness. The conditions that obtained for the farmers then were desperate. I remember in 1930 the opening price in September was 13/6. and every week from that onwards the price of barley fell by 3d., with the result that around October, when there was still a lot of barley on the hands of the farmers and with many threshings to be completed, the price dropped to 12/- or 12/6. Later there was no market at all. That was the position in 1930, when the farmers had to go to the malt stores every Monday morning — there was no buying during the week — hat in hand, asking the maltster to purchase their barley. Was it any wonder that the people craved for a cash crop in those years in that constituency?

So far as oats was concerned, there was no price in 1930 worth speaking of — it was 9/- a barrel. Russian oats were permitted to be landed in Dublin f.o.b. at 6/- per barrel. What inducement was held out then to the Irish farmer, even though he had been advised to till another acre and to grow oats? I suppose it was the same policy then as with the present Minister, that if you do not send it out in the sack you can send it out on the hoof, but the market for the hoof was not there. Bacon was 30/- per cwt., live weight, and milk was 4.49d. per gallon.

The Minister is not responsible for that.

I am comparing the two policies, the Minister's and the one that obtained then. I want to point out to the Minister, if possible, the dangers confronting him if he pursues the same policy as was pursued in that period, if he does not carry that policy to its logical conclusion, and that is the provision of markets.

If the markets are there, I agree with the policy. It is the policy we want in my constituency and the one I am prepared to support, provided we have the markets. That was the position in 1930 and there was nothing done during that period except to encourage the export of store cattle to England. The bottom fell out of that trade in 1930-31 when cattle became unsaleable. Prices were reduced even long before the economic war which I am sure the Minister would like to talk about, and which I would like to talk about. But in one year the price of cattle went down by £5 a head. They went down from £30 to £25. I remember selling cattle to the same person year after year, and there was that difference in price, for store cattle weighing from nine to 11 cwt.

As I have said, the Minister is pursuing the same policy and markets are not provided. If there was a market for oats, then it would be right for him to tell the people to grow more oats. If there was a market for barley, I would say to the Minister: "Yes, advise the people to grow more barley because there is a market for it." If there was a market for potatoes, he could ask the people to grow more of them; but do not ask the people to plough their land in the springtime, to put crops in and to have no market ready for them in the harvest time. That is what has been happening during the past two years.

I know myself that last year in South Kilkenny, where there was a lot of barley grown, there was no market for it. A number of farmers on the Carlow border who were customers of Minch, Norton and Co. succeeded in getting a contract to grow barley. In another portion of mid-Kilkenny, where there is an agent of Minch, Norton and Co. operating, the people there were able to sell their barley because they had a contract with that firm, but over a vast portion of South Kilkenny, where the people normally sent their barley to Waterford, not one of them could get rid of it, even at a moderate price. They had to sell it at the price for feeding barley, and they were not able to do that until after Christmas. In many cases people could not get rid of their barley at all.

As regards the price of barley, I heard the statement made here by some Deputy that the Minister was responsible for fixing the price. There could be nothing further from the truth than that. The Minister did not fix the price of barley, but in my opinion he sabotaged the price on the day before a deputation from the beet growers' association waited on Messrs. Guinness. I happened to be a member of the deputation myself, and on the day before we met Messrs. Guinness the announcement was made in this House that the Minister was fixing the price of barley at 50/- a barrel for the following year. That was the first argument with which the deputation was confronted when it entered into negotiations with Messrs. Guinness. Notwithstanding all that, the price was fixed at 57/6 per barrel for good malting barley. In connection with the fixing of that price with Messrs. Guinness, I should like to say that away back in 1936 I also happened to be on a similar deputation to the same firm. Foreign barley was prohibited from coming into this country at that time, so that Messrs. Guinness' market was reserved for Irish barley. They were obliged to take 500,000 barrels of Irish barley in 1936. That may be news for many of the Deputies sitting behind the Minister to-day.

We had to import barley this year — during the last three months.

Messrs. Guinness would have a carry-over of 180,000 barrels of barley for next year, so that the only importation they want is of 70,000 barrels of roasting barley.

Is the Deputy speaking with authority for the company?

No, but that is the information we got.

That they have this year a carry-over of 180,000 barrels of barley?

That they would have. That was the statement, that they would have a carry-over of 180,000 barrels of barley, and that they would only require to import something like 70,000 barrels of roasting barley. There is nothing our farmers detest more than insecurity and instability, and that is what we have in our markets here at home. Even though conditions are bad and prices are bad, if the farmer feels that he has stability in so far as he knows the price that he will get for his crop, and provided he works hard and has only the one element to contend against — the weather — he is prepared to grow more. We have not that position of stability obtaining to-day. Where you have insecurity and instability, there can be no secure market for the farmer. Even as regards the coming harvest, he does not know what he is going to get for the oats that he produces or for the potatoes that he produces.

The farmer knows what he is getting for wheat and for beet, but he does not know what he is going to get for barley unless he has a contract. That is a condition of affairs that should not obtain. It is one which the Minister should have made provision against. It would be far better, and in my opinion would provide far greater security for the country, if the Minister, instead of spending £40,000,000 on land reclamation were to subsidise markets in order to ensure production at home. There would be no necessity to go to the Argentine for oats, to Iraq for barley or to Formosa for sugar if we had decent prices and decent markets at home.

Costings of beet, as Deputy Corry told the House yesterday, have been taken over the past two years. At a meeting held recently we were informed by Professor Murphy that the increase in the cost of the production of beet warrants an increase in the price of beet to-day of 4/6 per ton. That is actually on the costs of production from 1948 to 1950.

How is the figure made up?

It covers wages, materials and every detail connected with the production of beet from the day the first sod is turned until it is produced as washed beet in the factory

What portion of that is wages?

I am not in a position at the moment to give the exact figure, but if the Deputy wants it at another time I will give it to him. It takes 240 man hours to produce an acre of beet. Deputy Lehane may be able to help the Deputy out on that, but the fact is that the costs of production have gone up by 4/6 a ton in two years.

In my opinion it should have been the Minister's duty, without being compelled in this House to ask for those costings, that is, if he were doing his duty as he should by the farmers and the people. If he were, he would have found out what was the position regarding the prices they were getting for their commodities. I think it would be far better if he were paying more attention to that aspect of things than, for instance, draining very doubtful bogland. He would then be doing something that might justify his existence as Minister for Agriculture, but he has not made any inquiries from the organisation that represents the beet growers, and I do not know if he has made any from the sugar company. If he were anxious about the position of the growers and had their interests at heart, I am sure he would have made inquiries as to how they were fixed regarding prices. If he had done so, he would have been told that we are entitled to an extra 4/6 per ton this year on our beet. We are not getting that and the people of the country should be told the reason why we are not getting it.

Surely the Minister is not going to let down those people for whom he says he has done so much. He has taken away the inspectors from the farmers. He will not permit a man to cross their hedges or look inside their gates. He did all these things in the first months after he came into office. Surely he can continue the good work now and get them a better price for their beet. I have heard many Deputies on the Government Benches speak about the great progress made in agriculture over the past two years. I would like to go back a little way and compare the results for the farming community under a different policy from that now carried out by the Department of Agriculture. The present policy leads to insecurity and instability. The policy of Fianna Fáil was the policy of the one more cow, the one more sow and the one more acre of land.

And the calf skin.

Fianna Fáil went further. They provided markets. When they first came into power in 1932 they reserved the home market to the Irish producer. I said that the price of pigs in 1930 was 30/- per cwt. liveweight. Farmers' butter was 6d. per lb. In 1931, the last year of the Cumann na nGaedheal administration, we were importing Canadian ham and Chinese bacon. Fianna Fáil prohibited them. In 1931 we were importing Australian, Danish and New Zealand butter. That was prohibited under Fianna Fáil and the market was preserved to the home producer. These were the first steps taken to enable the pig industry and the dairying industry to get on their feet. Never in the history of the country was dairying in such a bad position as it was in 1931. The price for milk was 4.49d. per gallon. Farmers' butter was being sold anywhere it could be sold at 6d. a lb. There was practically no market for it. What was the position with regard to beet? The Carlow factory started in 1926 and from 1926 onwards up to 1929 there was a three-year contract; in 1929, 15,000 acres of beet were grown. The only cash crop the farmers had was beet. There was no market for oats or barley. In Kilkenny beet was the only cash crop. There were so many applications in 1931 that the price of beet was reduced by Mons, Lippen, who was then running the factory there. There was a strike in that year, but, notwithstanding the fact that the growers were out on strike, 5,000 acres of beet were grown. That showed a desire on the part of the farmers to go in for the growing of beet simply because there was no other cash crop for them. In 1932 Fianna Fáil came into office and they immediately initiated the wheat scheme. It is very interesting to compare the position of the land and the fertility of the soil at that time as compared with 1940, after eight or nine years of wheat growing.

On a point of order. If the Deputy will excuse me for a moment, I do not think that the Deputy who is just now speaking has uttered one single sentence which refers to last year or to the proceedings since 1948 which might be related to the policy of the present Government. How long is it legitimate to travel over the history of the previous 20 years before coming down to the policy or administration of this Government?

I have heard on several occasions here mention made of what was or was not done during a particular 16 years. Now I will tell the Minister, if I am permitted by the Chair, something that was done during that 16 years.

What was done or was not done during 16 years certainly is not relevant in detail on this Estimate. I allowed the Deputy to make certain comparisons. I warned him a little while ago that he should not go into too much detail. I again warn him that he is now going into too much detail. While I do not find any fault with comparisons, he will have to come to the Estimate as quickly as he can. He is going into too much detail about the history of beet and wheat.

Look at the bad example he got.

I hope that, as a result of the censure now passed on me by the Minister for Agriculture, we have now finished with the 16 years and that we shall never again hear a word from the Government benches about the 16 years or the question: "What did you do in the 16 years?" I have been trying to tell you what we did do, but the Minister would not listen to me.

The decision of the Chair has in no wise been influenced by what the Minister said.

If the Minister pursues the policy he is now pursuing we shall find ourselves back in the position that obtained in 1931 under the Cumann na nGaedheal Government. I want him to continue the policy of the one more cow, the one more sow, and the one more acre of tillage. I also want him to continue the policy of Fianna Fáil of setting up markets. We had a guaranteed market for wheat since 1932. We have heard a good deal during the past two years about the infertility of the soil because of the fact that we were producing wheat for the past 16 or 17 years. We were told that the land had become infertile. If that is so, what has the Government done to restore its fertility? Under Fianna Fáil a subsidy was given for the purchase of manures and fertilisers to the extent of £198,000. The Minister has discontinued that.

How much did they spend?

I have not made any statement regarding the expenditure. I said provision was made for a subsidy of £198,000.

And none of it was spent.

Does the Minister contradict that statement?

I do not, but I do assert that it was all handed back again to the Exchequer at the end of the year. You tried to pull the wool over the people's eyes.

Do you or do you not contradict the statement?

The provision was made but never used.

Do you or do you not contradict the statement?

What statement?

That the Fianna Fáil Government made provision for a subsidy of £198,000 for the purchase of fertilisers?

Subject to the insertion of the word "fraudulent", yes.

Do you say then that provision was not made.

Fraudulently made.

The Minister denies provision was made.

Not at all. I say it was fraudulently made.

Do you deny that it was made?

Fraudulently.

That is your statement now. You know perfectly well there was provision made.

Fraudulently.

The Deputy should address the Chair and not use the second person.

When a man gets up here and states something he knows to be untrue, surely at some stage he should have the common decency not to try to mislead the people all the time.

The provision was of no benefit to the farmers.

Not a penny of that was spent and the Deputy knows it.

We have heard about the infertility of the soil. It was not wheat growing that made it infertile. I have here the statistical abstract for 1949. The figures are given in it. The production of wheat in 1929 averaged 19 cwts. per acre; barley averaged 18.3. In 1940, after an intense period of wheat growing, the production was 20.5 cwts. of wheat per acre and 21 cwts. of barley. There is no material difference then as regards the amount of fertility taken out of the soil by barley or wheat. The same percentage obtained in 1939 and 1940. If we continue further we will find that in 1948 the same percentage still obtained between them.

What does the Deputy mean?

I mean that there was the same difference per acre in the amount of fertility taken out of the soil. The Minister does not seem to understand me, but what I said was that the same difference of production obtained in 1939 as in 1948. Is that clear for the Minister?

No, I do not know what the Deputy means at all. He knows that I have the figures and that is why he is shifting.

I cannot explain it any further or make it any clearer and if you were not quite so dense you would be able to understand it. The wheat market was guaranteed and that has continued since 1932 and the beet market was guaranteed from 1926 and has also continued. But these were the only two markets that were continued and it is surprising for the House and the country generally that the two crops for which there is still a guaranteed price and a guaranteed market are the very two crops which the Minister for Agriculture despised when in opposition. He despised wheat, saying that he would not like to be found dead in a field of wheat. He has advanced a good way since then and is now advising the people to grow more wheat. I wonder what changed the Minister's outlook in this matter over the last nine or ten years and more particularly in the last two years since he took office. Perhaps it was the responsibility of his office. We have the Minister now advocating the production of wheat. The Minister claimed that he has fixed the price of wheat at 62/- per barrel but he has done no such thing. Surely the Minister is not dishonest enough to try to mislead the House by telling them that he fixed the price at 62/6 per barrel. Surely the Minister did not want to take from Deputy Smith the credit of having fixed that price. Does the Minister admit now that he did not fix the price of wheat at 62/6 per barrel?

Nonsense, you are talking through your hat.

Did you fix the price in 1948?

The Deputy must not use the second person.

It is hard to remember that when you hear statements like that just made by the Minister. The price of wheat was fixed in October, 1947, and it has continued since. If the Minister is not satisfied on that fact I hope to convince him at a later stage. The only thing that the Minister has done is to extend the period for which that price would operate. He extended the period, which is a different thing altogether. That, to my mind, was a most objectionable proceeding from the point of view that the price should have been based on the current cost of production. If costs are increased, the price of wheat should go up. Apparently it was the Government's view in 1947 that the farmers were entitled to an increased price for wheat. That is why it was fixed in October of that year, which was the usual custom. In October every year from 1944 onwards the price of wheat was announced. It was announced months in advance before the winter crop was put in, and there was nothing unusual in announcing it at that particular time.

I commented on the fact that the only two commodities produced on the land for which we have guaranteed prices at the present time are the two commodities that the Minister despised and still, I am sure, despises, because he has lost no opportunity on every occasion of telling the people what he thought about wheat and beet and, of course, peat. I am not concerned at the moment with peat, but I should like to point out to the Minister the value of beet to the country, apart altogether from its food value, or the difficulty we may have of obtaining sugar in time of war. I am going on its value from the agricultural point of view in my constituency. Beet, to begin with, is a cash crop and must always be regarded as such. In the second place, it is a cleansing crop and must always be regarded as such. In an intensive tillage area such as we have in Kilkenny, cleansing crops are necessary if we are going to have crops in rotation. It is not unusual, therefore, in my county to see very large growers of beet, also very large growers of wheat. Both crops go together and a large grower of wheat, generally speaking, is a large beet grower because, as I say, beet is a cleansing crop.

Again, there is no other crop that gives more employment than beet, not merely on the land but from the time it leaves the farm. Córas Iompair Éireann workers and transport workers generally, for instance, have a good "whack" out of beet. It also gives employment to factory workers and sack men and afterwards there is the by-product, pulp. All this gives employment which, in itself, would justify the production of beet by the country, even though it is subsidised. It is far better to subsidise some commodity than pay the dole to idle men or to have people emigrating from the country. If we had sufficient beet grown there would be no necessity for anybody to talk about the flight from the land. In the past two years the acreage of beet has dropped.

In this year?

This year the acreage has increased and the acreage of wheat was increased also. Why? Because we have gone back to the same conditions that obtained in 1931, when you had instability and insecurity and when you had no market in these years, as I pointed out, for barley, oats and potatoes. To-day you have no market for barley, oats or potatoes.

Therefore, the acreage increased.

The acreage increased because the people who were engaged in intensive tillage must have a cash crop and must have a market. The only way in which you can induce them to produce is by providing them with a market. Exactly the same conditions are obtaining now as obtained in 1931.

We have imported 8,000 tons of oats from the Argentine this year.

You have not. We have been told that we imported oats from the Argentine. I have been a farmer from the past 30 years and if they tell me it is oats I must be blind. It is not oats; it is chaff you got from the Argentine. I will have a bet with the Deputy that the sample I have seen would not bushel 18, nor do we import barley from Iraq — good quality barley. It is regarded in threshings in my county as "tailings".

You know as much about it as my foot.

It is very little you know about it. If the Minister says it is oats, he might as well say that a cow's tail was a pump handle. I wish we had the Minister down in my constituency for a short time and he would know something about farming when he got back. He could not carry on in his flamboyant way there and tell them to do this, that and the other thing. If we had him for a few days in a field of wheat or a field of beet, he might like to be found dead in it. It would knock a little of the ego out of him. I have already pointed out that Fianna Fáil operated the policy of one more cow, one more sow and the extra acre under the plough to the fullest extent.

It is the first time we heard that.

If you are hearing it for the first time I hope you will take lesson by it. We were the first people, I said, that used it to the fullest extent.

Is that why you slaughtered the calves?

It is a pity some people were not slaughtered as calves. What a relief it would be to the people of Dublin! I said we used it to the fullest extent and I am perfectly right in saying that. If you are to carry out that policy to its logical conclusion, you must provide markets. You have markets only for two crops, wheat and beet. Where are the markets for oats and barley?

Where are the oats?

You have asked the people to grow oats. Why ask the people to have one more acre under the plough if you have not a market for what they produce? Why ask people to produce bacon if you cannot find a market for it except by subsidising it on the foreign market and having the farmers pay a subsidy on their own produce? The Minister does not deny that. Why ask the people to produce more butter if you have not a market for it? I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
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