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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 17 Nov 1953

Vol. 143 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Vote 38—Local Government (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration."—(Deputy Sweetman.)

A feature of the debate on the Estimate for Local Government that I have noticed for many years is the spirit of co-operation between all Parties in dealing with the matter of housing. I think that that is the proper approach because the provision of houses for our people is of paramount importance and deserves the co-operation of everybody in the House as well as of the trade unions and all concerned in the building industry. I am satisfied that the Government have made great strides in stimulating the erection of houses by local authorities. They have also, I think, made some efforts to minimise the effects of the higher interest rates by increasing grants and by other means. Although we have had a lot of complaints about the increased rate of interest it will be agreed, I think, that the increase in grants has helped considerably to minimise the effect of the increased interest.

I notice that the Minister, in introducing the Estimate, referred to the work of the Dublin Corporation. He pointed out that 2,200 houses were built last year as against 1,982 in the previous year. That is certainly a good record but, at the same time, it is well to remember that despite the programme that has been carried out for a number years, we have still close on 11,000 people on the waiting list in Dublin for corporation houses. That is by no means representative of the city's housing needs because there are many people living in insanitary dwellings who have not even applied to the corporation for houses. In reply to a question which I asked at the last meeting of the corporation, I was told by the housing director that there were 62 cases of eight persons and over living in one room; seven in one room, 70; six in one room, 252; four in one room, 2,110. Then we have 464 T.B. cases on the waiting list, including those certified as having T.B. and those subject to certification and examination. From these figures itwill be seen that the Dublin Corporation have a long way to go in dealing with the housing problem.

Coming from a constituency where there are a big number of people living in insanitary dwellings, I wonder how many Deputies have ever paid a visit to any one of the 11,000 cases I have mentioned. I am called upon to visit an average of 20 per week, and if any Deputy or the Minister would come with me at any time I am sure he would say: "No wonder the men, women and children who are forced to live in these dwellings look pale or as if they had nothing to look forward to in this world." I think it will be agreed that the houses in which people live have a real influence on their health and character. It is most unreasonable to expect good health, cheerfulness or, if you like, good citizenship from people who cannot command the elementary necessities of ample house room and decent home surroundings. I think we should face up to the problem on that basis.

As a member of the Dublin Corporation, I can say that we intend to go through with our programme as fast as possible in order to wipe out the twin evils of slums and overcrowding in the city where in 1932, when the Fianna Fáil Government took office, from one quarter to one-third of the people in Dublin were living in one room. In view of these figures, it is time that the Government should take over the erection of houses for newly-weds and leave the question of tenant purchase houses to private builders. Last year the corporation erected 200 houses for newly-weds and 200 for tenant purchase. While 400 houses a year does not appear to be a lot, in five years it would help a great deal to provide houses for some of the 11,000 cases I have mentioned.

In addition to that there is the question of the increasing burden on the rates arising from house building in Dublin. I can assure the House that that is causing a great deal of concern to the ratepayers of Dublin. It is not generally known that the State grants for houses for newly-weds and fortenant purchase are considerably lower than for houses normally built for the working classes. The corporation get a £250 grant for a house for newly-weds and £275 for a house for tenant purchase. For the ordinary house for weekly renting they get a grant of £1,330. Therefore, I think that the cost of houses for newly-weds and for tenant purchase places a considerable burden on the rates. I know that the Government meet us in regard to interest charges when we borrow for house building, but I think it will be agreed that the difference between a £1,330 grant for houses for weekly renting and £250 for houses for newly-weds and £275 for tenant purchase houses is a point to be remembered. Therefore, I think that the more people we can get to avail of the facilities under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts, or any other method of purchasing their own houses, the better it will be for Dublin and the rest of the country.

For my own part, I certainly should like to see the Government's plans showing a greater tendency towards the creation of "homes" as distinct from mere houses. To my mind, the fullest meaning of the term home is not realised in a rented house. The pride and joy of possession impart the fullest meaning to the word. People must have pride in the ownership of their homes. Therefore, the more people we get to avail of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts the better for all concerned, especially the ratepayers of Dublin who have to meet this colossal amount of money for building.

For many years we have heard a great deal about derelict sites in Dublin City. Some Deputies who are also members of Dublin Corporation take up a great deal of space in the Press dealing with this question of derelict sites. They should face the facts and put the true position before the people when they avail of the columns in our evening newspapers. They should know that the corporation and the city manager are faced with the problem in the City of Dublin that we have several pockets of derelict sites which are surrounded by areas which are listed for demolition. Firstof all, we have to build houses for those people whom we hope to move out of those houses which are due for demolition. Then we have the question of a new building line. In other words, under town planning we have to widen certain streets and it is necessary in connection with these derelict sites to push back the building line. Therefore, when people make charges against the corporation of being slow in dealing with these sites, they should bear these facts in mind. I am more than anxious that we should wipe out these derelict sites as I feel they are a disgrace to the City of Dublin. But many of the 11,000 people who are listed for housing will have to be provided with flats convenient to these sites and I think the erection of such blocks of flats will be the solution of this problem. These flats will give people an opportunity of living near their employment and being in a neighbourhood to which they have an attachment.

Although this question of derelict sites has been given a good deal of publicity, I think the corporation have it well under control and have plans for dealing with it. I have heard Deputy MacBride speak of the importance of far-seeing planning and planning ahead. That is what the corporation are doing in connection with these derelict sites. They are planning ahead so far as they can. When they clear the areas surrounding these pockets of derelict sites and erect blocks of flats they can have wider roads and decent playgrounds for the children. If they just took over one of these sites and erected flats there would be no space for proper playgrounds. So far as the corporation are concerned, I think they are doing their best. When they put up plans to the Department of Local Government, these plans should be given every consideration and dealt with in an expeditious manner.

Reference was made both by the Minister and some Deputies to the question of private house building and the high cost of building. I notice that the Minister, in opening a scheme of houses in Athy, dealt with that matter. I am quoting from The Irish Press:

"Referring to the high cost ofhousing, the Minister said he believed the architects and engineers should devote attention to the possibility of designing a more simple type of dwelling on which a considerable amount of money might be saved."

I quite agree with the Minister on that. It is an admirable thought and a very good idea, but I often wonder whether the officials of his Department are aware of the Minister's anxiety to have a cheaper type of house and bring down the cost of building. Any reputable builder can tell any Deputy in this House that there still is an intolerable wall of red tape in the building of houses qualifying for State grants. Builders claim that the only effect of this interference is to increase building costs and slow down the provision of houses for our people. Deputy Belton referred to this matter and said he did not know what impact it would have on the house-building industry.

I think I can tell him that it certainly will not reduce the price of houses, nor will it fall in line with what the Minister said when opening the housing scheme in Athy. Deputy Belton, who is a builder, then gave facts and figures. What I am saying now is not by any means a builder's brief. I am merely stating what the ordinary man in the street wants. He wants to be able to buy an ordinary house at a reasonable price. I have in front of me a copy of the "Outline Specification, issued by the Minister for Local Government for the Guidance of Housing Authorities and Public Utility Societies Erecting Houses."

At this stage I should like to make it perfectly clear that I do not object by any means to strict Government or local authority supervision in regard to the erection of houses. I think they should insist upon houses being built in accordance with good standards but, when alterations in standards lead to an increase in costs without any corresponding benefit to the purchaser, it looks to me as if the purposes of those regulations are likely to defeat their own object. If, as Deputy Belton said, the Department are goingto adhere strictly to the outline specification I mentioned from the 1st January, I fail to see where it is going to reduce the price of houses.

Take external walls for instance. For over 20 years local authorities have used nine-inch solid external walls. That has always been accepted as good practice. But now, apparently, from the 1st January this practice will not be accepted. To comply with requirements, the wall will have to be either cavity wall or nine-inch wall insulated. Like most Deputies I live in a house which has a nine-inch solid wall and I find it satisfactory and have no complaints. If you are going to have a nine-inch solid wall insulated or a cavity wall it may make the rooms warmer but I still think you will require the same amount of coal.

That has been the practice of local authorities for a very long time.

I do not think it is of such long standing when it comes to private house building or local authority building. If we are going to have this factory-made block it will wipe out block making on the site. I wonder whether now is the time to start monkeying around with the standards. Concrete blocks are always made on the site. It gives quite a good deal of employment. I think the Minister mentioned that local authorities build something like 7,000 houses. If the blocks were to be made on the site for those houses it would give 500 men employment for a year. If we insist, however, from the 1st January, on the factory-made block what will happen? You will have three or four factories making this block. I respectfully suggest to the Minister that it would put a good deal of men out of work.

We know there is unemployment in private house building in Dublin. We are not doing so badly in the corporation. This is not the time to do anything that might cause more unemployment. I think that is a reasonable approach to the matter. We should do no meddling at all. In this specificationalso there is an oversizing of timber running right through it, and if the Minister looks it up it will bear me out in what I say. I have given this specification some thought and study. Any ordinaray carpenter will tell you that wallplate timbers of 4 x 2 instead of 4½ x 3 do not affect the strength of the house. I think it would have been all right, when these specifications were drawn up and when timber was 4/- per cubic foot instead of 14/-, which is the price now, to bring pressure to bear to have everything carried out in accordance with the specification. Hip and valley rafters 7 x 1½ instead of 9 by 1½ would not affect the construction in a harmful way. I could go right through the specification in this manner. Door frames, inside and outside, have got to be altered, but I think they should be left as they are.

This is not a builder's brief. If what I have said now is going to increase the price of a house by £40 or £50, the builder will pass that on to the person buying the house, and must get his profit. I want to emphasise that I am not by any means advocating shoddy building. I abhor it. I think jerry builders should be wiped off the face of the earth. I want solidly constructed houses built. I want to give a man a decent house to live in at a reasonable price.

I even contacted the Minister's Department and inquired from an official whether he could tell me if using the solid block as opposed to the hollow block was going to reduce the price of houses in any way, or whether it was going to increase them. He could not tell me. If the Minister, when he is replying to the debate, can tell me that the enforcement of all the regulations in the specification will reduce the price of houses, I certainly will be very pleased and so will every Deputy in this House.

I am simply making the case that now is not the time to interfere with the standards of house building. I urge the Minister very strongly to look into these matters and treat them as being important both from the point of view of the provision of houses and the provision of gainful employment. I knowthe Minister is as keen as I am to have more employment in private building. I would ask him to look into this matter and if he can prove to me that any alteration proposed in this outline specification is going to decrease and not increase the price of houses, I will be very pleased. It is no time to meddle with these specifications. We are anxious to employ as many people as possible in private house building. In his opening remarks the Minister said that things looked good in regard to private house building. I think that is the way we want it. Let him continue with the good work but let him leave things as they are and at the same time keep an eye on sound construction and good standards. That is the proper approach to the problem as I see it. I do not think that anybody so far in this debate mentioned the question of swimming baths.

I am more or less referring to the City of Dublin. The City of Dublin is a disgrace to Ireland so far as swimming baths are concerned. The fact that in 70 years only two baths have been erected in the City of Dublin is a downright disgrace. It is about time that we cut out the talk and made some effort to get on with the work.

It would be very fine for the Minister, or for any Deputy, to ask me: "What are you doing about it in the Dublin Corporation?" It has been before the corporation for many years, in fact as long as I can remember. When I went into the corporation they saddled me with the job of chairman of the baths committee. I did not know what I was being walked into and I can tell Deputies that I got a handful in that job. I visited the Tara Street Baths and the Iveagh Baths. I must say that, as far as Dublin is concerned, whatever one may say about the Iveagh Baths, the Tara Street Baths are a disgrace. I think that the solution for that is that Dublin should be treated in a special manner. I know that the Department of Local Government will pay the interest charges if we raise a loan, but I think that theGovernment should go further than that and give Dublin a substantial grant towards the erection of swimming baths. I say that because while we are doing our best to encourage the art of swimming amongst the school boys and girls of Dublin, we are being greatly hampered in our work. I would invite the Minister to come with me on any Saturday morning to the Tara Street Baths and to see the youngsters there clamouring to be taught how to swim. I should also like if the Minister would have a swim with me there. If he decides to come I undertake to provide him with the togs. I think that, if he had that experience of the Tara Street Baths, he would agree with me that they are a disgrace.

Why not invite them to Store Street?

I do not know anything about swimming in Store Street. I am speaking of Tara Street Baths and of the youngsters who go there to be taught swimming.

I have the County Cavan lakes to go to.

I am concerned mainly with the Tara Street Baths and I want to say that they are in a dilapidated condition. We made an effort recently to have some alterations carried out there. We had plans prepared but, unfortunately, a private concern had other plans and we could not proceed with our scheme. I tried at one time to get the corporation to remedy the position in Tara Street. We found that there was a tremendous amount of repairs to be carried out. There is a general laxity all round in keeping the baths in a reasonably satisfactory condition. The carrying out of repairs there was somewhat like repairing an old T Ford car which, after repair, would go for a certain time but in the long run would have to give up.

I think that those who are interested in physical training should realise the undoubted value of swimming as an exercise for healthy development. If I were to tell the House all that I have seen when visiting other countriesit would mean keeping the House here until to-morrow morning—telling Deputies of the differences there are between our country and other countries. Even in Belfast they leave us high and dry in regard to the provision of swimming baths.

I would appeal to the Minister to help us by using his influence with the Government in getting us a substantial grant for Dublin. Dublin, I submit, should be treated in a special way. I have here some extracts from the report of the council for the promotion of education in swimming in England which considered this question. The report was presented to the British Government in 1951. The document is a very interesting one. It is a pity, I think, that we are not able to do anything on the same lines in the way of teaching our young people to swim and in providing facilities for them to get a full course of training in swimming. The report is far too long for me to read to the House. It emphasises the undoubted value of swimming as an exercise for healthy development. I think myself that swimming should rank as a part of a youth's normal physical training —that is for every child who is medically fit for such training.

I think I have said enough on the question of swimming baths. It is something that I am very keen on myself. In every country that one visits one finds that the facilities provided are much better than those which are available in Dublin. We here may not be able to do as much as other countries because the cost would be colossal. We certainly could not possibly do it without a substantial Government grant.

Now, we have a site in Williams' Park, Rathmines. It has come back to us after many years. It was secured first for this purpose in 1927, then it was given to the vocational education committee and now it has come back to us again. As far as I can ensure it, it will not slip from our hands again. We cannot carry out the development that will be necessary there without substantial aid from the Government.I hope that, when a proposition in regard to it goes forward from the corporation to the Minister, he will give it his blessing.

Someone referred to the unfortunate car park attendants of Dublin. I know, of course, you will find black sheep in most organisations, but I do say that the majority of the car park attendants, particularly those who carry out their duties in the centre of the city, are reasonably good citizens and are certainly not as bad as they have been painted. I feel that, since these car park attendants began to operate, there have been fewer charges in the courts in regard to the stealing of articles from cars parked in the city. I think that these men do a pretty good job. I do not agree, and neither does the car parking association agree, that the presence of car park attendants outside of churches and cemeteries is necessary. The men who attend at these places are not recognised by the association. I do say, however, that the car park attendants are doing good work. Their presence prevents a lot of thieving from cars parked in the city.

I was at the Horse Show this year and saw a car park attendant guiding a lady out of a parking place. He was doing his job nicely when she shouted at him: "For goodness' sake will you stop, you fool." Of course, she ignored his directions, with the result that the front mudguards of her car damaged the back mudguards of another car. The car park attendant said to her that he was sorry but he would have to get her name and number and report her to the police. If anyone goes down O'Connell Street he will see quite a number of ex-Army men engaged as car park attendants. I think they are doing very good work and I am of opinion that they should not be attacked as bitterly as they have been. Someone referred to a car park attendant as having his own car. Why should he not have his own car? If one stands outside in Molesworth Street one will see these men busily engaged at their job. Well, if they are thrifty men and if, as a result of their thrift, they are able to have acar, why should they not have one? We all know that there are a lot of fellows driving cars around and they are not half as thrifty as the men who mind their cars at those parking places. I think it is time those men were taken under proper control and that some scheme was worked out in connection with their employment, something on the lines of what is being done in Belfast. Deputy Belton told the House what the position there is.

I have nothing more to say except again to repeat that with the exception of the outline specification to which I have referred, I think the Government are doing quite a good job of work on the question of house building. It is a very difficult problem and is certainly being tackled in earnest. I would ask the Minister again to look into that matter. If he can convince me that this question of a specification is going to reduce the price of house building, and is going to give us a better type of house, at a more reasonable price, then I will be more than satisfied.

I disagree with some of the Deputies and others who have asserted in my hearing on more than one occasion that the Department of Local Government can only be regarded as a junior Ministry or Department. I am not a member of a local authority, never have been and do not hope to be; therefore, I think I can approach the Estimate and what requires to be said upon it in a detached way. I listen very often and very attentively at Party meetings and also at other meetings of groups of councillors who represent Labour on local authorities. My views are largely based upon what I hear from those people who have experience of the work of local authorities and of the work of the Department of Local Government.

From my long membership of this House under 14 different Governments, I have come to the conclusion that the Department of Local Government can render more assistance towards the solution of our local problems and the grave national problem of unemployment than any other Department of State. That can only bedone, however, provided the policy is sound and the Department itself is sympathetic in the administration of that policy.

The Minister has at his disposal, so far as I can see and judge, comparing the Department of Local Government with other Departments, as fine a body of young men, junior and senior civil servants, as any other Department of State. It is a privilege and a pleasure to work with them and it is a great advantage to the Minister, I am sure he will agree, that he has such a fine body of civil servants, both junior and senior officials, to carry out the policy of the Department.

Therefore, if there is anything wrong in the Department or in the administration of the Department it is not due to the inefficiency of the civil servants who administer the policy. I make allowance for the fact that the Department of Local Government cannot carry out its functions, as I understand them, at any rate, unless it has the necessary finance at its disposal and unless it is provided with the money to give effect to the various regulations and Acts that are passed by this House from time to time making money available for such purposes as waterworks, sewerage and house building which, of course, should come first, and other activities of that kind.

Before dealing with those matters, I want to say it is about time that the Minister should make a statement concerning his and the Department's general attitude to the experience they have gained over a number of years of the administration of the City and County Management Acts. I speak as one who violently opposed the introduction of the City Management Acts in their early stages, and that was long before the present Minister came into office or thought he would occupy such an important position as he does to-day.

I am not going to blame the present Minister or his immediate predecessor —it would be very unfair to blame them—for everything that is wrong with the administration of the City and County Management Acts, but Iwould say it is an admission on his part of the failure or partial failure of the system that he has announced a short time ago his intention of introducing a City—and probably County— Management Amending Bill. We will have to wait and see what that particular Bill contains. At any rate, it will contain amendments that must be regarded as essential amendments based on the experience of the working of these two Acts.

I must look at this question in a detached and perfectly impartial and non-political way. If I am capable of coming to a considered and fair conclusion with regard to the administration of the City and County Management Acts, it is this: the places where the Acts have been fairly administered are the places and areas, cities and counties, where the managers have been appointed as a result of their previous experience in local government administration, and the places where it is alleged to be a failure, or not be the success that was intended by everybody responsible for the policy, are the places where the men who were put in charge were brought in from outside services to be put in charge of administrative matters, and where the people working under them knew more than they knew themselves. In some cases and places—we have had examples quoted here in the previous discussion—the city and county managers have used their powers after consultation with the members of the local authorities concerned. We heard here this evening from Deputy Cowan, who is a member of the Dublin Corporation, that the manager of this big city, with millions of pounds at his disposal, which he has to administer, consults in almost all cases the sub-committees concerned or the members of the corporation as a body; he acts upon the advice either of the body, when it is unanimous, or on the advice of the majority of the members of that particular body. That is the way, I think—of course, I am not sure—it was intended these Acts should be administered.

It was always admitted by the people who fathered the idea in thebeginning in the Cumann na nGaedheal days that this whole system was an experimental one. The person responsible for introducing the policy of the City and County Management Acts in the early days was Deputy Mulcahy when he was Minister under the Cumann na nGaedheal Government. It was the idea of the members of the House at the time, and certainly it was the case made by Deputy Mulcahy and his colleagues, that the introduction of this system of city and county management was for the purpose of preventing the squandering of the ratepayers' money and providing the ratepayers, whenever it was possible, with more efficiency and a less costly system of local administration.

I suggest that the system has not achieved the purpose of its authors. I do not know whether the Minister has at his disposal, or whether he can provide in his reply, figures to show the way in which the cost of administering those City and County Management Acts has increased over and above what it was when the local administration was in the hands of the elected representatives of the ratepayers. As far as I can see the cost of administering the City and County Management Acts has been increased beyond anything that anybody could foresee so far as the administrative and engineering side of local services is concerned. I would like to know what is the percentage increase in the administrative, engineering and supervisory sides since these Acts came into operation compared with the increase that has taken place in regard to the ordinary operating side of the service. You will find there is no comparison, that so far as some parts of the country are concerned there has been a huge increase in the administrative cost of local services since the Acts came into operation.

I opposed the introduction of the city and county management system because I think in a real, full-blooded democracy, which we are supposed to be, free in every possible way to make our own laws in this Assembly and free as we should be to administer those laws so far as they affect the administration of local authorities, the LocalGovernment Department should be the Department above all others that should be in intimate daily contact with the representatives of the people and particularly with the views and activities of the local ratepayers. That is not the position at the present time. From my limited knowledge of the operation of the administration of the County Management Act, I do not like in some places and cases the real redtape way in which this Act is being administered. Surely if we trust the people who put us into this House, we should trust the same people to administer local authorities in the same way as we expect them to trust us in making laws they desire to have made here for the welfare of the people as a whole.

There is a difference of opinion apparently between the different county managers throughout this country as to what is the meaning of reserved functions. They are being interpreted in totally opposite ways in some counties that adjoin each other. There is something wrong there which should be put right, and I hope when the Minister brings in his County Management Amending Bill he will see that his intentions and the intentions of his colleagues in the Government and, if possible, the intentions of this House as whole, will be written down in language that cannot be misunderstood and in particular cannot be misunderstood by representatives of the ratepayers.

It would be a far better thing if all city and county managers in the country would take the views of the elected representatives into consideration before issuing the usual orders that have to be issued from time to time by city and county managers. I could quote some of the glaring cases in support of this. I find at meetings of county councils in recent years in different areas varying views are being taken in regard to the rights of their own employees and in particular in the case of road workers who look for increases in their wages from time to time. I will put this seriously and fairly to the Minister as a matter of policy. I do not know what views theMinister holds on this matter, but is there any justification in the wide world, among a people with whom common-sense prevails and who claim to have an overdose of justice and fair play and who desire to do justice to public employees, for road workers who work in the same area or in areas close beside each other getting different rates of wages, the difference being to the extent of 10/- or 12/- per week at the present time, for doing work of the same type?

We have that case existing in two counties in my own constituency. The same county manager is responsible for the administration of two counties. Is it not a fact that county managers generally, whether you take county managers with one or two counties, have a fixed minimum or maximum salary and what is the justification for different rates of wages for road workers when their wives frequent the same villages and towns to purchase the same essential commodities while some of them have much less money than the others? Is there any case— at any rate, I would like to hear it if there is, and there may be such a case —to be made that road workers outside, say, the principal cities of the country, should be getting varying rates of wages for doing the same kind of work? I think it is about time—and I put it through you, Sir, to the Minister—that we should give careful and early consideration to the suggestion that rates of wages of road workers should be standardised in what are commonly called the rural parts of this country.

In the case of one county in my constituency recently, the county council unanimously—it was the first time they were ever unanimous in a matter of this kind—agreed to recommend an increase in road workers' wages of 7/6 a week. They were guided mainly by the argument that was being made for standardising, and in the adjoining county, Kildare, from the 1st April of this year, road workers were paid £4 12s. 6d. per week. Road workers in Carlow were paid £4 10s. per week. In any case, road workers in Monasterevan, Athy and townsand villages adjoining are getting different rates of wages even to the extent of 10/- per week. The Minister was asked here two weeks ago by one of my colleagues in this House if he had received the recommendation of the county manager in that particular case and the Minister said he had not so far received any recommendation from the county manager. No matter what the county manager's name is or however powerful he may think he is, he should not ignore the unanimous recommendations of the county council in such circumstances that the rates of wages of road workers should be increased by so much. It is the function of the county manager to submit that unanimous recommendation to the Minister, and it is then for the Minister to take responsibility whether he will accept it or not. There is a powerful influence behind a recommendation when it is the unanimous recommendation of a local authority.

I think a manager should not insist in a case like that, as he has done in this and in other previous cases, on using his own judgment as to what should be the rate of increase due to road workers. I believe that is not an exceptional case and that there are one or two other cases in the country where managers use dictatorial powers in ignoring the views and recommendations of county councils. I raised a case earlier this year with the Minister where the manager of one area in Tipperary told the county council, immediately they passed a certain resolution, that he would refuse to submit the views of the council to the Minister in that particular case. I have nothing personal against the people concerned. I am opposed to the system and I am making the case—if it is a case worthy of consideration—that the question of reserved functions in the proposed new County Management Amending Bill should be clearly laid down so that they will be clearly understood not alone by members of local authorities but—and much more important—by the county managers who may be disposed, as some of them have been, to use their powers in a particular manner.

There is another question I want to raise, and it has been the subject of criticism in my constituency—that is the question of recruiting members of the clerical staff of local authorities. I would like to see members of the clerical and administrative staffs of local authorities recruited in the same way as for the Civil Service. If that is not possible they should be brought in by some different method from that employed at the present time. There is some kind of limited competitive examination held for temporary staff. The successful candidates are kept on in a temporary capacity for a fairly long period and eventually they are appointed as permanent members of the staff. I think when these vacancies for clerical staff exist they should be specially advertised and that a public competitive examination should be held so that the sons and daughters of every ratepayer in the county concerned should have an equal and fair opportunity of getting into the service of the local authority.

We want that, too, Deputy.

I am very glad to hear the Minister say that, and having said that, will he explain why it is that there is such a large number of the total percentage of clerical staff employed in a temporary capacity in two counties in my constituency for a long number of years? I do not understand it.

I have no knowledge that they can become permanent as easily as the Deputy seems to think.

I am putting the matter for favourable consideration by the Minister—and I hope that he will, if possible, give it sympathetic consideration—that the administrative staffs of all local authorities should be recruited in the same way as the staffs of the Civil Service. That is the fairest and best way of doing it and, if it is done in that way, there will be no grounds for grievance on the part of those people who are making complaints to-day.

With regard to housing, that is, of course, the first essential service so faras the Department of Local Government and local authorities are concerned. I was rather amazed recently to hear the Minister tell Deputy MacBride, in reply to a parliamentary question, that the housing requirements in Laois had been met; that was the simple meaning of the reply given by the Minister when asked to state the counties, cities and towns where full provision had been made for the immediate needs of those anxious to secure suitable housing accommodation. In my opinion, Laois was wrongly included in that list.

The 1947 list.

The Minister has in his own Department at the moment clear evidence that Laois has not yet been properly provided for in relation to housing. Next Monday the Minister will open a new housing scheme there where there have been two applicants for every house constructed. I could quote other towns and rural areas where the people are still very badly housed. I am glad Deputy Meagher is present: a few weeks ago I visited an area on the borders of Laois-Carlow-Kilkenny and I saw there people living under conditions of which I am sure Deputy Meagher would be ashamed. I have never gone around my constituency looking for grievances. I get plenty of grievances without going around looking for them. Neither do I go around advertising myself as an agent canvassing for grievances.

I put it to the Minister that the housing needs of the county have by no means been met in the way in which they should have been met. I am half ashamed to read a letter I received from a responsible, well-known citizen in relation to the horrible housing conditions on the borders of Carlow-Kilkenny. The letter ends:—

"I would say that if conditions remain as they are there won't be any here in five years' time. They will be dead from T.B., or emigrated."

I went into what was described as a house—it has been christened "Dillon'shut"—on the border of that constituency on a stormy, wet Sunday evening. I found a man, his wife and three children living in that hut. One child was in bed and I learned that the doctor had visited it the previous day. There is no doubt that hut was a breeding ground for T.B. The people living in it could not escape it. The father of that family applied for proper housing accommodation nine years ago. I am not exaggerating the position. I am sure I am pushing an open door and talking to the converted so there is no necessity to exaggerate, but I want the Minister to get it out of his head that the requirements of the people of Laois have been met. His own files will prove the truth of my assertion.

I do not know what the Minister's experience is or whether he is prepared to give any indication of his outlook in relation to the contentious question of direct labour versus the contract system. Deputy McGrath stated that the cost of building in Cork is coming down. Other Deputies sitting behind the Minister indicated that the cost of building is coming down. As far as I know, the cost of building has only been brought down in the areas where experiments have been carried out with direct labour. The results of those experiments show that houses have been built cheaper under that system than under the contract system. I am not competent to judge the value of this work. The real test of value is the cost of maintenance subsequently.

A few Sundays ago I was in an area and I was amazed to hear complaints of defects in houses built inside the last two years. In the same town there are 15 houses built 20 years ago and the cost of maintenance is negligible. That may be due to the efficiency of the man in charge. At the same time I cannot understand why houses built two years ago should to-day be a charge on the ratepayers in relation to maintenance. I do not believe in wiping out the contractor. I am not an advocate of that, but I hold the Minister and his Department and the local authority should be allowed to create a spirit of healthy competition by giving some houses out under the directlabour system and some under contract. Let there be fair competition, if there can be such a thing as fair competition.

That is just the question.

I know that the Minister visited a town where that experiment was carried out with the goodwill of the officers of his Department. The houses built by direct labour, in the opinion of skilled tradesmen, are much better houses, and a good deal cheaper than those built on the contract system in the same town. The Minister has all this data available in his own Department.

Deputy Crotty is not an advocate of the direct system but I listened to him and other Deputies paying a wonderful tribute to the way in which houses were built by direct labour in Kilkenny City and much cheaper than they could have been built under contract. When dealing with building costs the final test must be the rent paid, irrespective of whether the houses have been built under contract or under the direct labour system. It is somewhat unfortunate that in my constituency there has been keen competition for these houses but immediately the tenants go in there is an organised row about the excessive rents. Now I want to avoid all that and, in order to bring rents down to a reasonable figure, I want to see building costs brought down. I will make every allowance for a reasonable profit to the contractor provided he treats his workmen properly. I will always go after a contractor who tries to get away with cheap labour. Unfortunately that has happened in my constituency but, like the Minister or anyone else, I can enjoy a luncheon given by a building contractor but I will not have luncheon with a building contractor who refuses to give holiday pay to the workers that he employs.

You have shown no evidence of that.

I will salute the good building contractor and shake handswith him. This did not happen under the Minister's régime but under the régime of my friend and colleague, Deputy Keyes. How can you sit down to a luncheon which will cost the building contractor 20/- to 30/- when you know that the man has a row with his workers and will not pay holiday money?

The Minister has no responsibility for those functions.

I would see that builders of that type were not given work by the local authority and that the work would be carried out by direct labour. That is the only way I can relate what I am saying to the Estimate under consideration.

I join with other Deputies in protesting against the policy of the Department and the Minister—I presume it is Government policy; I am not going to blame the civil servants for it—in allowing the very valuable Local Authorities (Works) Act to lapse. That is what they are doing deliberately. Is it the deliberate policy of the present Minister to repeal this measure by making it useless, by reducing the amount made available this year by £250,000 as compared with the amount made available in the previous year? I ask the Minister to answer that straight question. Wonderful work has been done and can be done under this Act if the money is made available. Will the Minister take the opinion of the members of every county council in this matter? Will he take the considered opinion of the General Council of County Councils? If he does, they will not express themselves as being in favour of the repeal of that Act which conferred such very valuable benefits on the farmers whose lands were drained. Roads in the vicinity of farmers' lands were repaired and a great deal of employment was provided when that Act was in full operation.

I have been assured by officials of county councils in my area that 85 per cent. of the big sums of money that were voted under this Act whenDeputy Keyes was Minister and Deputy Corish was Parliamentary Secretary went in wages to workers. Last year, when somebody was challenged to quote cases where money was squandered under this particular scheme, he quoted a small scheme of £70 which, he said, was merely scratching the surface and did not produce valuable results. One can always quote one case to kill the best scheme ever manufactured.

Let us consider the matter on the merits. Let us not repeal a good Act simply because it was introduced and put into operation by the predecessors of the present Government. I and my colleagues have been requested to impress on the Minister the desirability and urgency of making a sum of £42,000 available under this Act for urgent works in County Laois and for the schemes that have been submitted to his Department and that have been for a long time awaiting sanction simply because the Minister will not let the money go into the areas concerned.

At the end of August last, when the county council had considered the position in regard to unemployment and the urgency of certain works, particularly in regard to county roads, the Minister was asked by Laois County Council to receive a deputation to discuss these matters. I was amazed to learn that the Minister refused to meet the deputation. Why has the Minister refused? It is a new line of policy for the Minister. When he came into office he was willing to meet almost every and any body and to go everywhere he was invited to go.

I am still not bad at it.

I hope the Minister will agree to meet that deputation. As a practical man and a realist, he will agree that it is not possible to make as good a case on paper as can be made personally.

Cannot the Deputy make the case personally now?

I have referred to the matter previously.

Rub it in.

The Deputy wants me here and now to make the case which it is the duty of the county council, accompanied by Deputies, to make to the Minister on urgent matters of this kind.

Give him the works now.

I would not do it for personal reasons.

As a Deputy, that is your job.

I will do it on condition that the Deputy will support me.

I will listen to you.

You will not give me the assurance that you will support me, even if I make a first-class case?

Let us hear the case.

I urge the Minister to meet the deputation to hear what they have to say on these matters that they regard as urgent. I am not authorised to represent other areas but I can say that the county roads in Laois are in a disgraceful and dangerous state. I do not know where the money is to come from for the repair of these roads that were wrecked during the emergency. It is a serious matter for discussion between the Minister and the representatives of all parties on that county council, accompanied by the county manager.

I am glad the Deputy is coming around to my way of thinking.

I think I am pushing an open door when I ask for consideration of the conditions of service and salaries of housing inspectors and the conditions under which they carry out their work in rural areas. I understand that the majority of housing inspectors have served the Department well for a considerable time. That being so, they are entitled to be established and to receive salaries comparable with the salaries of engineers employed by local authorities and public utility corporations. Some of them work under verybad conditions. A housing inspector who is responsible for the work of three or four counties is entitled to proper office accommodation such as is provided for an officer of the Revenue Commissioners or the Land Commission. The Minister should consider that matter. I assume I am talking to the converted. I take the risk of saying that again I suppose it is the Department of Finance that is responsible.

I have been asked recently by people engaged in the transport industry to try to influence the representatives of some Government Departments to take a friendly interest in the work of the Safety First Association. Having regard to the rapid increase in the number of road accidents, this is a body worthy of the blessing of the Department of Local Government, the Department of Justice and perhaps other Government Departments. I would urge the Minister if it is necessary—but I doubt if it is—to take a friendly interest in the working of that particular body and, if it is desirable in his opinion, to have a representative of his Department on the committee that runs that Safety First Association.

As time goes on housing is becoming more and more a State concern. I am not a member of a local body such as the last speaker but I think that any Deputy here appreciates that as far as this matter of housing is concerned it is, as I stated, becoming more a matter for the State than for the private individual. A Deputy from the other side speaking just now said that it should be the aim of this House to provide homes rather than houses for people. What he meant to convey was that it should be the aim of the Government to provide everybody with a house for themselves, and I fully concur with that. If we move in that direction it will enable us to push ahead with public housing at a faster rate than we are moving at present, because we must all accept the fact that no matter what housing has been carried out under local authorities and under Governments from time to timein this country we are hardly keeping pace with the requirements of the people. If we are able to put the people in a position so that they can purchase their own houses we will be lightening the debt on the local authorities and making a way for more money to be available to build more houses.

I think that the way should be made as easy as possible for tenants to purchase their houses. The difficulty that arises in these cases is that most of these houses are subsidised and that when the tenants come to buy the houses they have to cover not only the cost of the houses themselves but they also have to pay the subsidy, as well as the principal that is due each year on the capital, and that puts a very heavy charge on them. I think it would well repay the State—and I understand that resolutions to this effect have gone in from local authorities—if the Government, or rather the Minister for Local Government, would sanction some scheme whereby it would be possible for these tenants to buy their houses without having to meet all these charges. I know that that would cost money but it would encourage people to own their own houses and if you have a country with people owning houses it makes for stability.

I would also suggest that it should be possible in some of the better type of houses as intended for tenants to buy them out and to pay some of the money that is due for them by means of a ground rent. After all, in private housing anyone knows that those who buy a house in the City of Dublin do not buy it outright; they have to pay a ground rent as well. Surely it would be feasible in the case of local authority houses that when a tenant is buying out his house some of the money could be staggered over by a ground rent, and let it be open to the tenant at a subsequent period to buy out that house on a certain number of years' purchase. That would be a move in the direction of gradually putting people in the position of owning their own houses.

I find as a Deputy—and I am sure that a great many other Deputies havethe same experience—that the dual control of housing grants and housing generally is leading to a lot of trouble. I recently asked the Minister a question here as to whether it would be possible to remove this system of dual control anyway for housing grants under the 1946 Act, and he said that he was considering the matter. My experience is that there is nothing but continuous and protracted delays over the paying of housing grants, and I feel that it is due to the present system that obtains. A person applies for a housing grant, and I think the position is that he gets a certain amount of money at a certain period and this house is inspected then by the local engineer. Then there is a further delay until the departmental inspector comes down to inspect that house. Every Deputy knows that if you go to the Custom House and interview officials there and ask that a house may be examined or inspected, as the case may be, by the departmental officials, one meets with the greatest courtesy there —there is no doubt about that—and one gets a promise that it will be done as soon as possible. Further, one is told that the engineer will be communicated with. I do not know if the position is that there are not enough engineers to inspect these houses, but that could easily be the case, and in every single case there is a protracted delay. It is not a question of a week or ten days or a fortnight. Very often it is months before you can get that house inspected.

The same thing applies again when the house is finished. You have to go through the same process to get the departmental official to inspect the house. People complain, and rightly so, that this is inhibiting building as well as private enterprise, and that they have to wait literally for weeks and months and, I might say, years. I know of a case of a housing grant paid the other day in my own constituency to a man who was waiting for five years to get that grant. That is quite unnecessary. It is administrative inefficiency and nothing else. I am not particularly placing the blame on anyone concerned, but this system of dual control is making for inefficiency. It is unsatisfactory control becausethese long delays are preventing the people from availing of the schemes that exist.

The same thing applies exactly to practically everything to do with housing under local administration; the same thing with the labourers' cottages. Even say that if a cottager gets a site, that he even gets an agreed site, it will still probably be the best part of 12 or 18 months, in a lot of cases, before the foundation of that house is laid. That might not happen in every case. Let us go through the cumbrous road that has to be travelled before a house is actually built. First of all there is a site. A labourer gets a site, and that goes before the county council. It is discussed at the county council and passed. It then goes into the solicitor's office for the purpose of having the legal business conducted. I think that is the next stop on the road. As every Deputy knows, that does not happen overnight and it does not happen in a week or in a month. Sometimes it takes months before it happens, when it goes into the solicitor's office when he has to go for a title. Eventually the solicitor has agreed the purchase price as between the solicitor who is operating for the county council and the landowner who is selling the land.

I forgot to mention—I am moving too fast—that when the site is got it does not go to the solicitor. It goes to local government first of all, and the local government engineer, subsequent to the local engineer and the local medical officer of health who have inspected the site, must inspect the site. Now I come back to the other stage where it goes to the solicitor, for the simple building of a house. It goes to the solicitor. When it has gone to the solicitor then it has to go to the Land Commission, and he is a lucky man who will get it out of the Land Commission in a few months' time. We cannot hold the Minister for Local Government responsible for that, but it is all making for delays in the building of houses, and surely it should be possible to have some simplification of that. After it has gone to the Land Commission, it then comes back again.

Does it ever come back?

If a Deputy follows it in there and follows it up, it will come out eventually if he works hard enough. It comes back to the local authority and then it is put up for contract. It is not good enough for the local engineer to agree on the contract: it has to go back again to the Department of Local Government. I do not know how long the matter may be in the Department, but, eventually, when it comes back, the house may be built. I think it will be agreed that it is a very conservative statement to say that there is something wrong in this country with the present system of building houses for the working classes.

You would not build a house for yourself without getting title to the site.

Certainly I would get title to the site.

The point is that there is unnecessary delay.

I know nothing about building a house but I am quite sure that I could build a house quicker than houses are being built by local authorities at the present moment. I readily agree that the ratepayers should be defended and that the houses should be built as cheaply as possible but if anybody tells me that the present system is good and economic, I say that it is not. Further, I believe that if all Deputies were asked privately for their opinion about this matter—if they have had the same experience that I have had in regard to this matter, and I am sure that most of them have had that experience— they would deny the assertion that the present system is good and economic. In my view, the present system is making for inefficiency, for extra work and for higher administrative costs. If half of this procedure were dispensed with, the houses could be built much more cheaply and much quicker than is the case at present.

My next point concerns parking in Dublin City. It may seem strange that I, a country Deputy, should refer to this matter. However, it is a very important matter and it concerns myconstituents and the constituents of every rural Deputy, as well as the people of Dublin City. It is a known fact that, during the rush seasons, any motorist from a country district who is not too conversant with the Dublin traffic regulations, and with parking as it obtains in Dublin City as a whole, may find that he has to spend a very long time searching for a place to park his car. Sometimes these motorists from rural areas have only a very limited time at their disposal in which to transact whatever business they may have to do in the city, and it frequently happens that these people have to spend the best part of an hour touring the city in order to try to find somewhere to put their car while they are transacting their business. The Minister may say that this is a matter for the Dublin Corporation, or he may say that it is a matter for the Gardaí, and that it comes under the Department of Justice. However, it seems to me that the Minister must have some responsibility in the matter.

With the usual system of dual control that exists in this part of the country—and, probably, everywhere else in the world—if the Dublin Corporation or the city manager decided to make a parking site available in the city, that decision would have to be sanctioned by the Department of Local Government. In my view, parking facilities should be made available immediately in Dublin City.

They did, one time, but the motorists would not use it.

Will the Deputy not agree that the position is different now? Around St. Stephen's Green there is a very wide payment. There is a railing with, I think, an iron chain outside it. I consider that it is quite unnecessary to have that wide pavement. One meets very few pedestrians there. I do not know what the width of the pavement is, or of the waste space outside it, but certainly there is a lot of room there. I do not see why the Dublin Corporation or the Minister for Local Government should not take over at least half of that pavement for parking purposes. It would providespace for a great many cars for that area of Dublin which applies to Grafton Street, St. Stephen's Green and that end of the city generally.

Anybody who tries to park a car in the vicinity of O'Connell Street will be disappointed and he will have to travel quite a good distance from it before he can find a parking place—unless he happens to be a Deputy and is lucky enough to be able to park his car in the grounds of the Custom House. The corporation or some other body will have to provide parking facilities of some kind in the neighbourhood of O'Connell Street. I fail to see why they should not provide some sort of overhead or underground parking place. It has been done in the past few years in English cities. We should consider that matter here and try to make the position easier for our people as a whole.

The limited parking facilities available in Dublin City at the moment make for accidents. If a driver of a car is cruising around for any length of time at a slow pace in order to find a parking place, his slow speed will have the effect of bottling up the traffic. Then, when he thinks he has come upon a likely place, he begins to move into it, only to discover, maybe, that there is a "No Parking" sign there or that only one-way traffic is allowed. He then starts to move out again. All these manoeuvrings lead to confusion and are, I think, in the long run, responsible for accidents.

I come now to the matter of local taxation. The Minister has rather an unenviable job in that he has been made responsible for the increase in local taxation. No matter what our political views may be it will be generally agreed that local taxation is reaching breaking point. In other words, it has gone beyond the stage where people can pay it with comfort. It is reaching the stage where the burdens which the people are asked to bear are becoming uneconomic. The Minister had the unenviable job of bringing in a Bill which was designed to augment local taxation considerably. Owners of tractors, motor cars, lorries, motor cycles and mechanically-propelledvehicles of all sorts have had to pay considerably increased sums of money in that regard. We were informed, when the Bill was going through the House, that its purpose was the maintenance and improvement of our roads.

Anybody who knows anything about roads in this country will appreciate that the position is that our roads were not designed to carry the traffic which they are now being made to carry. Our main and our county roads got into a shocking state of disrepair and the position at the moment is bad. I believe that what really happened in this country is that we did not move with the times. We have allowed our roads to deteriorate to such an extent that, instead of doing a complete job of repairs on the roads, we are just constantly carrying on with patchwork repairs and, in the majority of instances, that is merely a waste of time. A considerable amount of money is being wasted in that way on the temporary repair of our roads.

I am not a member of a local authority and perhaps it is not right for me to criticise them, as such, but it is my duty to say here that I consider that the huge sums of money that have been collected from the taxpayers, from the motorists and from the owners of mechanically-propelled vehicles of all sorts, should show better results. I believe that these people are not getting a sufficient or an adequate return for all that money which is collected from them. That brings us back again to the matter of administrative costs. In the Road Fund, as I know it, the first charges are for principal and interest. That would suggest that we are borrowing large sums of money for the purpose of maintaining our roads in their present state of repair and trying to keep them open and safe for the vehicles which use them.

The borrowing on the Road Fund was not for the purpose of roads.

The first charge is for principal and interest. The second charge is for administration. Thatbrings us back to the point which I spoke about already. We have not a single administration: we have a dual administration. If engineers want to carry out any scheme whatsoever, they have to have a shadow man and possibly not merely one shadow man but several shadow men in the Department of Local Government.

The opinion has been expressed to me, not only on previous occasions but to-day by Deputies, as it has been expressed to me by county managers and administrative officers, that we could do away with a great number of these people and cut down administrative costs considerably. I do not know what the percentage of administrative costs is, but, judging by the increase in taxation on vehicles and the rate of charges, which the Minister will admit are in excess of what they were last year and which, in fact, are rising all the time on the basis of the amounts which came back to us in County Wexford from the Road Fund over the past three years, there is a lot of unnecessary administrative cost. We should get a lot more money than we do get.

There are three separate sources from which we get money and Deputy Allen, who is the expert on local administration in Wexford, will correct me if I am wrong. In 1951-52, in respect of main road maintenance, we got £14,000; in 1952-53, £16,376; and in 1953-54, £16,704. In 1951-52, in respect of main road improvements grants, we got £20,000; in 1952-53, £37,000; and 1953-54, £48,000.

You are not doing too badly.

I advise the Minister to look up the number of cars registered in Wexford. I have not got the figure here but there are far more cars on the road and far more is being paid into the Road Fund than was paid heretofore. I propose to make another point later about the amounts, but the point I am making now is that more and more money is being absorbed in administrative costs unnecessarily by reason of this dual system of control.There are too many officials interfering in this and, instead of letting the money come straight back to be dealt with locally, it has to be played about with by officials. Expenses are going up—labour costs and materials costs— but, at the same time, administrative costs are rising.

In addition, I understand that the allocation is made on a mileage basis and in County Wexford we have a greater mileage of roads than in any other county in Ireland. Anybody who has travelled in Wexford knows that, and I have known even local people to go astray quite near their own homes because there are so many roads in the county.

That is quite true. I have often got lost.

On that basis, I think we should be getting more than we are getting.

We have too many roads down there. That is all that is wrong.

I maintain that Wexford is entitled to more on a mileage basis and I ask the Minister to consider that point. Secondly, I ask him to direct his policy in future towards cutting out dual administration, because it is rotting every section of local administration and pushing up costs all the time.

With regard to water supplies, everybody will agree that we are behindhand in this country in the matter of the provision of water supplies. It is only in recent years that we have provided proper piped water supplies to our towns and villages. In this connection, again, I have to return to the question of administration. The people in South Wexford are living in hope that some day they will get the long-promised water scheme for four or five towns in that area—Duncannon, Fethard-on-Sea, Ballycullane and Arthurstown. From my researches, it seems to be one of those administrative jobs that have been going on for a period of six or seven years now and my latest information is that the scheme will possibly be ready to commence in 1955.

And it is going to cost £1,000,000.

As a result of my inquiries, I understand that the scheme will pay for itself, and there is no reason why it should not do so, provided it is a scheme which, once completed, does not involve overhead charges. It is a gravitation scheme.

It is a pump scheme.

That is not my information.

You are altogether wrong.

My information is that it is a gravitation scheme, but perhaps they have changed it again.

There has been no change from the beginning.

There will be a change in the cost.

There will.

Does Deputy Allen disapprove of that scheme?

I do not, but it is going to cost £1,000,000 and it will not pay for itself. The ratepayers of County Wexford will pay for it, but it will do good.

Has the Deputy anything to support that statement? Perhaps when he comes to speak, he will explain to us how costly it will be. I understand that it was a gravitation scheme, but I say that subject to correction by Deputy Allen, who is the expert on local affairs. I am not a member of the local body, but I suggest that the policy of the Minister's Department should be directed towards gravitation schemes and towards the carrying out as rapidly as possible of water supply schemes throughout the whole country. The people are entitled to water schemes, and I do not agree with Deputy Allen that such schemes are going to be terribly costly. If they are put into operation, I presume the people will pay a water rate. The areas I have mentioned are tourist areas. Duncannon is one of thebeauty spots of Wexford, and there is no reason why it should now grow to three, four, five or six times its present size, except one—there was another reason, lack of lighting, but that reason does not exist now—lack of a water supply. If a water supply were available, the Deputy will concede that more houses would be built, and it would become an up-to-date tourist centre. The people would pay a water rate, and in these circumstances perhaps the scheme will not lie quite so heavily on the ratepayers as Deputy Allen believes.

With regard to rates, the position in Wexford as I know it at the moment is that the ratepayers are being asked to pay the full rate. I have letters from all over the constituency asking if that action on the part of the local authority, on, I presume, the overriding authority of the Department, in collecting the full rate is legal. I understand from inquiries that there was an Act in force whereby there was a remission of rates to people under a certain valuation—one-fifth under £20 valuation and two-fifths over £20 valuation. My information is that the full rate is being collected from the unfortunate ratepayers in the area. I presume the same state of affairs exists in other parts of the country, but I can speak only for Wexford. I think that is entirely wrong. We are told that we shall have some form of legislation in which the matter will be rectified, in other words that further legislation will be brought in, to restore the grants that have been removed by the action of the Minister in not continuing the previous Acts which expired at the end of March.

I think it is very wrong that the overburdened ratepayer—and the ratepayer is overburdened no matter what anybody may say; things have got to the stage when, as I said at the outset, production is becoming uneconomic in this country—has a genuine grievance in being asked to pay the full amount. The Minister may answer me by saying that he is introducing legislation to rectify that. What guarantee have we that that legislation will be passed? Even if such legislation is made retrospective, thereis no reason why the old legislation should not have been continued. It was a very simple method of dealing with the matter. If the Minister wanted to bring in subsequent legislation, he could have done that without going so far as indulging in what I would call sharp practice, in order to take money from these people.

On whom should it be levied?

Does this refer to agricultural land?

I am referring to the grants for the relief of rates on agricultural land. Some Deputies mentioned the question of building houses by direct labour as opposed to the system of building houses by contract. I think the experience usually has been that it is better to build houses by direct labour and I suppose that stands to reason. It was only recently that it came to my knowledge that the position obtaining at present in districts where work had been carried on by direct labour, is that new schemes cannot be pushed ahead because, according to regulations issued by the Local Government Department, such schemes must be put up for private contract. Probably the idea is to try to bring costs down as much as possible, in other words, to get competitive prices so as to ensure that houses will be erected as cheaply as possible. I suggest to the Minister that in districts where it has been found that good houses have been built under the direct labour system and at a cheaper rate than the older system, the Minister should waive this rule whereby the houses have to be offered for private contract. It stands to reason that if you initiate a housing scheme by direct labour, you have first of all to lay out all your plans and settle everything for the future. You cannot start a housing scheme overnight; you have to prepare beforehand for it and it is essential to be in a position, once you start on a particular scheme, to continue that scheme. I feel that the Minister might see his way to sanction building schemesunder the direct labour system in districts where that system has proved successful in the past. In the long run, it will be more economical to do so, and it will be more advantageous from the point of view of employment of labour as well. There is an old saying that it does not do to swap horses in the middle of the stream. If a local body is carrying out a scheme under the direct labour system they have the craftsmen and the labourers working on that scheme and they are ready to go ahead with another scheme as soon as the first is finished.

And they have the equipment.

Yes. If a local authority which has been operating a scheme under the direct labour system, is prevented going ahead by this extraordinary inhibition about which I am complaining, it will lead to a complete dislocation of their plans. I appeal to the Minister to allow such a local authority to continue to operate new schemes on the old basis inasmuch as it will ensure the continuation of workers in their jobs. These people have to live just the same as everybody else, they have to pay their way and support their wives and families. If these schemes are held up you are consigning the workers to the emigrant ship and the great tragedy is that when such people, craftsmen and skilled workers, leave this country they unfortunately never come back.

On the occasion of this debate last week my colleague Deputy Brennan mentioned the matter of the supplementary grants paid by local authorities and he indicated that there was a very strict means test carried out by certain county councils and by county managers. From the reports which have been published, the Minister is supposed to have indicated that that was not strictly necessary. Now I find that not only does it appear necessary in our county, but that, day after day, it becomes ever more clear that our county staff who are dealing with this matter—the executive officer in charge under the directions of the county manager—seem tohave one idea in mind and that is to make it as difficult as possible for the applicant who is successful in getting a Government grant, to get a council supplementary grant. The 1950 Act apparently came to an end, and was no longer effective, in respect to buildings commenced after the 29th April, 1952. I happen to have one particular case in point. It is typical of many other complaints I have had and which have to do with the change over in 1952. The applicant, whose house I saw started, is well known to me. I know the date on which the house was started, the applicant knows the date and the workmen who commenced the job also know it.

The local appointed officer verified that the date given in the letter was the 10th April and that that date was correct. Now, almost two years practically since that notification was made of having commenced work on the 10th April, I find that on the 9th November this man was told that the county manager was not satisfied that the work commenced before the 28th April, 1952, and, therefore, was not qualified to get a grant under the 1950 Act.

That is the sort of thing that Deputy Brennan had in mind when he spoke last week and which I think the Minister did not quite grasp. He did not believe, I am sure, that such rigorous and such vigorous investigations were carried out and that such an onus was placed on the applicants who are building houses that they have to prove to the last letter of the law everything and anything that the county manager might ask. I want to back up what Deputy Brennan said and ask the Minister to inquire from our local authority and, possibly, from other local authorities whether or not the applicants for these supplementary grants are really being dealt with fairly and in a manner which would encourage their neighbours to go ahead and build houses also. I find that far from the supplementary grants lending themselves to encouraging building, owing to the manner in which this is being administered by the local authority in my county it is really retarding the building of houses because of the red tape which has been built up around it.

This question of red tape is the one thing which prompted me to speak on this Estimate. I am definitely of the opinion that in my county—and I have discussed this problem with many other Deputies from other counties throughout the country—red tape seems to be getting so much entwined in the working of our local authorities that all our schemes of every kind are being held up. We find, in connection with water and sewerage schemes, that there are great delays. As an instance of these delays, I may say that our local authority in 1948 approved of a five-year scheme for the development of piped water schemes. That scheme which should be finishing this year is actually only in its second year. As a member of that local authority, I have tried on several occasions during the last three or four years to get some headway made and to pin down where the delays are caused. Our county staff will give one or two reasons. They either say they have not sufficient staff or that the Department of Local Government have held them up.

I believe that the Department are not blameless in this matter because, with regard to one particular item, in connection with water supplies, namely, the ordering of pipes, I have had some dealings with the Department. This was a matter which caused very great delay some time ago. Apparently, it depended on whether a particular officer in the Department in charge of this branch or section was aware that a local authority had ordered a certain quantity of pipes of a particular size or not. I went to the Minister two years ago and asked, in order to obviate further delays in connection with water schemes, that we should be able to order the pipes in advance. I actually got a letter from the Minister in which it was stated that if our engineers or architects or planners found that they could say that they wanted such a quantity of a certain size of pipes in future they might then seek sanction; that that sanction would be forthcoming and they could order their pipes a year or 18 months in advance so that deliveries would be coming along at the time they were about to commence the particular scheme.

Whether it was because this information was not directed to him, although he had never sought it, I found that our county manager was not co-operative. He would not accept the letter which came through somebody else as evidence that this course would be sanctioned by the Department. Our council adopted that course and directed all our officers in future to adopt it. We found, however, that the officer in charge of that particular section or branch of the Department was non-co-operative also. The result was that, despite that letter and the efforts that I and others had made to get rid of these delays, and although the Minister had stated that he was prepared to adopt this time-saving device, the officers in his Department together with the officers in our local authority saw to it, by manipulating the red tape, that the old system prevailed and the delays still continue to exist.

I do not make this complaint from any vindictive point of view. It is something which I could have complained about a year ago, or two years ago, or three years ago. But, as I was not so long on the local authority, I felt that I might be wronging someone. I had seen many other instances of much the same thing during the last three years about which I wished to complain but, as I say, until I had seen more of it I did not want to bring it out in public and, possibly, through my own ignorance of local authority administration, blame somebody in the wrong.

Then there is another grievance in connection with local authority schemes coming under the Department of Local Government, and that is in connection with housing grants. The system in regard to housing grants paid by the Department of Local Government is that when an application is made the applicant is visited and the site is looked over by a person who is termed the appointed officer. That is all right so far as it goes.

My information in regard to the appointed officer's job is that he visits the applicant, has a look at the site, gets any details he may require andsubmits his report to the Department for which he is paid a fixed fee of, I think, £2 2s. Thereafter, the appointed officer, so far as I know, does not have any official interest in that particular building. But I find that some of these appointed officers in my county and in others avail themselves of the opportunity given them by their official status when visiting the applicant to further their own professional interest, and when I say "further", I am putting it rather mildly.

What I am trying to get at is that in the country there are many people who have built houses or are thinking about building houses who do not yet know that it is not essential to have a qualified architect draw up their plans. Many of these appointed officers give the impression or, if they do not give the impression, at any rate they continue the impression that is in the minds of people, that here is an official sent by the Government to see what sort of house they are going to build and, naturally, if he suggests that they should change the plan which they had roughly drawn themselves, that they should put a wall or a window or a door here rather than there, they agree readily because they feel that he has been sent officially by the Government who will pay the grant for building the house. But the result is that when the house is erected the appointed officer, in his capacity as a professional architect, will send to the applicant a bill for professional fees as architect of that particular house in his private capacity.

That is quite a well-known practice in my county and in other counties as well. It is something I would ask the Minister to bring to the notice of the appointed officers in the different counties and to any other people who may have the interests and the welfare of the particular profession at heart. The Minister should do it in the interests of the community. He should make it plain to the people who propose to build houses that they may draw up the plans themselves or get their neighbours to do so and that on the payment of 1/- to the Department they would get a selection ofsome half a dozen plans and that there would be no need for them to pay professional fees to a qualified architect who gives them in many cases a stereotyped plan which has been built to perhaps one hundred times in the same locality and county. It is about time that was stopped. If it does not, now that I have brought the matter up, I will bring it up more specifically in the future. They charge £100 to anybody who will give it. I have known them to claim £35 and settle for £5. That shows how much value they placed on the work they were alleged to have done.

There is another matter which has given endless bother in my county. When the 1950 Housing Act came into operation and when it went through this House, due to an oversight on the part of the Department and the Minister of the day no provision was made in it to cover those people who built houses in the Gaeltacht under the Department of Lands. It only covered those who built houses under the Department of Local Government.

When the 1952 Act was going through, this matter was brought to the notice of the Minister as it had been previously. He promised to remedy the situation and try to give to those people in the Gaeltacht the same facilities that the people outside the Gaeltacht enjoyed under the 1950 Act. For that reason a special amendment was put into the 1952 Act to deal retrospectively with the people who built their houses under the Gaeltacht scheme so that they might draw the grant from the county council.

At that stage one would have thought that those people's troubles were over and that in due course a supplemental grant from the county council would be forthcoming for those people in the Gaeltacht who had already built their houses at any time during the previous couple of years. In my county there are quite a number of such people. They experienced endless trouble and bother. In fact, there were doubts whether they were entitled to this grant at all.

One of the things on which many of them fell down was that they wereasked, perhaps two and a half or three years after they had built their house, for an approval certificate under the Town and Regional Planning Act. That was the first time those people had been asked for that. It was the first time they had been told that such an approval certificate was necessary. They were not aware of that provision. When they started to build their house under the Gaeltacht scheme, no approval certificate was demanded by the Department of Lands. Neither for that matter is there an approval certificate required under the Town and Regional Planning Act by the Department of Local Government.

People in our county found that when they came to look for the retrospective payment of a supplemental grant two or three years after the house was built they were asked to produce this certificate of which they had never heard before. Naturally they did not have it; they never applied for it.

The only comeback from the local authority was a long circular in which many and varied things were asked for, including a site plan drawn to scale and also a plan of the house— two things which could not be done by the ordinary layman. That lent itself to providing work for the architectural profession to draw up a site plan and a house plan two or three years after the house was built. That would be furnished to the county council and they would then consider whether the house, already constructed, should be built!

Those things are obsolete and are definitely retarding building in my county. I said this in the county council. I said it to our officials and manager and I am saying it now in this House in the hope that the Minister and the officials in his Department might try, even at this late stage, to curb the growth of red tape in local authority administration.

Another thing which is certainly not doing what it was supposed to do is the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act. Loans under that Act are as difficult, more difficult if anything, to get to-day than ever. What use is theloan to anybody who can get the security that is asked for by a local authority? They do not need such a loan if they can produce a security sufficient to get this loan granted by a local authority. If they have sufficient security they can go to any bank in the country and possibly get more. I realise it is not all plain sailing. I realise it would not be possible to give loans ad lib.I quite appreciate the difficulties of any person in a reasonably satisfactory position, who wants to build a house. Due to the fact that his house is supposed to be built in a rural district or community, it is held by our local authorities with the knowledge and even the approval of the Department that the first mortgage charge upon that particular house is not good enough security for the loan. The argument used is that you can never put anybody out of a house in the country and sell it by auction.

That may be so, but what I would like really to emphasise is that no one in the country would allow his house to go up for sale if it is humanly possible to pay the just charges against it. Therein you have as good security in the country as you have in the built-up areas. The very setting in which the person is living, the intimacy with which he is known to his neighbours and his neighbours are known to him is in itself as good security as any. In a town whenever a house it put up for sale you will have half a dozen people falling over themselves trying to buy it. Nobody in the rural part of the country will get a loan, go to the trouble of building a house and then refuse to pay, because the powers that be or the local authority cannot do anything about it. That does not happen, but it would appear that it is on that assumption that these regulations were drawn up and are being administered at the moment.

I would ask that some further investigation should be made by the Department into devising a more lenient method of administering this particular scheme. It is an admirablescheme if only the money that is there could be made available for those who most need it. As it is not, then those who are in greatest need of a loan under that Act are thrown on the local authority. It has to carry the burden and pass it on to the ratepayers by building council houses for many people who could house themselves if only given the necessary facilities.

I want to refer to a grievance that I am aware of in the case of my own local authority. I should like to have from the Minister a clarification, or description, of the person or persons for whom it is the duty of the local authority to build houses. I am doing so because as a member of a local authority I am very far from satisfied as to the manner in which tenancies are allocated in my county. I have been dissatisfied about that ever since I became a member of the local authority. Despite every effort on my part, supported by others on our local authority, we have never been placed in the position in which we could say definitely that one man should get a house and another man should not. If it is possible for the Minister to give me a clear statement on that matter I should be glad—that is as to the persons to whom we are entitled to give houses.

If I get that statement, then we in the local authority can make our own calculations as to who should not get a house. I believe that in my county, and in many other counties, we have houses occupied by people who are not entitled to them. These houses are carrying certain charges which are passed on to the ratepayers of the county who are less able to bear them than the people who are in occupation of the cheap houses. If there was a surplus of houses we would not mind, but the position is that you have people getting council houses who could very well afford to build houses for themselves. While that is so, you have families which are badly in need of houses and they cannot get them. There is no known reason for that. It is just that they do not get them. That applies even in cases where members of a family are suffering from T.B. or other diseases. It is not unknown inmy county and in other counties that numbers of people have been excluded when new housing schemes are being tenanted, even though they were badly in need of a house, while other people, who could well look after themselves by building their own house, were given the occupation of council houses. Even if the latter could not build their own house, they certainly were not in as bad a position as some of those who were excluded when the houses were being allotted.

I have quite enough evidence to satisfy me on that and I can give the information to the Minister in confidence. I know of people in my own county, at the moment, who are not getting a fair deal in regard to the allocation of houses while people who, in my opinion, were not entitled to them have got houses. If we can get a statement from the Minister as to who is entitled to houses, then we on the local authority can see to it that those who are entitled will get priority, and that those who are not so entitled will not get houses until the needs of all those whom we are obliged to house have been met.

There is one other matter on which I would like to have a clarification from the Minister. I am anxious to know from him what are the rights of the elected members of a local authority in regard to the allocation of tenancies. I am not suggesting for a moment that I, as a member of a local authority, want to have the onus placed on me of deciding at a public meeting as to who should get this, that or the other house. About two years ago, I challenged the tenancy allocations that had been made by order of our manager. I was told that those tenancies had been allocated and ordered by the manager in accordance with a list supplied to him by the county medical officer of health. My information was that the allocation of these tenancies did not tally with the list supplied by the county medical officer of health, and I therefore asked that the list of the county medical officer of health be placed on the table of the council. The answer I received was that neither then nor in the futurecould it be placed on the table. What I want to know is, whether or not the elected members of the local authority are entitled to see the list submitted by the county medical officer of health on which it is alleged the county manager makes his order as to the tenancy of the houses? I am asking for clarification on that. If we arrive at the situation that we have nothing to do with that, then we can set about changing the situation, or at least endeavour to do so.

We will have to change the county manager first.

A lot of these things are much easier said than done. What the Deputy suggests is not quite so easy. I think anyone with knowledge of local authorities realises that you usually have mixed forces on the council. Therefore I suggest that it would want to be something very much greater than an issue such as this that would bring all those forces together in sufficient strength not to sustain the manager in any county. I am not advocating that powers of that kind should be invoked, but I am asking for a clarification on the point which I have mentioned. I think that if we had that, many of these grievances that I have mentioned would not exist and would not be likely to arise in the future.

There is then the question of building a house for a specific instance. It has been tackled in our county with a view to building an isolated house if you like in a case, say, where the prospective tenant procures a particular site. He does not need to own it and he need not necessarily purchase it. All he requires is to get permission from an owner in regard to a particular piece of ground, the owner indicating that he is agreeable either to give it to him or sell it to the council. In such a case the council will, subject to certain regulations being carried out, build a house on that particular site for the applicant. The house is then built specifically for that tenant. This is a scheme which has a great deal to recommend it from the point of view of the small farmer. When I say that Imean small farmers as they are known in my county and in other western counties. These are men with five or ten acres of land who, possibly, by some of our colleagues would not be regarded as farmers at all! We have a great number of them and up to the very recent past they, in many cases, have been most severely hit in regard to housing because, strictly speaking, they were not regarded as being eligible for houses built by a local authority. A specific instance can get a house built for himself provided he can secure a site by agreement from a local farmer. The small farmer with five, six, eight or ten acres of land may occupy an old broken-down house. He may have it replaced by a new house. In the case of the specific instance the house will be built for him on his own land by the council. It will be owned by the council, but built specifically for him. He will remain the tenant of it as long as he pays his just dues. That scheme can be further advanced if a purchase scheme is brought into operation for that type of house.

Of all the housing or building schemes that have ever been brought into being this one would be better served by a purchase scheme than any of the others due to the conditions that are outlined in its implementation; in other words, the people going into these houses are going into them because they have been built for them on the particular site they want, in the locality in which they have worked, in which they have been reared or in which they have resided. Naturally, they would be more anxious to buy out that particular house than they might if they were pushed into one in the nearest village or town. I would ask the Minister to have whatever formalities that must be gone through completed by the Department and to have a purchase scheme prepared and ready to be put into operation as soon as these houses have actually become tenanted.

The difficulty in this regard, of course, goes back again to the fact that good as this specific instance scheme is it is another of those not actually working. We have had verymany sites and very many applicants and certain progress has undoubtedly been made. However, I suppose it is 18 months or two years since this was first introduced in our council and we were given to understand then that in order to hasten the job and to get some of these houses built for the people looking for them, we would take over the sites in group lots by compulsory purchase orders. That was to reduce the time which it would take for the tenants to become owners.

Despite that time-saving device I think it is still true to say that not one of those houses has yet commenced. Many plans have been coming and going; many engineers and architects have been coming and going; the applicants are all coming and going and many of the councillors who had been dealing with this have practically gone; but still there is no house built. I would ask again that the Minister make a special effort to bring about some speedy results in connection with this type of scheme.

Another item which is also a grouse —I think it is about the only thing I have to raise in regard to this particular Department—is the fact that cottage repairs are not being done under the local authority of which I am a member. It is now 14 months since the 15th September, 1952, on which date it was published by our local authority that after such date anyone who did not apply for the vesting of his cottage would have the rent increased. The result of that advertisement was most gratifying to all of us who want to see the tenants own their own houses. Out of a thousand odd houses coming under this purchase scheme more than 900 of the tenants applied for vesting but although 15th September, 1952, was the operative date, so far as I know no cottage has since been vested under that scheme. If any have been vested—and they would be very few—it is in the very recent past. The reason is that in nine cases out of ten the necessary repairs as recommended by our own engineers have not yet been carried out. The money has been provided and a loan has been raised but for some reason or another not known to me our staffs do not seem to be able to get sufficientskilled men or sufficient handymen to do this work. At the same time I know, and everybody else knows, that there are men available.

I will conclude on that, because I have already enumerated so many grievances that I am rather afraid that if I add any more—which I could do— some of the most important may be overlooked by the Minister and his Department. If I have dwelt solely on grievances in speaking on this Estimate, it is all lending itself to one thing, that action is required from the top, not only to speed up our local authorities, but to give them good example by speeding up the branches of the Department with which they have been dealing.

Any member of this House who is not a member of a local authority may count himself singularly lucky, and my advice, if it is worth anything, to anybody who entertains the idea in his mind of standing for election to a local authority, is to banish the thought from his head as swiftly as he can.

They should not be eligible.

It would be a good thing if ineligibility could be arranged, because, while membership of this House can be a frustrating experience, and while we have all found upon entering the portals of Leinster House, carrying with us high ideals and harbouring illusions of what we could do for the people who honoured us by putting us in here, that these illusions were shattered in a very short time, I think that membership of a local authority is about the most frustrating condition in which anybody who wants to serve the public can find himself.

Deputy Blaney has made what I consider a very excellent contribution to this debate. With the exception of some references of a purely local nature, which reflect a local situation peculiar, perhaps, to Donegal in relation to the attitude of his county manager, and some other aspects, his remarks could be echoed by everyDeputy who knows anything about local administration.

Housing is something which never leaves the minds of members of local authorities. It can fairly be said that the constituency which I represent, County Dublin, has had very considerable experience of this problem. Not alone have we had the difficulty of housing those who are ordinarily resident within our area, but we have the continual problem arising each year which derives from the influx of people into the city, their overflow into the county area and the creation thereupon of still further housing cases which we, as local authorities, must handle and must solve.

I beg the forgiveness of the House for localising in this matter but it seems to me it would be much handier for the Minister and for the Deputies if this debate could be subdivided into counties; the Deputies for each county could then be informed when his particular county was under discussion, come here and debate it without boring the rest of the House. In County Dublin we have something in the neighbourhood of 4,000 labourers' cottages. Within the past three or three and a half years, we built something like 1,500 additional new cottages for labourers. I want to refer to something that has often struck me as being the unreal attitude on the part of the local authority and the Department of Local Government in respect of the estimated housing needs in each county. It seems to have become almost a regulation that when a local authority is seeking to discover how many houses they should build in a particular town or village or rural area that they must go upon the number of actual housing cases in urgent need of accommodation and that they should not take into account such housing cases as may not be regarded as being urgent within the meaning of the Labourers Act. By that I mean that unless a family is living in a condemned house, or a family is suffering from overcrowding, or unless health considerations such as T.B. are involved, then it would appear that the attitude of the officials of the local authority—which I take it reflects the attitude of theDepartment of Local Government—is that any families who do not fit into these categories cannot be regarded as in need of housing accommodation with the result that while the building of a scheme of houses for an area may be planned and proceeded with, and as we all know the planning and progress of such a scheme will take anything from 12 months to two years before the scheme starts at all, it could be said that a period of three years from the time of selection of the site to the erection of the houses will usually elapse, and it would appear that only those who are regarded as being in urgent need of houses when the scheme is first conceived are entitled to consideration when the scheme is finally completed.

The officials of local authorities— and, as I say, we must assume the officials of the Department and the Minister—seem to take the view that we must only plan on the basis of the immediate needs, and that policy, in my view, is totally fallacious and has us in so much of the trouble we are in as members of local authorities. Until such time as the Minister and the Department direct local authorities to plan ahead of their immediate needs; until such time as local authorities realise that if they discover, for instance, that 20 houses are needed now in a certain town or village in their particular area next year there will be more marriages, families will grow and in two or three years' time that number of 20 becomes 30 or possibly 35 any scheme should not be confined to the immediate estimated needs in a particular area under a local authority. In other words, what I am trying to put to the Minister is that authorities should be required to plan ahead of the particular week or month in which they are estimating the housing needs. If that policy were adopted it would at least contribute to some small extent to solving this terrible problem of housing which besets every local authority in the country.

There is another aspect of the houses which are built under the Labourers Act and to which I will refer as I have not heard any other reference to it inthis debate so far. That is, the question of the size of houses we are building for working-class families in towns and rural areas. Is it considered reasonable that a family of six, seven, eight or more—in some cases, ten to 14—should regard themselves as fortunate simply because they are allocated by the local authority a house which consists of four rooms, usually two bedrooms, or three rooms which can be converted into bedrooms, and a kitchen? I do not think so. I think houses should be so designed by local authorities as to make it possible to enlarge them with the passage of time and with increases in the size of families. Similarly, it can be found in many cases when houses are due to be allocated in an area that there are elderly couples in very bad circumstances in need of rehousing, but because of the housing regulations we know that they cannot be housed in preference to some larger family.

In any event, a good case can be made by officials of a council that a four-roomed house at a rather high rent would be somewhat in excess of their actual needs. I would suggest that the Department should encourage local authorities wherever houses are being built in groups or in numbers in any county, to build a number of such houses for elderly people and childless couples, who it would appear under the present housing regulations, must live out their lives perhaps in a single room or in unsatisfactory conditions in flats or in other unsatisfactory accommodation of that kind. I think the Minister should guide local authorities along these lines and it should not be left entirely to a particular council which may be governed by examples such as we have had from Deputy Blaney of a manager who takes views entirely different from the elected representatives and who may be governed by a policy entirely unsatisfactory and unsuitable to the area with which he is concerned.

I am happy to say that as far as the allocation of houses is concerned in my county, we operate a system there which I think will be regarded as the most satisfactory that can be arrived at. It is the policy—and a good thingtoo—that the allocation of houses is the function of the county manager acting upon the recommendations of the medical officer of health. Every one of us knows, some of us from memory, some of us from hearing of occurrences in other days, the abuses that attended housing allocations before this system was adopted. It is essential that there should be an independent method of housing allocation and it seems to me that the present system of acting on the recommendation of the county medical officer of health is the only system, and it would be a very foolish thing for any group of councillors or any county council to seek to assume powers to allocate houses. In County Dublin, at any rate, we have an excellent method of collaborating with the medical officer who, when he has decided upon a number of allocations in respect of a scheme of houses or an allocation in respect of a single house, summons the county councillors for that area and informs them of his intentions as to the allocations.

If the councillors feel that they have any grounds for objecting to any particular allocation, if they feel that there is somebody to whom a house has not been allocated, who is more deserving than those upon the list, then they are at liberty to make representations at that particular meeting to the medical officer and he, if he thinks fit, will re-examine the position and come to a final decision. In the last analysis, however, the power to allocate is a function of the county manager acting upon the recommendation of the medical officer. With that system all the members of the Dublin County Council are in entire agreement.

There is a problem in relation to houses built in my county since the war. I refer to the problem of differential rents. The differential renting system has come up for criticism on many occasions in many places. I have never concealed my view on the matter. I believe the system is a just system if applied in a proper manner. I certainly do not agree that the Minister should approve of a system which has been enforced in my constituency whereby a tenant can be charged 34/6 per weekfor a labourer's cottage. There is reason in all things, and it cannot be argued that a rent of 34/6 is a reasonable rent; indeed, with the addition of very little more to that figure of 34/6 it might well be possible for that tenant to make a deposit on a Small Dwellings Act building and thereby purchase his own house.

Herein, too, we have the problem of vesting. So far as I know, before a vesting order can be made in respect of any cottage a very lengthy process must be gone through. A scheme for vesting indicating the particular cottage, or cottages, must be adopted by the county council. That scheme must go to the Department of Local Government for approval or sanction and invariably we find that several months elapse between the time when the scheme is first proposed and the date on which it is finally discharged as acceptable by the Department of Local Government. Indeed, in respect of the 1,500 odd houses which have been built in County Dublin since 1948 there is not as yet a vesting scheme in operation.

A considerable number of tenants have been paying rents varying from 20/- per week to 34/6 per week. Such tenants, when a vesting scheme eventually becomes operative, must only look upon the money they have paid by way of rent as money which has not proved of very great benefit to them. I urge on the Minister the desirability of, firstly, expediting purchase schemes wherever they are proposed to his Department because there is at present an inordinate delay and, secondly, I urge upon him the desirability of evolving some method for the guidance of local authorities in relation to vesting schemes or cottage purchase schemes where differential rents are in operation.

Here is a problem which strikes at County Dublin. It is said that the economic rent of the cottages to which I have referred is something in the neighbourhood of 30/- to 34/- per week. Any scheme for the vesting of these cottages must envisage under the present regulations an annuity which works out at 15/- per week. If it is our intention to encourage cottagetenants to purchase their houses we will hardly do that on the basis of asking them to pay an annuity which works out at 15/- per week. I appeal to the Minister to examine this particular problem. It is one of considerable importance. There should be some regulations so designed as to make it an attractive proposition for the tenants of these houses to become prospective purchasers.

Local authorities everywhere are anxious that their tenants should purchase their houses. One reason for that is that local authorities are anxious that tenants should own their own houses. Another reason—and perhaps this is the real reason in many instances—is that if the tenants decide to purchase they will thereby relieve the local authorities of a considerable amount of expense in the years to come.

This question of rents is one which is a constant subject of discussion at most local authority meetings. Until some standardisation is secured and that, in turn, involves some standardisation of building costs, this question will continue to cause considerable trouble and we should strive to the utmost of our ability to eliminate both the cause and the trouble.

From 1933 roughly up to the outbreak of war some local authorities were not apparently very particular where they built houses for labourers, or the kind of houses they built. I have in mind two schemes. One is a scheme consisting of 48 cottages in Baskin Lane running between Malahide Road and Swords Road. These cottages are built close together. They were built six, seven or eight miles from the nearest water supply. It must have been obvious even at that time that the possibility of getting a water supply to these houses was very, very remote. There is another scheme in Turnapin Lane where there is no sanitation of any kind. Indeed, it can only be described as a rural slum. Some of the houses there were built within the last 15 years. Not only were they badly constructed, but the materialsused were far from suitable and, generally speaking, they present a problem from the point of view of repairs as well as sanitation.

Whenever a member of this House who represents a County Dublin constituency asks a question regarding the provision of sanitation for groups of cottages of that kind, he is referred to the North County Dublin regional water supply. That scheme was first mooted before the war and has been on the stocks at least 14 or 15 years. It has begun. In reply to a question, the Minister told me to-day that, as far as it was possible to estimate, the probable date of its completion would be 1954. That is probably optimistic. Possibly it will be 1955 or 1956 before it is completed. It would be possible to provide drainage for these schemes of cottages if the local authorities and the Department of Local Government were content to accept temporary remedies such as septic tanks while awaiting the advent of a larger scheme.

I and other members of the House have, on occasion, put forward to local authorities suggestions as to how drainage might be arranged in these cases. Invariably we are referred to the long-term plan. The Minister might examine this question not alone in relation to County Dublin but wherever there is a relatively large number of cottages grouped together which have neither sewerage nor water supply. Where some kind of temporary scheme offers itself the scheme should be put into operation while waiting for the larger scheme.

An unfortunate feature of the large schemes which we hear so much about is that while they are described officially as three-year schemes and then as five-year schemes they run into ten or possibly 15 years. That arises from what Deputy Blaney has been referring to in considerable detail, the reference back of plans, the continual re-scrutiny of plans, the awful soul-killing delays which we have all experienced as members of local authorities both at county council level and, to a greater extent, at departmental level. Everybody in the House will agreethat in respect of any house-building project in a rural or urban area there are so many delays, snags and complications that very often the person concerned with the project is inclined to give up the idea.

I have in mind the case of a widow in the Portrane area. This woman owns a small bit of land. She and her family are living in a shack which is completely porous and unfit for habitation. Under the scheme, described as a specific instances scheme, the county council decided that they would purchase the property from her, build a house and make her the tenant. That has been going on now for 4½ years and the woman is still in the same old shack. Problems arise from day to day. First of all there was the problem of title. There was nothing wrong with the title. The title to the land was perfect. There were delays in the county council. Delays occurred in searching for the title. There were delays in the Land Registry. There was reference, perhaps, to the Land Commission. Then there was surveying of the ground to decide where the house would be built. Lay-out plans had to be drawn up and there was reference of the lay-out plans to this and that engineer. The plan of the house itself had to be approved by the engineers to the council. The plan had to be referred to the Department and was referred back for minor alteration and was referred back again to the Department and possibly referred back for further alteration. All these delays would break the heart of anyone trying to do anything to help to secure the building of a house in that case.

This is not my experience alone. It is the experience of everybody. Last year and on previous occasions I referred to the urgent need for eliminating a great deal of this delay. It should not be necessary to refer plans for the building of labourers' cottages of from one to 40 in number in such detail to the Department. I take it that the officials of the local authority, being appointed by the Local Appointments Commission, are qualified. Their word should be the last word as to whether a site or a house is acceptable or not.

How did the bad sites to which the Deputy has referred come to be selected pre-war?

I do not recollect because I was not in the area at that time. The Minister probably knows something about that. It is not just a question of bad sites that I referred to there but bad houses, houses built of sea-sand.

And both together.

If the Minister would cut out continual reference back of plans between the Custom House and local authorities, the housing drive would be speeded up very considerably. That matter has been mentioned on all sides of the House and the Minister should try to meet the wishes of the House.

In Dublin perhaps more than in other counties we come up against the Town and Regional Planning Act. Dublin County Council have no objection whatsoever to town planning as such. We think it is very desirable. The Minister might very well direct the attention of town planning officers in local authorities to the fact that the Act should be administered with reason and common sense. I have had the experience of men being refused permission to build on their own land at their own expense. On appeal to the Minister, such decisions have been reversed. The person concerned was involved in delay. Town planning officers should be instructed not to enforce the Act with such extreme rigidity as they do and that they should use their common sense.

Take the question of the green belt which is supposed to surround Dublin. It is regarded by some town planning officials as absolutely inviolable. There was a similar green belt around the City of London some 15 or 20 years ago.

It existed somewhere in the neighbourhood of ten or 15 miles from the centre of London. That green belt is now 35 miles from the centre of London. In the case to which I refer I know that if an appeal is made to the Minister in connection with a casewherein permission has been refused to a person to build a house on the basis of the fact that he is within the area of the green belt the Minister has in the past allowed and, I am sure, will again allow such an appeal, because it is obviously unreasonable that some idea such as a breathing space for the City of Dublin should be allowed to superimpose itself upon the more important and urgent consideration of houses for the people. Surely, in order to avoid delay in such matters the officials of Dublin County Council or Dublin Corporation, where it applies, too, might be told: "Look, use your own common sense in these cases, and do not have unnecessary delays as you are now obliged to have by regulations about referring these matters to the Department." I do not think that that would do any harm. It would be a move in the right direction.

All those men have different kinds of common sense.

Well, in so far as our powers allow us, we in Dublin County Council strive to inculcate a standardised form of common sense.

Well, the members of the county council put it into operation.

Put what into operation?

Regional planning.

I know that, but we cannot be blamed for the actions of our predecessors. The Town and Regional Planning Act is a good idea, and nobody objects to it provided it is, as I say, operated with some degree of humanity and reasonableness. As a matter of fact I suppose that we have had town planning in some shape or form in this city longer than in any other city in Europe, as evidenced by the streets, so well planned, of Georgian houses we can see.

I want to repeat, so far as Dublin is concerned, the complaints which have been made about the delay in cottage vesting. Where schemes are in operationin my county we still have very considerable delays in securing the vesting of cottages. That is an administrative matter and possibly springs from what we in Dublin regard as another evil, the source of all our evils, that is the duality of control exercised by the city and county manager. Members of Dublin County Council regard our manager as being a man of outstanding ability. That is well known not alone to us all but to everybody who has ever had any reason to come into contact with him, but at the same time it does not prevent us from realising that no man, no matter what his ability, can possibly carry on what even might be the conflicting offices of city and county manager, and carry on such offices to the absolute satisfaction of the two local bodies concerned. In the City of Dublin we have 600,000 people. In the county and in the borough of Dún Laoghaire I suppose you have a population of about 130,000. There you have almost 750,000 people and more coming in every day, more and more of them, giving us added problems to meet and to provide for those who are unemployed in different parts of the country and who come to Dublin in the hope that they will get employment here.

I do not think it is reasonable in such a situation as that, with the terrible problem of housing that we have in the city and county and all the attendant problems, with the question of roads and traffic and so on that are raised here and the multifarious matters that come into local government administration, to expect that the Dublin County Council should be satisfied that one official should have control over the interests of the city and county.

We have, I think, on other occasions, made representations to the Minister urging that there should be appointed at the earliest possible date a manager for Dublin County who would act in a similar capacity as the manager in other parts of the country—that is, who would act with some degree of what might be described as bias in respect of the particular county which he represented.

In so far as road construction and maintenance is concerned there was a proposal some years ago that there should be spent upon the improvement of the Bray road something like £500,000. If the Minister could indicate in his reply whether or not that sum is still available I would be interested to hear it, because we have so much unemployment now in County Dublin that the expenditure of such a sum upon the Bray road would, in my view at any rate, though I am sure that other members of the council would disagree with me about it, be very beneficial.

It is available.

Well, that is good. There is one aspect, however, of road construction and maintenance which I want particularly to refer to. In the Minister's desire, which he has referred to on many occasions in the past, to restore the roads to their pre-war condition and improve upon them, does he consider that the primary, in fact the only, aim in this connection is to put the roads into a satisfactory condition; or does he at all consider that it is equally, in fact of far more importance, that the maximum degree of employment should be given upon such work? I am bound to ask that question by this fact, that in County Dublin—and I am sure it is happening in other counties—we have embarked upon—and when I say "we" I speak of the officials of the council with the approval of the majority of the members but not necessarily with the unanimous approval of the council—a system of mechanisation in so far as road work is concerned, particularly in the laying of new road surfaces by the use of what is known as the Barber Green plant.

I am told, and from reading reports provided by the acting-county engineer in Dublin I am satisfied that the laying of what is known as a road carpet by the Barber Green plant is four times as expensive as if the road were surfaced by hand labour in the older fashion. It must follow from that that much less employment is given to men because of the use of this mechnisation. I think that is an undesirabledevelopment. Of course the argument will be used: "You cannot stand in the way of progress." Nobody wants to do that, but nobody wants to drive towards a condition of things when every act which could be carried out by human beings will be done simply by pressing a button. That is the logical end of over-mechanisation. I do not think that the Minister or any rational Government should agree, and I certainly do not agree, with the idea of mechnising any job to such an extent as to eliminate almost three-quarters of the labour which would ordinarily be required for such a job. That is what is happening in County Dublin. We have a very serious problem of unemployment, and although we live on the fringe of the metropolis in the North county and rural parts of the South county the only avenue of employment that men can find is county council road work, but less and less men are becoming necessary because of the use particularly of the plant to which I have referred. I do not think it is good enough. In other times mechanisation was justified by the argument of economy. It cannot be justified now on that ground. If it costs four times as much to be done by the use of that machine as it would cost for the employment of men on that job it cannot be an economy.

Has that been proved?

It has been stated in a report of the acting-county engineer; but in spite of that he himself in the interest of providing better types of roads, what he claims will be a better kind of road, has pursued that policy and put it into effect, as I say, with the consent of most of the members of Dublin County Council.

However superior the particular type of road that is laid by the Barber Green is to travel over to the type of road as we knew it, which was surface-dressed by hand labour or by the use of some less modern machines, we have no guarantee whatsoever that this kind of road which is so smooth and so luxurious to travel upon will last even as long as the roads laid by the older methods, because I understandthat such new roads laid by the Barber Green plant have never been tested. The machine has not been sufficiently long in existence for the roads to be adequately tested. My view on this matter is that local authorities who are anxious to provide good roads throughout their areas might be reminded by the Minister that, equally important with the question of the provision of roads, is the question of the provision of employment—particularly in areas which have become badly hit by unemployment.

I heard Deputy Dr. Esmonde speak here about the problem of parking in Dublin City in so far as his constituents who drive to this city are concerned. I think there is a very good case to be made to the Department for exceptionally substantial roads grants to be made to Dublin County Council for the particular reason that Dublin County Council have the responsibility of providing carriageways and roads for the use of the traffic of all Ireland —for the use of traffic from every county in Ireland, not alone the Twenty-Six Counties but even the Six Counties.

I do not think the Dublin County Council have been treated with any exceptional generosity on that score in the past. It is the metropolitan county. Anybody who travels the main roads in the North, South or West of Ireland can very easily see that there is no comparison whatever between the roads in counties in the South, West and North and the roads in County Dublin—with the possible exceptions of Cork, Limerick and Galway. Certainly, there is no comparison whatsoever between the roads of County Dublin and those of counties which have only smallish towns and which comprise almost exclusively rural areas. The volume of traffic operating on the roads radiating through County Dublin means that greater demands are made on the Dublin County Council for road reconstruction and maintenance works. Despite that, I do not think that, in the past, Dublin County Council received anything like sufficient recognitionin regard to the position. I now make the plea to the Minister that he should regard County Dublin as an exception in so far as this matter is concerned, and that he should seek to provide Dublin County Council with greater financial assistance in the matter of the provision, reconstruction and maintenance of our roads.

I think it is true to say that the Dublin County Council have to deal with a greater volume of applications for loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Acts than most other counties in Ireland. That is a natural situation in view of the population. I think the Minister cannot disagree with my statement that, since the interest rate in respect of loans under that Act was increased, there has been a very considerable falling-off in the number of applicants for these loans. That is a deplorable development but, still, it is one which was to be expected. Money has become so short that not alone are people in the middle income brackets finding it impossible to get enough money together to put as a deposit on a house but the tenants of many of the houses which were purchased with the aid of these loans are finding it next to impossible to pay their current liabilities. Unless we have some change in the economic policy of this country in the near future, Dublin County Council will find on their hands a very considerable number of these houses—and it is impossible to know how they are going to be disposed of.

Cottages repairs have been referred to. The Minister is familiar with the situation as it exists in County Dublin. He is also familiar with regard to the employment of the contract system for cottage repairs there. In County Dublin, that system has proved to be inoperative. Any local authority that might be contemplating the possibility of putting such a system into effect in their area would be well advised to think twice on the matter. In County Dublin, we have had the experience of having to pay for repairs more than twice what it cost to build the cottage. Sometimes the cost of the repairs came to as much as three and four times the original cost of building the cottage. There was a time lag of almostten or 12 years during which no cottage repairs of any appreciable nature whatsoever were carried out. This problem will not be tackled effectively by leaving the matter entirely to the local authorities. I am quite sure that every Deputy who is also a member of a local authority is absolutely exhausted mentally and physically in connection with the matter of cottage repairs in his constituency. There is some kind of a dead hand upon the local authorities so far as cottage repairs are concerned. It seems to be next to impossible to move our local authorities with sufficient speed to carry out these repairs. I suggest that the Minister might take a hand in the matter.

The dead hand is not mine.

I know that, but the dead hand is there, nevertheless. Being there, it is the Minister's duty to inject some life into it. It may not apply to every county but certainly it applies to most counties. The tenants of these cottages which require to be repaired are absolutely worn out in their endeavours to have the repairs carried out. I am sure that some of them have spent almost as much in postage stamps in writing to county councillors and their local representatives about the matter as would cover the price of the repairs to be carried out.

That is the job of the county councillors.

The County Management Act leaves no power to the council.

You can make the manager do it.

That is something that I never read into that Act—that we can make the manager repair a cottage. I do not think the the Minister would agree that we can make the manager do anything.

You can provide the money.

All you have to do is to provide the money.

You must be living under a different law from that which operates in County Dublin. The only thing we can do is to suspend the manager.

You cannot do that.

There should be some group of officials in the Department whose duty it would be to take an interest in cottage repairs in the different counties and to act as a spur to get these repairs carried out. If the Minister could recruit even one good official who would go to a county manager or a county council and act as a spur to get these repairs carried out, it would be a very good thing indeed. He could ask the county manager or the county council what they are doing about the cottage repairs. He would be the person to whom a tenant who has a grievance in regard to cottage repairs could write, and who would be in a position to investigate complaints regarding delay. Some such official would at least have the effect of achieving some little improvement. As it is going now, cottage repairs in County Dublin, and, I am satisfied from listening to other Deputies, throughout the whole country, are going to remain with us all the dear days of our lives and going to continue to put grey hairs on our heads and eventually remove what little hair we have left.

I want to refer also to what has been referred to on many occasions, the traffic problem in Dublin. I have nothing new to add to what has been said, except to say that, if we do not get, at a very early date, the construction of a tunnel under the Liffey, or a bridge or more bridges over the Liffey, the traffic problem will reach inconceivable proportions. I suggest that the Minister might examine, or even put it to Dublin Corporation to examine, the possibility of providing a tube service in the city. Continental and English cities have tube services and anybody who has used them appreciates very well that they act as a considerable relief, so far as traffic is concerned. Nobody will argue, I think, that our present bus services in the city, from the county into thecity or vice versaare in any way satisfactory. They are far from it. Our bus services are inadequate and it would be a progressive step if we began to look at the question of the provision of tube services. A smallish system would do us and would relieve the situation very considerably.

What is the city going to be like in another ten or 15 years' time? It is continually increasing its size and sprawling out every few years still further into the county. Every year, far from the flight from the land being halted, it is being accelerated, particularly since the advent of the present Government, and the problem of those of us who have any function at all in relation to the city or the county over the past two and a half or three years has been to find employment for all who are coming up from the country, and particularly from Deputy Corry's constituency. Those who are coming have apparently lost all faith or hope that there will be any employment provided for them at home. They are coming up by every train and very often displacing bred in the bone Dubliners, eventually becoming more Dublin than the Dubliners themselves and, in time, even attacking the people from the locality from which they sprang.

Let us visualise what the position is going to be in ten or 15 years' time. Would it be unreasonable to think that we will have a population of over 1,000,000? I do not think so, and surely we should start thinking along these lines now. If our present transport system for workers and for people travelling in the city and around the city and county is inadequate, what kind of chaotic position will we be in when the additional population materialises? The Minister might be well advised to give some thought to the possibility of providing an underground railway or tube system similar to that operated in London and other English cities and on the Continent.

I want to refer now to the position of Dublin County Council in relation to the Custom House and other local authorities in the country. Those of uswho have had to make representations to the Department on many matters affecting our county council have come up against the view that the administration of Dublin County presents no different problems from those presented by the administration of counties in the Midlands, in the South or in the West. That, of course, is an idea which is totally false. Not alone has Dublin County to carry a bigger staff than any other county council in Ireland—I am referring now to its administrative staff—but it has to administer very much larger sums, so far as rates and moneys generally are concerned. Its problems are entirely different because it is a local authority necessarily working—I will not say in close conjunction, because it would not be an apposite phrase in this context —side by side with Dublin Corporation which is a purely metropolitan body, and which has problems completely different from those of a semi-rural authority such as Dublin County Council.

Nevertheless, we in Dublin County Council have laboured under the difficulty that successive Ministers—I do not instance the present Minister alone as being responsible—have appeared to regard the administration of our county council in the same light as the administration of county councils elsewhere in the country. One aspect of that is the question of the salaries of officials. I think it can very well be argued that it is very much more expensive for people to live in Dublin City or suburbs than it is in other parts of the country, but, in spite of that, it seems to be the policy of the Department to sanction for payment to the officials of Dublin County Council salaries similar to those which may be sanctioned for payment in more remote parts. That is only one aspect. There seems to be a general kind of tendency in the Department to relegate Dublin county to the position occupied by all other counties, and that is unreal.

A good case can be made for it, I think.

We have not heard any case which is capable of convincing us. I certainly have not heard such a case.On that score alone, the question of salaries, I do not think the Minister can argue that an official such as an engineer, who has necessarily to live in the City of Dublin and who will find it very much more difficult to get accommodation in the city than he would elsewhere—because he has to obtain accommodation of a certain type which he might more readily obtain elsewhere; because, in other words, he has to live to a certain standard—will not have greater expenses than a colleague who might reside in a semi-rural area. Apart from that, the problems which beset us in Dublin, such as I have referred to in the course of my few remarks, the multiplicity of problems which arise from town planning and which arise from our housing drive, necessarily require the employment of greater staffs than are employed elsewhere. The fact that we are so close to the city puts us in an entirely different position from that occupied by other local authorities and for that reason we consider that the Minister should always bear in mind the peculiarity of our situation whenever he is considering any matter in relation to Dublin County Council.

I do not think there is anything further of an original nature that I can add, except to suggest that, in future years, we, if we are here or whoever may succeed us, would facilitate the House greatly by subdividing the period of time allowed for this debate into constituencies and advising Deputies of the time when his particular constituency would come up for discussion, because, so far as I can see, the debate on local government is simply a recital by Deputies of the ills and the grievances peculiar to their constituencies. That is all right and music to the ear of the Deputy who is rendering the particular complaint but it is very boring to those of us who have to wait our turn to get in after the Deputy from any other constituency has finished. I think that it would facilitate matters greatly if, in future, we were to bring some such system into operation and it would allow us far more time to answer our irate constituents.

The Deputy whohas just concluded opened with a note of warning to members of this House who were not members of local authorities and who had ambitions in that direction. He offered a word of very constructive and very sound advice, that it would be in their own interests to forget and to put aside any ambitions of that kind. No matter what views the Minister or any member of the Government may hold in regard to how public representatives should discharge their duties efficiently in order to be of service to those who elected them, it must be admitted that since the passing of the County Management Act the powers which the people intended to vest in the members of local authorities, have been taken completely out of their hands and placed in the hands of officials, commonly known and occasionally described as county managers. I venture to say that if an honest and true opinion were expressed by the members of all local authorities in the Twenty-Six Counties, they would feel bound in conscience to express their disapproval and dissatisfaction at the amount of power and authority which they possess.

If the local authorities are to be responsible for roadmaking, housing, cottage repairs and for the very many other important duties which the members of a local authority are expected to perform, they must have, and should have, some power and authority. If the county councils, urban councils, corporations and town commissioners had that power and authority, there would be no need to ventilate the many complaints and grievances that have been so bluntly and loudly made known in this House for the past two or three days.

The Local Government Department places on the shoulders of local authorities a most important responsibility —the responsibility of providing houses for our people. No greater responsibility could fall on the shoulders of any section of the community. Whilst there has been some progress in that direction, and while probably the picture that could be painted of the housing situation to-day as compared with that of 20 years ago, would show a vast improvement, there is yet an immensevolume of work to be done in regard to housing. I have often asked myself, both as a Deputy and as chairman of a local authority, where have the engineers and the architects of the Local Government Department found their plans and their designs for present-day houses? Can any Deputy stand up and approve of the erection of a house designed on a plan in which there is no back-door or no entry to the rear of the house? With engineering at the stage it has reached to-day and with architecture at the very high standard that it is supposed to have reached, one would expect that in no part of the world to-day, not even in darkest Africa, would an architect or a qualified group of engineers give approval to the erection of houses under schemes which provide no rear entry to these houses. In rural Ireland, there are schemes after schemes in which no provision is made for a back door, as we commonly say in the country, or no entrance whatever to the rear of the house.

Because they save a certain amount of money.

If money is saved on that, the Deputy will agree with me that it is a penny wise and pound foolish. One would expect that only architects or engineers bred, born and reared in mental hospitals would design housing schemes in which no provision is made for back-doors, gateways, rights of way or other means of entry to the rear of the house. Yet such schemes have been provided for rural Ireland, mainly for working people.

In rural Ireland the ordinary labouring man often boasted or felt proud of the fact that his wife was so industrious and thrifty that she was able to rear a pig on the offal of the house. Should any such woman intend to keep a pig in future in one of the newly-erected houses, it is an offence in the first place, but, assuming that she gets over the fact that it is an offence and that she intends to rear a pig, the pig must find its entry through the hall-door. In addition to finding an entrythrough the hall-door, on the occasion of its sale, it must be paraded out through the kitchen again on to the main street through the hall-door. If the tenant of one of these labourer's houses wishes to provide food, straw, bedding, etc., for the maintenance of the pig, all these materials must be brought through the hall-door and again through the kitchen, in cases where there are no gateways provided to the rear of the house.

I think that the Local Government Department is performing no useful service to rural Ireland by approving and sanctioning housing schemes of that nature. I think it is ridiculous. How many housing schemes will you see in some of our principal provincial towns where the design leaves no right of way to the rear of the house? You will probably see lorry loads of turf hauled up at the front door. If there is a garden, the manure for that garden has to be brought in through the hall-door, through the kitchen, and out again to the back of the house.

Such plans might be all right for cities but not for rural Ireland. As an example, I might mention a housing scheme in Clara in my constituency where no entrance to the rear of the houses was provided and considerable inconvenience has been experienced by the tenants. One would imagine that the engineering staff of the Local Government Department, when very strong protests came from several local authorities against the planning and design of such cottages and houses, would have given attention to the matter and would not have made the same mistake again. But the mistake has been repeated year after year and even in recent months housing schemes have been completed without entrances to the rear of the houses.

I think the Local Government Department, particularly the engineering staff, have no idea as to proper plans and designs for houses to suit provincial towns. I am entirely against the idea of building a scheme of 100 or 150 houses in a field, say, a quarter of a mile outside a town. The county managers and the Local Government Department give the excuse that it is only right that houses should be builtin the suburbs in order to make the area residential. At the same time, the centre of the town would make one think that there had been an explosion in every second street owing to the number of derelict sites. You will also find roofless houses, thatched cabins and smelly slums in the centre of some of our provincial towns. Instead of concentrating on building up the centre of the towns, they have colonies of people, in new houses on the outskirts. In how many towns and villages in rural Ireland do we see whitewashed thatched cabins while on the outskirts a large scheme of houses has been built? As time goes on, I think that the planning of houses approved by the Local Government Department is becoming more silly and more stupid. It is so daft that it is very difficult to find a proper description for it.

Local authorities may submit proposals for the erection of houses on derelict sites but they say that they experience great difficulty in acquiring the sites. I would much prefer that they should wait until they acquire these sites and build decent houses on them and in that way endeavour to build up the centre of a town rather than acquire a big field outside the town and build 100 or 150 houses on it while the principal part of the town is a disgrace. In several villages and towns that has been done. I have known numerous instances where local authorities have made the strongest protest against such schemes being approved of by the Local Government Department.

The housing of our people is perhaps the most important responsibility that any Government Department or local authority could have. The present Government are doing very little to solve the housing needs of the people. House building has slowed down. The rents of the houses have been so extraordinarily high that the poorer sections of the people cannot remain in the houses if they are lucky enough to get them. Very little progress has been made in the provision of houses for newly-weds. A number of houses of the type described by the last speaker should be provided for people such asold age pensioners or married couples without families. How many newlywed people have we in this country who are living in flats and rooms? How many applications have been made for cottages in rural Ireland and no steps taken either by the local authority or the Local Government Department to provide cottages for them?

If the housing problem is to be tackled properly more consideration will have to be given to providing financial assistance to individuals to erect houses for themselves. The duty of the local authority is to provide houses for people who cannot provide them for themselves. During the period when the inter-Party Government was in office very good facilities were given to people to build houses for themselves, but these facilities have been taken away by the present Government. The rate of interest for loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act has been increased, and it has become more difficult to get loans from local authorities under the Act. I wonder if a circular has been sent to county managers to tighten up and not advance money under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act to those anxious to provide homes for themselves. People who have secured loans in recent months find themselves in the deplorable position that they are unable to meet the high rate of interest now being charged. On top of the high rate of interest, they are obliged to meet ever-increasing rates on the houses. The tendency of rates is to go higher and higher every year.

When the rate of interest for loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act was increased, hundreds of people who had applied for financial accommodation in order to erect their own houses cancelled their applications to several county councils. During the administration of the inter-Party Government such people were given assistance by the local authorities and the Local Government Department. They were given cheap money to provide houses for themselves. They considered that the rates of interest were reasonable at that time. During those years money was more free forhousing. I venture to say that in no county in the Twenty-Six Counties during those years did any county manager refuse to consider favourably the application of any individual for whatever financial accommodation he wanted in order to erect a house for himself. To-day we find a totally different picture. We find that the county managers have closed down completely on giving out money under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act. There are very few in the country who can avail of it because one would have to have a very big income before he could get the very high rate of interest which is being charged on the loans by local authorities under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act.

I want to take this opportunity of protesting as strongly and as bitterly as I possibly can against the present Minister, the Government and every Deputy of the Government's Party who supported increasing the interest. By doing so, they prevented many a good citizen from having a decent roof over his head. In addition to that, they put a greater burden and responsibility on the local authorities because one should give consideration to the individual to provide himself with a house rather than that he should be dependent on a local authority to provide it for him. The Government have failed miserably, utterly and without any doubt to give the necessary financial aid to private builders to provide houses for themselves.

I cannot say if I was a member of the local authority of which I am now a member at the time of the passing of the Town Planning Act. The local authorities throughout the country have accepted in principle the terms of the Town Planning Act. I think town planning may be all right in provincial towns and cities but it is carried too far in rural Ireland. It means that an application has to be made to have a house erected in accordance with the terms laid down by the Town Planning Act. Everyone who is anxious not only to build a house for himself but to build a piggery at the end of his house must, inaccordance with the terms of the Town Planning Act, have permission from the local authority before he can do so. That applies even if he wants to erect piers at the entrance to his private house. I think that is undemocratic and wrong. If many local authorities had known beforehand the inconvenience and confusion they would experience by adopting the Town Planning Act I think, had they the option, they would reject in no uncertain manner the Town Planning Act as it is at present.

One Deputy from the Government Benches pointed out a few moments ago that in order to comply with the full terms of the Act, even if you erect piers at the entrance to a private house, build a stable, a turf shed, a cowshed, a piggery or any farm out-office, the consent of the local authority has to be obtained in accordance with the town planning regulations. What town planning is necessary in order to build a piggery? Why should engineers and inspectors have to inspect and measure the premises of anyone in this country to-day before such person can erect a pier at the entrance to his own house? I think it is wrong. I am sorry to say that county managers have exercised their powers to the very last letter under the Town Planning Act.

Many people who were put to the pin of their collars to erect a little house of two or three rooms and a kitchen were obliged to pay engineers' fees. Engineers' fees are no small matter to-day. In order to comply with the town planning regulations, these people must have a site plan prepared, approved, submitted and sanctioned by an engineer before the local authority give their consent. Is it not enough to pay for the building of a house, by means of whatever grant may be had from the Department or whatever supplemental grant may be available from a local authority, without their having to pay the expenses of engineers under the Town Planning Act? I think it is wrong. A lot of red tape in that connection could certainly be eliminated. As time goes on, the system seems to be to provide greater volumes of stronger and thicker red tape.

One would imagine that in the year 1953, when speed is the order of the day, instead of our having regulations to prevent progress we would eliminate the regulations that are there as a hindrance to progress. There is a lot of red tape about housing to-day that could be eliminated. I say that without fear of contradiction. The housing position will not be solved until a lot of this red tape and codology is cut out and financial assistance provided by the Government to help the private citizen to build a house for himself.

There was not a lot of red tape when the back-doors were omitted.

You had a right to talk about the back-doors being omitted at the right time. I hope you will talk about the back-doors being omitted in future schemes. I am glad the Minister has recognised it as being red tape. I hope he will communicate that view to the chief engineers of his Department.

Red tape can be useful.

There were houses for workers which had not even a back-door.

Yes. There were several without even a back-door.

Red tape can be useful at times.

The Clara houses.

Yes. I gave him an example of that. It is a disgrace to civilisation. Let us pass from the question of housing and come to another matter. Looking at the Book of Estimates for the coming year one finds an alarming decrease of £250,000 under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. That Act was never considered a good Act by the present Government because they spent many weeks planning not only obstruction but putting destruction into effect when they were on this side of the House. They caused considerable delay when the late Deputy Tim Murphy occupied the high and honoured position of Minister for Local Government.

The Local Authorities (Works) Actwas passed by a majority of this House for the purpose of providing useful, beneficial, urgent and important schemes for the taxpayers and the ratepayers, schemes intended to provide employment in each county. The inter-Party Government concentrated upon having its most important schemes in rural Ireland carried out. They were schemes which brought endless benefits to many ratepayers. They were the means of providing additional employment throughout the Twenty-Six Counties. The local authority of which I am a member has between 400 and 450 fewer men employed to-day because the grants were cut down under the Local Authorities (Works) Act.

The County of Offaly has £60,000 worth of work to be done under the Local Authorities (Works) Act, but all that has been allocated to it under that Act is £4,000. It is worthy of note that in the County of Laoighis a sum of £30,000 is being provided to do £130,000 worth of work under the same Act. We have fewer men employed by the Laoighis and Offaly County Councils to-day because a smaller number of schemes is being financed under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. I want to protest vigorously and determinedly against the unwise, unsound and insane attempts by the present Minister to belittle that Act, deliberately to cause unemployment in rural Ireland and to prevent the ratepayers from enjoying the great benefits of that Act.

We see here a reduction of £250,000 this year under that Act. That means that there will be £250,000 less spent by the local authorities. It means, too, that many a local authority employee who is working to-day will be joining the long queues either outside the local Garda barracks or the local employment offices during the coming year. You will have more embarking on the emigrant ships to take them across the Irish Sea to the land of our traditional enemy, or else they will be forced into the position of having to queue for the week-end meetings of the St. Vincent de Paul Society in order that they may obtain from thatsociety a small miserable donation so that their wives and families may be saved from starvation. Alternatively, they may have to join the already very long queue which places such a strain on the local authorities. They may have to queue up for home assistance because £250,000 less will be spent under the Local Authorities (Works) Act.

That will mean unemployment, disaster and despair for many an Irish worker who had secured employment under that Act. I think it is a disgrace and a shame that any Irish Government should cut down the moneys hitherto provided for the carrying out of schemes of national and local importance, and of such there are none greater than drainage schemes, road improvement works, the erection of bridges, the removal of dangerous corners on roads, the relieving of flooding on certain farms, and the construction of new gullets across trunk, main and county roads. I think it is a disgrace. It is a bad policy and a wrong policy. I think that the present Government did an unwise thing in the steps they took to cause such severe unemployment in rural Ireland by cutting down local authority or works' grants.

They went further than that. Not content with causing unemployment by curtailing activities under the Local Authorities (Works) Act, and not satisfied with the damage and destruction they were doing, they are providing £30,000 less for the development of bogs acquired by local authorities lest the unfortunate workers who had lost their employment on schemes under the Local Authorities (Works) Act might be employed on the development of these bogs. Surely we had enough chaos, disaster, misery and unemployment without the Government proceeding to do a better job on it, and they did. Signs on, we have between 12,000 and 14,000 more unemployed than we had three weeks ago.

This is going to be a very bleak, hard, bad and hungry Christmas for the workers who had been given work under the Local Authorities (Works)Act since it was passed by the inter-Party Government. It is going to be a Christmas when many little children and many wives, under the roofs of their humble and happy homes, will be without their fathers and husbands. The fathers will be too busy in England trying to earn a few honest shillings to send back to keep the home fires burning.

Is it not sad to see expenditure on bog development and on schemes under the Local Authorities (Works) Act being cut down in this way? If the British Government, or some foreign Government, were here administering the affairs of this country and were to do that, we would be all up in arms against them. We would be hounding them down, pointing out the disgrace and treachery of their conduct towards the weaker sections of the community, but there is not a word when it is done under the disguise of de Valera and Fianna Fáil.

Unemployment, misery and want are being put into effect in no uncertain manner by the several decreases which we find in the Estimate for the Department of Local Government this year. I say it is a disgrace. It is an improper Estimate. Even many Government Deputies were not expecting that the Minister would have had the courage or the impudence to present an Estimate of this kind to the House, in which there are so many decreases for schemes under the Local Authorities (Works) Act and for the improvement of bogs acquired by local authorities. These are not the only decreases. The grants to local authorities towards the cost of housing schemes have been reduced by £350,000. Yet they are the people who tell us that they are going to house the poor, to provide houses for the workers and cottages for the cottage tenants. What the cutting of the grants to local authorities for housing means is that, if poor workers are to be housed, the ratepayers and the local authorities will have to find the £350,000 if the Department will not provide it. That, in turn, will mean higher rents on the houses which the local authorities are building.

Various views seem to be held aboutthe graded rent system. I do not agree with it and have never agreed with it. I think it has been responsible for causing ill-will, hatred and bad blood amongst decent neighbours. Where that system is in operation, one finds a man and his family living in a certain type of house for which he is paying a rent, say, of 11/6 per week. Another man, occupying exactly the same type of house is paying a rent of 30/- a week. Is not that an extraordinary situation?

It is very wrong and unfair that for the very same accommodation, the very same type of house, the very same conveniences, one man pays 11/- per week and another man 30/- or 33/6. I have heard Deputies speaking over the past 12 years and on every occasion on which the Local Government Estimate came before the House they always advocated a scheme of houses for working-class people. When I say a scheme of houses for working-class people I mean a scheme of houses that working-class people would be able to pay for. I believe the young labouring man, the young agricultural worker or industrial labourer should not be obliged to pay more than 10/- per week. It is a disgrace to see a worker asked to pay 24/-and 25/- per week for a house.

From my own experience as chairman of the local authority—and Deputy Davin will have to agree with me because he represents the same constituency as I do—I have known cases where tenants were given county council houses, town commission houses, and urban council houses and they were obliged to leave them the moment the head of the family became unemployed because they could not pay the rent. The graded rent system is wrong. It has caused ill-feeling amongst neighbours. It has caused unpleasantness amongst the tenants. If the Department or the local authorities want to embark on housing schemes to suit the people they should realise that they must first consider suiting the people's pockets. A house must be provided for the labouring man for which he can pay. A house must be provided for the white collar worker for which he can pay and a house must be provided for thewell-to-do for which they can pay. You cannot put a poor labouring man into a house erected for the well-to-do section of the people.

They can provide their own houses.

In reply to the Deputy from Donegal I would say they would want to be very well-to-do to-day to pay back a loan under the Small Dwellings Act and to pay the interest and the other odds and ends in addition to the increased charges on building. The local authorities should embark on the provision of schemes in consultation with the elected representatives. I have known areas in this country where the views of the county managers and county engineers were as far apart from the view of the elected councillors as heaven is from hell; yet the views recommended and reported by the county manager and the engineer were accepted and the views of the elected representatives ignored completely.

This system needs to be entirely overhauled and reconstructed. There is more unemployment in connection with road work to-day than ever before. I now want to challenge the Minister for Local Government. He told us in the House, not once but ten times over when he was increasing the tax on motor-cars, on lorries and on everything that had four wheels, that the money which was secured was going to be spent on the roads.

We are still waiting for it to be spent on the roads. I cannot see it being spent on the roads. I can see less work in my constituency on road maintenance than ever before in the history of the county. I must admit, however, that I see more engineers and more county surveyors. I can see new offices provided for the engineering staff; I can see as many engineers as there are county council workers.

Probably the Minister meant that he was going to spend the money on road making all right but he did not make it clear enough. We now presume he was going to spend money on road making but we thought itwould be spent on road making and the provision of employment. He really spent it on providing more engineers, more architects, better offices, more plans, more tracing paper, more red ink, more green ink, more fountain pens and pencils but fewer shovels and spades, fewer men, fewer roads and worse roads.

Those are the results, as I see them, in every county council in rural Ireland to-day. There is a greater clerical staff. When I first went on the council for County Laoighis the engineering staff consisted of one county engineer and three assistants. To-day there are one county engineer and six assistants; there are 400 men fewer on the roads but there are newer and bigger offices. One would be lost among the huge plans and drawings to be seen the moment one arrives at the county buildings. We do not want money spent on engineers or on plans and drawings to remain on the shelves all covered with dust and surrounded by cobwebs. We want the money to be spent on the roads, widening roads, removing dangerous corners, corkscrew bends, dangerous bridges, preventing severe flooding on county and main roads.

I have seen in parts of my constituency the ordinary county roads completely neglected and the main roads being tarred as often as Leinster House is painted and that is often enough. Five and six times a year we see the tar engines and the tar barrels working on the main roads, particularly in the County of Kildare, resurfacing after resurfacing, making the roads ready for speed, for Chryslers, for the State cars and for the tourist. However, if you turn off the main road there is a different story. The vast majority of the county roads in Ireland cannot be described any better than William Bulfin described them before I was born as "blasted lanes".

Where you have the big ratepayers, where you have the farming community producing food for man and beast, where you have the workers' homes, where you have—as we have experience of it in the Counties ofLaoighis and Offaly—the homes of the unfortunate though honourable and decent people at the slopes of the Slieve Bloom Mountains, they can neither get in nor out. In one part of my constituency, at Ballycommon, Daingean, we have the disgrace of having the only Catholic church in Ireland to which there is no road leading. The only access to that Catholic church is along the canal bank, and if you sneeze on the canal bank legal proceedings are instituted against you by C.I.E. That prevents people from using the road, stepping on the road, or walking on the road—they will be threatened if they walk on it and they cannot walk on it—and for three or four months in the year the canal will grace the road with its presence. What is the use of spending all the Road Fund on the main roads as it has been spent? I do not mind figures being placed before me saying that so much has been spent on the county roads. I will not believe it until I see it; until I see the county roads in passable condition for those who have to use them. Deputies of all Parties in this House know that the county roads of Ireland to-day are a disgrace in every county, and not in one county alone.

I do not want to go into details about my own constituency because I reserve that for the roads meeting of the county council, but at that meeting I am politely told: "Why does the Deputy not air his views in the Dáil and get the Minister for Local Government to give us more grants?" If the Minister does not provide money, at least to the same extent as the rate-payers—if not better—very little will be done in applying a remedy. The Minister knows quite well—although he told us that every single cent he got as a result of the increased tax on motor-cars, lorries, motor-cycles and vehicles would be spent on the roads— that the unfortunate man who has a lorry or a motor-car and who lives ten or 20 miles from the main road is in the position of not seeing any money spent on those roads. It is being spent largely on the roads leading to the principal towns and the main roads.

A constituent of mine told me some time ago that if they wanted to have the county road repaired, steam-rolledand tarred, they would have to get a few public-spirited ratepayers to form a golf club and if they did that and erected a golf pavilion there was no doubt that the roads would be repaired, tarred and steam-rolled and large white coping stones erected to direct and lead the traffic.

And direction signs erected.

I think it is a very wrong thing for local authorities to cease the production of turf and I am very sorry to see by this Estimate that there is such a considerable reduction. Every mental hospital, every county hospital, every fever hospital and district hospital needs turf for its requirements and I think every local authority where there are bogs should year after year cut their own supplies of turf for their institutions and give employment at it. It was a satisfactory scheme and I am sorry to see that great unemployment has resulted because the county councils have not acted as they should have acted as far as turf production is concerned. The reason they did not do so was because the headline was not set by the Department of Local Government.

Very grave dissatisfaction exists, as Deputies from all sides of the House have indicated, in connection with the wages of county council workers as sanctioned by the Department of Local Government. I would like to know why some county managers submit proposals for increased wages for road workers and county council workers, and other county managers do not do so.

And will not do so.

Is it not extraordinary that you can see workers along a county road where a county boundary happens to be and you find on one side of the boundary workers getting 5/- or in some cases 6/6 more than the workers on the other side? Yet, they are doing exactly the same work. The cost of living has gone up in leaps and bounds for the workers on both sides of the county border. The road workers have to pay rents,rates and taxes and cope with the family budget to meet the requirements of their wives and families. I felt amused when I heard a Deputy speak a few moments ago and say: "We can make the county manager do what we want him to do."

I say here and now we have no power and no legal right under the County Management Act to make a county manager do what he does not want to do. The Laois County Council were unanimous—Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour—in giving an increase of 7/6 a week to the road workers. What did the county manager say? "It is all the same what you do here" he said, "I will do what I like." We were prepared to provide the money; we did provide the money, and a resolution was unanimously adopted and declared adopted by the chairman providing the funds and giving the workers an increase of 7/6 a week. But the county manager said: "You can talk all you like; you can pass all the resolutions you like but you will not influence me one bit. I will give them what I like, when I like and how I like." That is what he said and not alone did he say it once, but he said it three times for the information of the Press.

The council provided an increase of 7/6 a week. Some time later I asked the Minister in this House if he was going to sanction it. What did the Minister reply? "No proposals at all have come from the county manager." The county manager sent up no proposals whatever, not even for a penny increase in the workers' wages despite the fact that we provided the money and that we were prepared and willing to give 7/6 a week increase. He says "No" and he defies us and he will have the able support and the gallant approval of the Minister for Local Government who poses and pretends to be the workers' friend, the poor man's champion, and the road workers' apostle.

What are you going to do when you have a manager of that kind? I envy Deputy Seán Dunne the Dublin county manager, when he says that in the allocation of houses the county manager—I think it was Deputy CaptainCowan that I heard bellowing his praises earlier to-day—puts his proposals before the housing committee and asks them if they like them or do not like them and says: "If you do not, I will change them." I never had that experience in Laois or Offaly, but I have had experience of a county manager telling me as the elected representative that while he had the law he would carry out the law in whatever way he liked and that he did not give two straws for any county councillor or T.D.; he had the Act behind him and while he had that he would do whatever he liked.

If a local authority decides to increase the pay of the workers I fail to understand why the Minister for Local Government will not give immediate approval. It is our responsibility to provide the money and if we provide the money and we are anxious to provide the money, and in fact do so, what power have we to compel the manager to submit our proposals to the Minister for sanction if he refuses to do so? Some people may say; report him to the Minister. Put down a question and the Minister will reply and say it is the function of the county manager and he cannot intervene. Where does the local authority stand then? We want to give our road workers an increase of 7/6 per week. The county manager will not let us give it. He says he defies us and he will not let the road workers have this increase. Where do we stand now?

Bring them up to the Kildare level.

The Minister sanctioned increases.

Would the Minister not consider having some sort of board established on the same lines as the Labour Court, but with a little wider powers than the Labour Court has, to deal with the question of road workers' wages on a national basis and not have one county council paying one rate, another paying another rate and yet another refusing to pay as high a rate as either of the other two? I understand that there is abody known as the General Council of County Councils. I believe there is such an organisation. What it does I do not know. What its functions are I do not know. What its powers are I do not know. I am surprised that this body, calling itself the General Council of County Councils, has not taken some steps.

They have no power.

Surely they could advise the Minister and come to some sort of arrangement for the establishment of some kind of tribunal representative of the Department of Local Government, of the local authorities, and the trade union that caters for the workers concerned. Surely such a body could strike a national rate of pay for all road workers. That would save a lot of trouble. At the present time we have road workers in Kildare getting more than road workers in Laois, and road workers in Tipperary getting more than those in Kildare. That is a very unsatisfactory situation. That is a very unworkable system. It is causing discontent and the sooner the Department of Local Government realises that the better it will be.

The road workers in Offaly sometimes get less than those in Laois, though both counties are under the same county manager.

That is something I cannot understand. There is one county manager over the two counties. but the road workers in one county get 5/- per week more than the road workers in the second county. I cannot understand that. It is a mystery, and the Minister refuses to do anything to clear it up. The local authorities are powerless to do anything. I think the Minister and his Department would be well advised to take some steps to ensure that road workers' wages are fixed on a national basis and that all road workers are given a decent wage to enable them to live in accordance with Christian principles. Surely we could have a national wages board—I hope, incidentally, that it will be far divorced from the Agricultural Wages Board—to deal with the question of road workers' wages and to give increases in relation to increases in the cost of living. I hope the Minister will consider that because grave dissatisfaction exists at the moment in every county in Ireland.

The appointment of a rate collector is a function of a county council. It is the only function they have. Where there is a majority on the council representative of one political Party, the rate collector will be appointed as the nominee of that political Party. We had a typical experience of that in County Galway. But it has happened in other counties, too, where a political Party has a controlling voice in the affairs of the county council. That Party appoints their own nominee to collect the rates. That is not the worst of it.

One would not mind if he was confined to collecting the rates but he is also responsible for compiling the electors' list and that is where he does harm, on the one hand, and endless good work for the particular Party that appoints him, on the other hand. The rate collector submits the names and addresses of those over 21 to the secretary of the county council. If a voter leaves the area that voter is crossed off. If a voter comes into the area he is put on the list. In most cases where a Fianna Fáil man comes in he is put on on the spot, but if he belongs to another political Party he is left off.

Did the Monetary Reform man not do his stuff?

Where there is a Fianna Fáil rate collector he is very busy crossing off the dead Fine Gael and Labour voters but the defunct Fianna Fáil voters are left on because the little plans are laid for the elections. They are left on so that So-and-so can be pushed in in the dark into the polling booth, saying he is John Raftery.

There is not a word of truth in that statement. It is not a fact.

It was done in the Parliamentary Secretary's constituency and it was done in my constituency.

It is a perversion of the facts.

If Deputy Flanagan says it, it must be true.

If I say it has been done, it has been done. It is true. Every Fianna Fáil Deputy, including the aggravated Parliamentary Secretary, knows quite well that it is true, because they themselves seek the advice of the local rate collectors as to newcomers in the different areas for the purpose of strengthening their organisation.

That is why he joined Fine Gael.

What do the Fine Gael rate collectors do?

Where Fianna Fáil are in the majority on the county council we have no Fine Gael rate collectors.

What do they do?

I want to warn all concerned that there is one constituency in which that does not work and that is Laois-Offaly.

There is Monetary Reform there.

They are all Fine Gael men.

We are able to keep our eye closely on the methods adopted by the rate collectors in compiling the electors' list.

What did the judges say about perjury on the Locke tribunal?

We do not allow the seeds to be sown so that the electors' list will be compiled in such a way that they will have a majority of the voters in a particular area. ButFianna Fáil has done that successfully in other areas. Fianna Fáil will not do it successfully in Laois-Offaly. They tried to do it but they were beaten.

Will the Deputy say how the Minister can act in that fashion? Is the Minister responsible for the rate collector?

He sanctions the appointment of the rate collector.

How is he responsible?

Of course he is responsible.

How can this be brought home to the Minister? How can he be responsible?

I am only endeavouring to convey to the Minister what can take place as a result of his sanction.

That is not the object of this Estimate. The object of this Estimate is to provide certain moneys for the Minister.

There are special schemes of road grants and road works for the Gaeltacht. Is there any other part of Ireland except the West? I am not opposed to the West getting a fair share, but it is unfair that we should make fish of one and flesh of another. If there are special grants or schemes they should be made available for all parts of the country where the roads are in an equally dilapidated state of repair. I do not know whether the people who speak Irish want better roads than the people who talk English with a good old country brogue. Because they wear the Fáinne and speak Irish in the West they get additional road grants, additional this, that and the other.

Does the Deputy object to that?

I do not, but Iwant the same for the people who are not in the Gaeltacht. I want the same for my constituency as the Deputy is getting for his. That is reasonable. That is fair. Are we going to spoon-feed the Gaeltacht all our lives?

Is that the Fine Gael attitude?

I want for my constituency the same facilities as the people in the Gaeltacht are getting.

You are not entitled to them.

Deputy Cunningham is a a just judge, is he not?

We are entitled to them. Why should we not be entitled to them?

Because the Deputy is a Sassenach.

That is it.

So that is it.

And that is putting it mildly.

How many men in the Deputy's constituency are getting employment on Bord na Móna.

I am glad the Deputy mentioned that for 200 have received notice of the termination of their services with Bord na Móna and there will be a couple of hundred fewer employed after next week. The camps convenient to Rathangan, the various camps around Edenderry and Boorka camp were closed down completely by Fianna Fáil. That is the treatment turf-workers got. There are fewer turf workers employed to-day by Bord na Móna and the local authorities than ever before and there will be a couple of hundred fewer employed next week.

Níor cheart don Teachta bheith ag cur síos ar mhóin ar chor ar bith.

Ní raibh aon Ghaeilge agam nuair bhí mé ag dul arscoil. Tar éis an scoil fhágaint dom chuaigh mé gach oiche go dtí an rang agus d'fhoghlamaíos Gaeilge.

Agus a lán rudaí eile nach Gaeilge iad.

Bhí mé ag foghlaim Gaeilge gach oiche.

The Deputy will please come back to the Estimate.

Gaibh mo leithscéal, a Cheann Comhairle. One would imagine that no one in the Midlands who could speak Irish was to get anything, that in order to be a really true Irishman you have to come from what is known as the Gaeltacht and the Fíor-Ghaeltacht. We in the Midlands are as good Irish speakers as they ever were in the Gaeltacht or ever will be and better Irishmen than half them ever were. In connection with the grants for the Gaeltacht, I feel very sorry indeed——

Has the Minister responsibility for grants for the Gaeltacht?

He certainly has. There are special schemes of grants for the Gaeltacht and he is responsible.

Under the Minister's Vote?

Yes—£400,000. I am not in any way opposing this and I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will not consider that I am.

All I want is the same for the other areas. If there are to be special schemes provided for Gaeltacht districts we should have them in these other districts. That is my only objection. Good luck to the Gaeltacht if they can get all they can. We want the same share. It is our job for our constituents to see that they get it. The sooner we stop making fish of one and flesh of another, and making white-haired boys out of a section of our people, the better for the country. You havegot all you want out of the Gaeltacht —16 or 17 years of office.

I want to refer very briefly to cottage purchase schemes. Various local authorities have submitted cottage purchase schemes to the Minister for approval. The cottage purchase schemes have been unsatisfactory for most local authorities. The tenant must keep the cottage in a first-class state of repair even after purchase and if he does not do so the county engineer can compel him to do it. I disagree with that type of scheme. The upkeep and repair of labourers' cottages is a heavy burden on every local authority.

We have spent £102,000 on the repair of labourers' cottages in the past 11 or 12 years. I would much prefer to see local authorities giving the cottage as a present to the tenant. The cottages are a liability on the council and not an asset. I have expressed the opinion in this House and elsewhere that instead of paying thousands of pounds on the repair of cottages the cottages should be given to the tenants and the tenants should keep them in repair. In the long run local authorities would benefit by that procedure.

There is a regulation under which a tenant of a labourer's cottage cannot have a shop in the cottage. I do not know where that regulation is contained. A tenant who takes a labourer's cottage from the local authority finds he cannot open a shop in it for the sale of cigarettes, biscuits, cakes or anything else. If he attempts to do so, the county manager will immediately say that he cannot have a shop in a county council house. There are cases where the county manager allowed a tenant to have a shop and to sell sweets, cigarettes, biscuits and anything he liked. I have known of a case in the district of Edenderry where a tenant got permission from the late P.J. Bartley who was county manager to have a shop in his county council cottage because he had a shop in the area before he went into the cottage. The county manager authorised the rent collector to grant the permission to the tenant to open a shop and the shop was opened. The tenant decided to purchase his cottage. The countymanager died. A new county manager was appointed and the new county manager says that the tenant has no right, now that he is the county manager, and he will close the shop and will not allow the tenant to apply for the purchase of his cottage under the cottage purchase scheme.

Three hundred yards away there is a cottage tenant with a shop he has purchased and that was vested in the tenant a month ago, and because the county manager has some personal axe to grind with this cottage tenant at Killane, Edenderry, he prevents him from purchasing his cottage. The Minister has no function in the matter. He will tell us that the Local Government Department cannot do anything but here we have an unfortunate cottage tenant the victim of a regulation laid down by the Local Government Department and operated by the county manager to prevent him from purchasing his house even though the late county manager gave him permission to have a shop. I would like to know from the Minister whether there is a standing regulation that there are to be no shops whatever in county council houses or whether a certain favoured and influential group of cottage tenants may have shops. I think it is very unfair. It is wrong, and the Local Government Department should look into that.

I do not propose to detain the Dáil any longer except to make a very brief and short comment on local authorities taking legal action with the approval of the Minister and the Local Government Department. Some county councils have what is known as a law agent. Other county councils have what is known as a county solicitor, other county councils, when, as time goes on they have various cases on which they require legal opinion, hire a solicitor. I would like to know what the legal end of the Local Government Department is doing about having some supervision over the manner in which some legal advisers to county councils plunge the ratepayers into law, into court in law cases, and pile big expenses on the ratepayers and the taxpayers.

I want to hear an explanation from the Local Government Department. I know law agents, as they are described to local authorities who on every occasion when they see a case submitted to them will put in a report: "Legal proceedings". I have known the Circuit Court Judge in Offaly to reprimand severely the local council for taking legal action against ratepayers and persons who were badly legally advised in connection with the flooding of roads near Cloghan in Offaly and the steps which had to be taken against them were not properly advised. Here we see law agents and council solicitors getting big expenses for their days in court, and their allowances for advising in connection with small dwellings loans and various other loans to applicants, who in all cases pay, and pay through the teeth. In addition to that you have the county solicitors having their good salary and remuneration. I want to accuse the legal section of the Custom House of failing in their duty, of plunging the ratepayers and taxpayers into debt by going recklessly and ruthlessly into court, and not having proper supervision and proper care exercised to see that law agents who are fond of law and of courts, making fat purses and heavy pockets out of it, will not plunge the ratepayers and taxpayers into big legal costs. I think it is wrong. I know a certain law agent who considers nothing only court attendance, county council attendance in court. If a farmer grows noxious weeds or docks, immediately there is no such thing as a warning notice about the Noxious Weeds Act in his area. It is a summons under the Noxious Weeds and Docks Act against decent farmers and ratepayers who find themselves in court who were never in court before.

The Minister is not responsible for the noxious weeds.

No, but he is responsible for the solicitor. You have cottage tenants. If a particular cottage tenant complains that his cottage is in bad order and he holds his rent as a protest, immediately you have a civil bill issued. I have known in one countywhere the busiest man in the county is the process server, and he will say: "Thank God, I was never so well off. Since the county council appointed a new solicitor I am kept going." Eight out of every ten cases are lost with costs against the county council and damages, and we find that the ratepayers are obliged to foot the bill. I want to know is there any chief legal adviser in the Custom House? Has the chief legal adviser in the Custom House any say whatever as to the activities of the law advisers of the various local authorities in the country? If he has not I would welcome a suggestion to be brought in by the Minister that no legal proceeding could be instituted by any legal authority without the prior approval of either the county State solicitor acting on behalf of the Minister for Local Government or the chief legal adviser of the Custom House.

That would be more red tape.

No, it would not be red tape. It would save the ratepayers from contesting cases in law where they lost eight out of ten cases the law agent advised them to bring at the expense of the ratepayers.

It would still be red tape.

It all depends on what you call red tape. What I call red tape is to find that county councils, urban councils, town commissioners and other local authorities are paying for wrong legal advice. I want to put it that no legal authority should have the right to go to court without the prior sanction of the Minister for Local Government.

How would you be sure that you would get the correct legal advice?

Is not that what you would have the legal adviser in the Custom House for?

How, then, are you going to be sure that the advice is sound?

Because if he knows his job he is going to give proper advice. If you had confidence in the chief legal adviser in the Custom House an appeal should go to him and let him and his staff decide as to whether there is a case for legal proceedings or not. That would be much better. The sanction of the Minister and the Department of Local Government is needed in the case of appeals under the Town Planning Act, and I want to say this much—the officers in charge of the town planning appeals in the Custom House are efficient, capable, and know their job. They are very fair, and I have never known one case where a local authority refused an application either for the erection of a petrol pump or whatever it might be and there was an appeal to the Custom House, that there was not a fair and honourable investigation into it. When you have appeals like that why not have appeals so as to prevent local authorities from going recklessly into court and losing and piling on costs and expenses on the county council?

The other Deputy Flanagan is listening to you.

Well, now, I have a question addressed to the Minister for to-morrow or the next day about this. I am dissatisfied about the number of legal actions that have been taken against decent people by the county solicitors or solicitors employed by the county, or the law agent, or whatever he is described as.

You should raise that with the council and not with me.

I am tired of raising it in the council of which I am a member, and the county manager politely says: "That is what I have a legal officer for. If he says there is to be law there is going to be law."

I am afraid I will not have much information for you to-morrow on that question.

I will be expecting and hoping that when you come to this House to introduce your amendmentto the Managerial Act you will bear in mind my remarks in that connection. I do not propose to detain the House longer except to say finally that the Department are considering the erection of bridges across the Shannon. I understand that a bridge is to be erected in Athlone and a bridge is to be erected in Banagher. I hope and trust that when the Local Government Department are considering erecting those bridges they will erect them in accordance with the wishes of the local authorities.

The River Shannon is a public river and I hope and trust that no action that will be taken by the Local Government Department will deny the right and the fact that the River Shannon is a public river, that there will not be fixed bridges erected that would be a permanent obstruction to whatever might be going down the Shannon or up it.

Do you not know that the opening bridge in Athlone has not worked since 1937? Why should they want an opening one now? It will cost about £20,000 more.

Then you will have to introduce legislation so that the River Shannon will no longer be a free river.

If it has done since 1937 without a local span bridge you would think it should do now without one.

But there would be a public inquiry.

There will be. You have to change the law before you can have a different type of bridge at Athlone. The Shannon Navigation Act declares that the Shannon is a public river. Any action to have any other sort of bridge erected across it, except the same type of bridge as is already there, is against the law. I want to make it clear to the Department of Local Government that there will be serious opposition from the Midland Deputies if any attempt is made to take over the bridges at Athlone, Banagher,Portumna, Shannonbridge or elsewhere. I say this to the Minister knowing that he will have a major say in this connection: the public representatives and the councils concerned have no desire whatever for any type of bridge across the Shannon except the type that has been across the Shannon in the past. If any new bridges are to be erected we want the swivel type.

I hope the Department will give favourable consideration to the construction of swivel bridges there. I do not mind the Minister's saying that swivel bridges cost this, that or the other. Who knows when the occasion will arise when the swivel bridges will be necessary and essential? There is no reason why the Department of Local Government should now make a new departure and have bridges other than swivel bridges across the Shannon. Between now and the Estimate for 1955-56, the Department will have to make a decision in connection with these bridges, and I recommend that swivel bridges be constructed.

You do not know how long it takes to build a bridge, or merely to start it.

Probably I am only on my preliminary talk about the bridges. I ask the Department to bear in mind the wishes of the local people. The engineering staffs may advise the Minister otherwise. If I were occupying the exalted position which the Minister now holds, I should be prepared to be guided by the local people; I should be prepared to accept the advice of the local county council and urban council; I should be prepared to abide by their wishes and to instruct my Department to do likewise. Therefore, I ask the Minister to consider carefully and sympathetically the question of the replacement of the bridges over the Shannon with swivel bridges. I hope the representations made by the local authorities will receive the most favourable and sympathetic consideration of the Minister in that connection.

I should like, while Deputy Flanagan is still in the House, to express wonder. I heard him speakto-night for half an hour about the outrageous conduct of the present Minister for Local Government in respect of a reduction in the Local Authorities (Works) Act money. Deputy Flanagan was very vocal on the point. May I remind the House that Deputy Flanagan was a supporter of the inter-Party Government in 1951 when the then Minister for Local Government reduced the Estimate for the Local Authorities (Works) Act by £530,000.

If Deputy Corish wishes to correct his late Minister, I will certainly have no objection. Here are the figures which were given in this House on the 12th November of this year— only last week—by Deputy Keyes:— 1950-51, £1,750,000; 1951-52, £1,220,000. That makes a difference of £530,000.

You are wrong in your additions.

If the Deputy wishes to correct Deputy Keyes on these figures, I will leave it between them.

Are you dividing or multiplying?

The fact remains that that reduction took place in the régime of the inter-Party Government. The reason which Deputy McGilligan, who was Minister for Finance at the time, gave for that reduction was, as he said when he was intrducing his last Budget here, that the urgent work in connection with the Local Authorities (Works) Act had then been completed. Any Deputy who will take the trouble to look up the Official Report of the 4th May, 1951, and to read the statement which was made by Deputy McGilligan when he was introducing his Budget of that year, will find that that was the reason he gave why grants under the Local Authorities (Works) Act were reduced by over £500,000.

Then we have Deputy Keyes jumping up here and demanding to know why the present Minister for Local Government reduced these grants. Likewise, we had Deputy M.P. Murphy demanding to know why the grants were reduced. Bear in mind that DeputyOliver Flanagan, despite his three or four hours' statement here this evening, sat as quiet as a mouse, in the words of his political godfather, Deputy Dillon, whilst grants under the Local Authorities (Works) Act were being cut by Deputy McGilligan, the then Minister for Finance, to the tune of £530,000. These are facts, and they can be checked. Where is the good in a Deputy, knowing these facts, rising in this House and making speeches of the kind which we have been listening to from some Opposition Deputies during the whole of last week and to-day on that particular matter? Deputy Keyes was a Labour Minister in the inter-Party Government. I think there were three Labour Ministers in the Cabinet at that time. Apparently the three of them raised no objection to the cutting of the grants by over £500,000 on the poor unfortunate workers. Deputy Keyes and the other two Labour Ministers voted quietly for that reduction in these grants.

We will all admit this much—that the same particular class of persons working under the Local Authorities (Works) Act, very largely anyway, work on the roads. Let us compare the road grants given by the inter-Party Government with those given by the present Government and see how they work out. In 1950-51 the road grant was £2,400,000; in 1951-52 it was £2,502,000; in 1952-53 it was £3,310,000, and in 1953-54 it is £4,483,000. That means that, to that particular class of labour, this Government has given in the past two years £2,700,000 more than was given in the last years of the inter-Party régime. That is a fair comparison.

Taken from the land.

We heard Deputy Oliver Flanagan blowing himself up for the past two hours on the condition of the unfortunate workers to-day because they are now getting over £2,000,000 more than they got under the Government which Deputy Flanagan, Deputy Keyes and Deputy Corish supported.

If Deputy Corish can contradict that statement he will have his turn. I have given the House the facts. Can Deputy Corish deny that there was a reduction of £530,000 under the Local Authorities (Works) Act here in May, 1951, and that that reduction was brought in by his Government?

Very well. Does Deputy Corish deny that the total road grant given in 1951-52 by his Government was £2,502,000?

Take the two together, now.

Does he deny that it is now £4,483,000? Go and add them up. As a former Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy Corish should be able to add up these sums of money. These are the facts. I wonder what kind of a constituency Deputy Flanagan has. I deeply sympathise with the unfortunate people in it who are represented by Deputy Flanagan as the chairman of a local authority. Apparently, council houses are built there, and Deputy Flanagan told us about the pig that had to be walked out the front door. I wonder where was the pig fattened, because Deputy Flanagan also alleged that the reason the pig had to be walked out the front door was that there was no back door. Where did the fat pig come from which came out the front door of the local authority house in his area?

He was doing Santa Claus, coming down the chimney.

Deputy Flanagan solemnly alleged that these people had to walk the fat pig out the front door. Where was he fattened?

Where did he come from?

He also made the complaint that there was no back door to the house, so that the fat pig was evidently taken in the front door as a bonham and brought out as a fat pig.

Do not develop it any further.

Have some regard for how the country people are living.

I have some regard for facts, as stated by Deputy Flanagan.

He said there was no back entrance.

And that the fat pig had to go out the front door. Where was he? He took great care to explain that there was no back door—that was his main complaint—and that, because there was no back door, the fat pig had to come out the front door.

The Deputy has said that six times.

Country people are as anxious to keep their houses clean as anybody else.

Deputy Hickey slumbered peacefully for the past few hours and if he continues to slumber nobody will object. He was very patient with Deputy Flanagan and he completely enjoyed listening to him. Deputy Flanagan went on to complain of the bad work done by the manager —the manager was responsible for all the bad things that had happened in his benighted constituency. He also wanted to take from the elected representatives of the county the last bit of power which, he said, was left to them, namely, the appointment of rate collectors. He wanted them appointed by somebody else, and apparently the county manager was to appoint them. I know the Minister would not dream of taking any of the advice he got from Deputy Flanagan but, if he did, the county council would have no business to be there at all. There are some county councils, if we are to judge by the statements made here to-night by Deputy Flanagan about his own council, which, in my opinion, should be abolished. Any county council which would allow that condition of affairs to continue should be abolished.

I have maintained here, and I stillmaintain, that the speed of housing in any area depends on the local authority for the area and on nobody else. If the local authority does its job, the houses will be built, and I, for one, have never seen any county manager interfering in the matter of the number of houses to be built in an area. The money is provided by the local authority; the medical officer of the area reports on the number of houses needed; sites are selected; contracts are invited; the houses are built, and that is that.

I have always maintained that, so long as there is need for houses, it is the duty of the local authority to provide them. I am chairman of a housing authority in my area and I have worked on that principle ever since I became chairman and long before that.

Deputy Flanagan's attitude was most amusing. He argued that the county manager should be put out of the way altogether. I do not know what kind of county manager they have in Laois, but I must say that I have never yet seen a county manager interfering with any county council which proposed to put up money for a particular purpose. I should not like to be the county manager in Cork who would try it on, because we would find some means of dealing with him. We would at least have the intelligence to study the Local Government Act and see in what manner we could do so, and we would find some way, you may be sure.

Deputy Dunne complained about the number of people from my constituency who, he says, are coming up to Dublin. I suggest that every ten years cities like Cork and Dublin, and probably others as well, need an influx of country people to keep up the level of intelligence in them.

Surely that does not arise on this Estimate.

We all know that the people in the cities very quickly decay and are not able to do anything in comparison with what country people can do.

TheDeputy is getting away from the Estimate.

Deputy Dunne attacked me because so many of my people are coming to the city, and I am saying that it is the only hope Dublin has of having any intelligence brought into it —just as Cork City brought in country boys like Deputy Hickey, Deputy MacCarthy and a few more to raise up the level and give the city a proper tone.

You have not gone in yourself yet.

That would be the last straw, and I might have to do it.

That is a tough one.

Deputy Corry would need notice of that.

I was thinking I would have to go in a few years ago, but they have improved since.

He is candid enough to admit that he would not be allowed in.

Another matter I should like to discuss is the purchase scheme. We have introduced a purchase scheme for cottages in the South Cork area. Unfortunately, there are a number of cases where only a half acre was allotted with a cottage and we have at present a scheme for putting on the additional half acre, but we find that if these tenants purchase their cottages now, they will be deprived of that additional half acre. That is a matter I wish to bring to the notice of the Minister for rectification.

Complaints were made here as to the rate of cottage purchase. When the Cottage Purchase Act was introduced away back in 1936 it was a Fianna Fáil measure. It was brought in to make the ordinary labourer as much the owner of his house as the farmer is of his farm. It was a good measure. It gave a tenant a reduction of 25 per cent. in his rental and at the same time made him the owner of his house. The Labour Party, in Cork County at any rate—I do not know what they did in other counties—opposed the idea of cottage purchase under that scheme.

Surely not!

They were not opposed to the principle of it.

For whatever reason, they opposed tenant purchase under that scheme.

The reduction was increased to 50 per cent since.

We have a brainwave now——

The Deputy does not know that.

The rents of these cottages were about 1/- per week so that the difference between 25 and 50 per cent. would not be so great.

The farmers were getting a reduction of 50 per cent.

There was a difference of only 3d. per week. We find now in South Cork that in order to carry out repairs to the cottages we have either to increase the rent or to put a further burden on the cottage tenant. A purchase scheme has since been introduced to give them a 50 per cent. reduction. In my opinion every cottage tenant should purchase, for I have seen in other days—not lately, I am glad to say—a case in which a man, who was the first tenant of a cottage and who had lived in it for 27 years, died and his son was thrown out on the roadside. That is why I would be anxious to see every tenant becoming the master of his own house and his own acre of land, in the same way as every farmer in the country is the owner of his own farm. I think he is entitled to that privilege so long as he is an agricultural labourer and works on the land. The scheme was apparently held up in the Cork area for the reasons I have given and I would ask the Minister to go into it now.

The Minister seems to be rather anxious to deal with the position of Youghal Bridge. He invited Deputy Murphy and others to give their opinions on it.

It is a swivel bridge you want in Youghal.

One thing I would say about it is that the people of County Cork were very lucky in having the present Minister as Minister for Local Government when this famous inquiry was finished and the report was presented, because he did not act the part of the dictator or the autocrat. The Cork County Council, having considered both views, were anxious if at all possible to reconstruct the present bridge. The Minister, instead of adopting the attitude, which we have often seen adopted by a Department of this description, of saying: "There is the decision; you carry it out," came along quietly and said: "There is a grant of £187,500 for the Cork County Council if they decide to reconstruct the bridge and if their scheme is feasible." That was, in my opinion, the way in which a Minister of a democratic State ought to approach the matter on the advice he had.

I said more than that.

I would ask the Minister not to damn what I have already said.

There were a few other conditions the Deputy is forgetting.

There was certainly the conditions that we would get Waterford to agree.

And that if it cost more you would pay it.

I claim to be the best missioner in the world, for I even converted Waterford. I believe it will be proved very quickly that our view on that question is far sounder than the ideas of his colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, in regard to Farmer's Cross.

The Deputy is travelling very widely.

And very high.

I believe that within the next three months, at the furthest, we shall have the consultant's opinion on that and that that opinion will save this State and the ratepayers of Cork and Waterford close on £500,000 ofmoney. That is my honest opinion. We would not be doing our duty if we did not seek every opportunity to save a particular town in that county. We often heard of the old song: "The Bridge Below the Town" but if the bridge is ever built at Ardsallagh it will be known as "The Bridge That Blew the Town."

It will soon be the bridge below the water, if you do not attend to it.

It would be a good job if it were the bridge below the water in 1922. That is one thing I have to blame our people for, that they did not put a couple of mines under it at that time and we would have a good bridge now. However, I want to thank the Minister for the very fair attitude he has adopted. It is only what I would expect from him. I think he is just as successful as Minister for Local Government as he proved to be as Minister for Agriculture. In saying that I am only expressing the general feeling which the agricultural community had towards him when he was Minister for Agriculture.

We are all concerned with what might be called our local troubles and our local worries on this Estimate, but I do not think this is the place to thrash out every matter that should come up before the local authority. Goodness knows, I have no love for legal gentry of any shape, form, class or description, but I wonder what kind of Department the Minister would have if the legal section of his Department were to carry out the wishes of Deputy O. Flanagan, that before a local authority could take proceedings against Mary Kate for not paying her rent, they would first have to consult the legal section of the Department as to whether they should take proceedings or not. There are 50 or 100 problems coming up every week before any legal adviser. All these problems have to be gone into and worked out and advice given. We may not like the advice but we have to accept it. There is one matter which I am wondering whether the Minister can find some way ofrectifying, and that is in regard to the payment of farmers for sites taken by local authorities for non-municipal houses or cottages. I can assure the Minister that sites acquired and built on as far back as 1948 are still unpaid for in the South Cork area of the Cork County Council.

That is the law agent's job. If he is satisfied you can pay any time you like.

I cannot see any sane reason, if a farmer is a recognised tenant, having his rent accepted by the Land Commission and his rates accepted by the local authority, why he cannot be paid for the acre of land that is compulsorily taken from him by the same local authority.

Surely that does not prove title?

Surely, if he is a registered holder of that land, that proves his title?

That is another matter.

We have had these cases dragging on for six years and ordinary elected representatives have been placed in the position that for the third time they have had to call on some of these farmers to get more land from them for cottages, and I propose that in future when we are going around taking such land we shall be accompanied by the legal adviser and let him get some of the abuse that we get. It is a very ugly thing to have to go back to a man six years after taking land from him which has not been paid for and say: "We want to take two acres more off you." He will look down at the cottage which has been built on his land and say: "You have not yet paid for the acre you got." There ought to be some way of dealing with that. How is it that when a farm is purchased all these legal difficulties can be settled within three or four months? Is there a special law for the compulsory purchase of land under the Local Government Department? That is one of the matters that the Minister ought to have rectified.

If there is something faulty about the title of an individual the court may be lenient with him, but if a local authority has not everything in order the court will hit them heavily on the head.

If I were a farmer in that position, I would let the rate collector get the £60, or whatever would be due for the next year's rates out of the money due to me by the local authority. It would be a simple way of getting out of the difficulty. When the local authority have the money all they need do is to transfer it to the rate collector.

I would not like to entrust the carrying out of the law to the Deputy.

That condition of affairs is one which, in my opinion, will have to be rectified. I know that it is creating a situation in which you will not get land in future for houses that are badly needed because there is no county councillor or local representative prepared to go back to these people a second or third time to ask them for further land. So far as the South Cork area is concerned, housing is proceeding both rapidly and well. I for one have no fault to find with the Local Government Department, because they have not held up in any way any proposals sent to them in connection with housing. I have heard complaints from various quarters about the Minister opening new housing schemes. I can assure the Minister, as far as my constituency is concerned, that he will always be welcome when he visits us in connection with such good work as the provision of more homes for our people. I am only hoping that we will have him there a dozen times within the next few years.

I have heard complaints being made here in regard to the Local Authorities (Works) Act. I would like to see the money provided under the Local Authorities (Works) Act increased. I say that definitely as one who knows the benefit that was conferred on the people generally by that Act. I should like to have more money spent under it if we can get it. What I am sayingnow I said after the introduction of that Act. I have seen that Act in operation in my constituency and very good work was done under it. I do not know in what way it was operated in other districts, but I have seen one job costing £4,000 done under that Act on the river from Midleton to Dungourney. That drained at least 400 or 500 acres of good land. Unfortunate people had to pay rates on a valuation of 30/- per acre for land which was absolutely useless until the river was cleaned up. When the river was cleaned up they were able to come along under the Drainage Act and drain the land and then till it. As I said, we have been dealing with local matters on this Estimate which should be raised with the local authorities concerned.

We have had a surprising contribution from Deputy Corry. The only bright part of his speech was when he expressed disappointment that the amount which was being made available under the Local Authorities (Works) Act has been cut out completely. He justified his attitude in connection with that by indicating that the Drainage Act enabled the land drainage scheme to be carried out. These two drainage schemes went hand in hand and by cutting out the Local Authorities (Works) Act drainage schemes much of the drainage of land which would have been facilitated has been held up. We have had an example of that in County Kilkenny where a very large number of land owners have decided to agitate for the carrying out of drainage. The operation of the Local Authorities (Works) Act has been suspended and they have not the opportunity to carry out that drainage.

It is not due to that fact, Deputy.

I will hear the Minister on that. That is the case I heard made on the matter. Deputy Corry talked about the brainy people who come from Cork to Dublin City. He added up a couple of million pounds and got the extraordinary total of £580,000. So much for the arguments put forward by Deputy Corry. The administration ofthe Department of Local Government and the Government, through that Department, was nothing short of a disgrace during the past year, particularly in view of the hardships imposed on the various sections of the community by that administration.

During the past year the cost of purchasing private dwelling-houses was increased by approximately 12/6 per week due to the increase in interest charges from 3¾ per cent. to 5¾ per cent.

The Minister for Local Government is not responsible for the increase.

The Minister for Local Government has a function in relation to the dwellings built under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act. As a result of that increase of 2 per cent. many white collar workers and middle-class people will be obliged to pay £1,500 more for a dwelling-house over a period of 30 years than they would otherwise have been obliged to pay. The increase of 2 per cent in interest hit those people very badly. It averaged out as an increase of 12/6d. per week in the repayment of the loans concerning those houses.

The point I want to make is that in 1951 the Minister for Finance, Deputy McGilligan, indicated that it was intended by the inter-Party Government to float a national loan of £15,000,000 during that period but in June 1951 we had a change of Government and no national loan was floated. The national loan that was floated in 1952 was for £20,000,000 at 5 per cent. In the meantime, the finance that was being made available in connection with the erection of these dwelling-houses dried up because no national loan was floated in 1951 at the more favourable rate of interest. The result was that the finance that might have been available for the building of these dwellings was not there and instead we had a national loan floated in 1952 offering very high interest.

The Deputy seems to be travelling very wide of the estimate.

The point I am makingis that if the money was available for the building of these houses in respect of which the Department of Local Government make grants available the people would have got their dwelling-houses during the past 12 months 12/6d. per week cheaper than they are getting them now as a result of the policy pursued by the present Fianna Fáil Government, including the Department of Local Government.

We had not the benefit of the Deputy's excellent financial advice.

You have the benefit of the Deputy's criticism now. It is quite clear from the point I made that these people are suffering now because the policy pursued by the inter-Party Government early in 1951 was not followed in relation to a national loan later that year. As well as that, during the past year the owners of lorries, cars and tractors were obliged to contribute an extra £1,000,000 to the fund in respect of increased taxes.

For instance, the tax on farmers' lorries was increased from a flat rate of £25 to £70 in many cases. That was a crushing burden imposed on agriculture. It had the effect of preventing the possibility of cheaper food for many people who are at the moment faced with a very high cost of living. That was only one of the heavy charges imposed by the Department of Local Government during the past 12 months.

Since the present Government took office the average increase in the rates all over the country exceeds 5/- in the £1. In other words, the rates all over the country have gone up by more than 25 per cent. since the change of Government. That extra charge and that property tax increased the cost of living and prevented any chance of having it reduced. Let us remember, when Deputy Corry and others come in here and boast about the amount of money spent on the roads, that somebody is paying for it. Would it not be better to have that money made available under the Local Authorities (Works) Act to enable drainage to be carried out? Might not that extra finance be better employed in the development of the land?

When Deputy Corry spoke on this Estimate and put certain figures before the House for consideration, he made sure not to mention the fact that £750,000 had been switched from the local authorities works section over to the road grant section. The result is that the amount of finance available is not as great as it was.

Taking the two together, it is greater.

I should have said comparatively speaking because since that time the cost of living has been increased approximately 20 per cent. It is necessary to use a greater amount of money for the purpose of paying for a smaller amount of produce. The result is that the extra money paid out of the Road Fund does not make ends meet for as many families as it would have in 1950 or 1951.

If we examine the position during the past few years we will see that the Government has nothing upon which to congratulate itself, either in relation to local taxation or in relation to the heavy tax imposed on lorries, tractors and private cars. The housing programme has also fallen down. I can give some figures which will indicate the position.

In the year 1950-51, when the inter-Party Government were in office, the number of local authority houses built was 7,700. Then we had the change of Government in the middle of 1951, and during that year the number of houses built fell to 7,195, that is, 500 houses less. In 1952-53, local authority housing picked up and the number of houses built went up to 7,476 but, in the meantime, private house building fell by 33? per cent. In other words, the slackness in the building trade is reflected by the number of houses completed during the past year.

The actual figures for private building are there, and why not give them rather than be making statements that cannot be supported?

Approximately 33? per cent——

There is no need to give an approximate figure. The actual figures are there, and why not give them?

Would the Minister, for convenience, give them?

I was not making the Deputy's speech. The Deputy is giving figures and should give them correctly. The total for private building for 1952-53 is 13,291, which is the highest figure that has been reached since 1948-49.

I do not see that figure in the Minister's opening statement.

It is not in your statement anyway.

The Minister in his opening statement said:—

"Prospective progress in private house building is more difficult to assess than are the programmes of local authorities. The number of new house grants allocated under the Acts in 1952-53 was 4,910 as compared with 6,093 in the preceding year."

These are the allocations. Of course, the Deputy would not see the difference between allocations and actual achievement.

I am satisfied with that figure.

But you would like a figure that you could quibble with.

I am satisfied with that figure. I am not disputing it. I am taking it on that figure that private building has fallen by 33? per cent. over last year.

I have given the Deputy the actual figure. He need not accept it if he does not want to, but it is the actual figure. In 1949-50, the total was 7,966; in 1950-51, the total was 12,118; in 1951-52, the total was 12,416; in 1952-53 there was a total of 13,291 houses completed by local authorities and private persons. The Deputy need not accept these figures if he does not want to, but still these are the facts.

I am sorry to say that the Minister has not stated the figuresproperly for this reason. He said that the total for private persons and local authorities was 13,291. I said, when speaking earlier, that the number of local authority houses was 7,476, and if you add that figure to the figure which I have mentioned, which was 6,093, you get the 13,000 which the Minister has mentioned.

Allocations. The Deputy wants to use the term allocations in order that he can quibble about with it. He does not want to be frank.

Deputy Rooney should be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

I went to the trouble of putting these figures together. I am satisfied with the statement I have already made in relation to private building. The Minister will have an opportunity, when replying, of giving figures which will contradict those figures, but I have gone to the trouble of getting them together myself.

When we talk about a building programme, particularly in relation to county council houses, we must remember that it takes a considerable time before the houses can be built on the site. Arrangements have to be made before that time. Plans have to be prepared. Approval for sites must be obtained before the sites are acquired. All that work went on during the time of the inter-Party Government.

It cuts both ways.

We will take it both ways. As I say, all that work had to be carried out. The sites were ready and are still coming into the possession of the county council and the corporation, but it was during the years of the previous Government that the initial steps were taken to acquire those sites. Therefore, so far as local authority housing is concerned, it was initiated by the inter-Party Government in 1948, and it is being continued. We have seen, over the last three years, that something more than 7,000 county council houses were completed in each of those years. I think those figures speak for themselves in relationto the continuity of the housing programme which, as I say, was initiated in 1948.

I heard some Fianna Fáil Deputies say that they had intended to proceed with a housing programme after the war. I would like to point out that, in 1947, sites which were acquired before the war were left there derelict because there was no building materials, and that those sites were offered back, and sold back in many cases to the owners.

Where was that?

County Dublin is one place, and I presume the same thing may have happened also in Donegal. I know that, in my own parish, land was taken from a farmer because he could not pay his rates in the years before 1939. It was left in the possession of the county council, and was offered back to him in 1947. It was offered to him at a price, but when he considered that the land had been allowed to go derelict he refused to take it.

Since that time, the county council which was abolished by the Fianna Fáil Government was restored, and the result is that ten cottages have been built on that particular site. That is only one example of cases where sites were offered back to the previous owners. Most of these sites, I admit, were taken by the county council in respect of rates from the owners of the land who had been left in a position in which they could not pay their rates. This selling back of sites took place. That was the attitude of Fianna Fáil, although it was clear that 70,000 houses were required.

We have seen, during the past 12 months, that of the 7,476 houses that were completed by local authorities, 3,000 of them were completed in cities and towns. The balance were completed in villages and rural areas. It would seem that a very high proportion of these council houses are being built in towns, cities and villages, and that the rural areas are being neglected because there is an inclination on the part of rural dwellers to move into the towns and cities, especially if they can get improved housing accommodation.I consider that is a bad policy to pursue.

In 1948, the inter-Party Government decided to embark on a vigorous building programme by increasing the grant of £45, which was available at that time, to the grant figure that applies at present, namely, £275.

It was not the inter-Party Government that did that at all.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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