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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 18 Nov 1953

Vol. 143 No. 2

Vote 38—Local Government (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That the Estimate be referred backfor consideration. —(Deputy Sweetman.)

When I moved to report progress last night I had just entered on a discussion of the Estimate. This particular sphere of Government probably interferes more with the general affairs of the community than any other Department. For that reason it is necessary for us to point out the damage which the activities of the Department of Local Government are causing at the moment so far as important sections of the community are concerned. We have a situation now where apparently the Minister for Finance has bullied the Minister for Local Government into taking certain action in his Department. One example of that was where the supplementary grant for the relief of rates has been withdrawn. This represents a tax of £250,000 on agricultural land. By reason of this Order which was issued by the Minister for Local Government earlier this year withdrawing the supplementary agricultural grant the rates have been increased on farmers to the extent of £250,000. This extra burden of £250,000 in respect of agricultural land is in addition to the increase in rates which has taken place. During the last two years there has been an average increase in rates on agricultural land and on general property of at least 25 per cent. In addition to the £250,000 increase as a result of the decision of the Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Finance combined, an extra £500,000 in taxes has been collected in respect of farmers' lorries. This extra tax must be added to the extra 25 per cent. which has been put on the rates.

That is why we must protest against the policy being pursued by the Government through the Minister for Local Government. This local taxation is more difficult to bear than some of the general taxation which is paid voluntarily, whereas the local taxation is compulsory. Whether they like it or not, the sections of the community who are compelled to subscribe to local taxation in one form or another have no option as compared with manyother types of general taxation which are voluntarily subscribed by the ordinary persons owing to their habits or by reason of their immediate needs.

During the last year, the city boundary has been extended and an extra 6,000 acres have been taken by the Dublin Corporation from the Dublin County Council for the purpose of housing development. The acquisition of this large area will mean that the remaining 20,000 homes will be provided in Dublin City at a rate of something like 2,500 per year under the corporation scheme, apart from private building. We should examine through the Department of Local Government whether, in fact, that is a proper policy for the Dublin Corporation to pursue of providing houses at a very long distance from the city centre, while in the centre of the city there are many derelict sites which could be developed and would not have the effect of removing people so far away from their employment. The corporation, apparently, have decided that they would prefer to build the ordinary type of two-storey houses instead of flats, although it is probable that flats would be capable of providing for many families certain amenities such as a general hot water system. We have not any such system here in this city but there are cities the size of Dublin which have those hot water systems available for residents. I wonder if the Department has ever examined the possibility of doing that. It would probably have the effect of being more economical for many families who, in the ordinary way, must provide their own heating and the fuel for it. If there were some kind of community heating provided by the public authorities, particularly in Dublin and, perhaps, in large towns, there might be a good deal of economy and greater facilities available for the community.

The policy pursued by the present Government has caused very great hardship amongst the white collar workers and middle-class people. Those are the people who are suffering most by reason of the policy of local taxation being pursued by the Government. It is probable that local taxation will increase further on account of the cost of operating the Health Actand many people who will not be entitled to benefit will be obliged to subscribe in the form of rates towards the cost of that Act, which will come into operation next year.

During the last 12 months the liabilities of county councils and public authorities generally have been increased by £14,000,000. The total liabilities of county councils and other public authorities now amount to £83.8 million and it seems probable that those liabilities will increase just as rapidly if we take the increase of £14,000,000 which occurred during the last 12 months as a basis for future increases.

We have had the Minister playing ducks and drakes with the owners of agricultural land, so far as the supplementary grant for rates is concerned. At first we had an undertaking from the Minister that the agricultural grant in respect of employment was to be increased by £6 10s. to £13 per man. That was the first promise given to the owners of agricultural land but they were informed by Order that a sum of approximately £300,000 was to be imposed on them by reason of the withdrawal portion of the supplementary grant. Now we have a further announcement from the Minister that instead of £13 per man employed the amount will be increased to £17.

Will you not take my word?

You have not kept your word. The rates are being collected from the owners of land. Most of them have already paid the money which the Minister pretends he will refund to them. When the Motion of Confidence was being discussed in this House I understand that an undertaking was given to certain Deputies that portion of the rates which are being collected now from the owners of agricultural land would be refunded to them in the form of credit notes. The Minister knows as well as I do that local authorities cannot mix up one year's finances with another. Even if he decides to make an alteration, the owners of agricultural land who might benefit—it is only a smallproportion of them, I understand from the Dublin County Council and from figures given by other county councils —will not benefit until next year.

They will be glad to get it at any time.

I presume they will. But, in the meantime, an extra £250,000 has been collected from them. There is a vague promise that part of it is going to be restored to them, and that the basis of the refund is to be calculated on an allowance per man employed. The figure mentioned was £17. I do not know if the Minister wants to put up the argument that this allowance of £17 is going to encourage employment.

It is better than £6 10s.

It is, but it is still not good enough to encourage employment on the land, as the Minister knows well.

I think that the Deputy should reserve his remarks on that because a new Bill and a revised Estimate are coming before the House very shortly.

I think the Chair might let him paddle along.

I am glad, Sir, to hear that from you because the country has not yet heard it from the Minister. We have been pressing the Minister for information on that and we have failed to get it.

It is on the Order Paper, and it is not from me that the Deputy is getting any knowledge of it.

I would like to point out to the Minister that he is not going to fool the farmers by the introduction of legislation of that nature. It will have the effect of giving a very small measure of relief. Probably, between 15 and 20 per cent. of the landholders may benefit by the proposal which the Minister intends to put before us, but not more. The remainder will be penalised as a resultof the action taken by the Minister earlier this year in having the supplementary agricultural grant withdrawn, I presume at the behest of the Minister for Finance, who has complained that taxation presses lightly on the land. But, during the last year, we have seen that the farmers have been obliged to pay an extra £500,000 for their lorries and an extra £250,000 now in respect of agriculture, as well as the increase of 25 per cent. in rates which has applied to all other sections of the community. As I have mentioned, the class of people really suffering from the policy of the present Government are the white collar workers, the middle classes, who seem to be the object of every attack that has been made by the Minister for Finance, whether it be through the Department of Local Government or any other Department.

There are a number of complaints coming forward from the community regarding delay in the payment of housing grants. I do not know why it is, but at certain periods in the year it is more difficult to secure the payment of these housing grants than at others. I do not know the reason for that, but it seems to me to be unfair to the people who have qualified for the payments.

The Department of Local Government, I feel, has seen the housing grant aspect of our economy as it has been operated during the last few years, and should be in a position to streamline it and issue the payment of grants more promptly. In many cases, the payment of the grant is not issued because the applicant has not complied with some regulation or other. That is because his position is not clear to him. He does not realise what steps he should have taken in order to secure payment. He only finds that out when he goes to complain that the payment of the grant has been delayed or is not being paid to him at all.

I think it would be helpful if the Department would issue to those applicants for grants a step-by-step leaflet which would show them exactly what to do according as the construction of the house reaches a particular stage. There is a good deal of confusionbetween the various authorities concerned. The applicant for a house is dealing probably, first of all, with the planning section, then with the appointment officer and with the valuation officer. Through them he is also dealing probably with the Department of Local Government. All these things combined help to add to the confusion there is in many cases. The Department can point out to the man that the delay is due to his own fault. I feel, however, that as the Department has been operating this scheme over the years, and has found in it all these weaknesses, it should issue a step-by-step leaflet that would enable those people to secure prompt payment.

The delay in the payment of these grants also has the effect of discouraging building because in many cases building contractors are waiting for the payment of the grants to them, and even the payment of loans which are associated with general building facilities. You have these delays in the payment of grants and loans for private dwelling-houses. The building contractors find themselves short of money and in a position in which they cannot undertake new contracts. They cannot plan to have new contracts carried out because, usually many of them are out of so much money, due to the fact that some regulation has not been complied with.

Now before all the skilled tradesmen that we brought back here in 1949 in connection with building activity go back to where they came from in England, I think there will have to be a change of policy in relation to housing here. We have seen a considerable drop in the building of private dwelling-houses. There is a considerable amount of unemployment, particularly amongst tradesmen and various types of workers engaged in the building trade, as well as of workers indirectly connected with it. As I say, we got all those skilled men home to build houses here. We know that in the City of Dublin 20,000 houses are still needed. If we look at the number of houses constructed last year and in the previous years, we will see that the housing drive is not gathering the momentum at present which it did gatherfrom 1948 up to 1950. There has been a falling back since.

When we realise that 20,000 houses are still immediately needed in the City of Dublin, I think that the Minister and his Department should plan for even doubling the output of corporation houses in Dublin City, even if they cannot take effective steps, though I believe they could, to improve the activities of private builders in the city. I have pointed out that many private builders are held back because of the delay in the payment of loans and grants. Once bitten twice shy. They are just afraid to take on any more work until they have been paid for the work which they have completed, and in respect of which they got a good deal of trouble in trying to secure these payments.

One happy development during the past year has been the reconstruction grants which are available.

Hear, hear! It is grand to hear of something happy, anyway.

Well, as I say, it could not all be a bad picture. But let us remember that as a result of the legislation passed in relation to reconstruction grants the ratepayers are being called on once more to finance the reconstruction of houses by reason of the fact that in addition to reconstruction grants being made available by the Department of Local Government the county councils are required to make available a grant of a similar amount.

They are not required to make available a grant of a similar amount.

Well, they do.

That is better.

The point is that the amount goes up to a figure not exceeding £80, and particularly in County Dublin and probably in County Cork a very large number of persons can qualify for reconstruction grants from the county council in addition to the reconstruction grant payable by the Department of Local Government. These grants, of course, have to befinanced in the long run by the ratepayers so far as the county council is concerned and that is one more addition to the already heavy burden on the ratepayers. They are obliged, as I say, to contribute towards the cost of house-building.

They are not obliged to contribute. The Deputy should put the matter correctly.

Well, the ratepayers are obliged to contribute and the Minister knows that.

Did the Deputy oppose the adoption of the scheme in his own council?

I certainly did not.

Well, there you are.

In fact, what I did do on the county council was that I arranged for the allocation of finance to be made available for persons who could not qualify without the legisla-of 1952 being in operation. We had certain powers if we did make finance available, and I took steps when I was chairman of the housing committee to make sure that that finance would be made available for those sections of the community who would not qualify for grants from the Department of Local Government by reason of their occupations.

There is a problem to face in county councils and that is the problem of cottage purchase schemes. During the inter-Party régime, cottage purchase was brought down to 50 per cent. The tenants of cottages are obliged now to pay only 50 per cent. of the rent which was applied when no steps were being taken to purchase those houses. The experience of Dublin County Council— and I presume it is the experience of many other county councils in the country—is that the rent is very low, particularly the rent for the older cottages which might not exceed 5/-. Although those people could now purchase their houses for 2/6 per week, they are not inclined to do so but they continue with the payment of 5/- per week which is the ordinary rent. Theremust be some defect in the legislation when those people who are given an opportunity to purchase their houses for 2/6 per week refrain from doing so and continue to pay the ordinary rent with no idea when they might have the house purchased out.

I am sure that this aspect of the problem has already been put before the Department of Local Government and the Minister, and it has certainly come up in the various county councils. If you, for instance, take the rent that is being paid for a cottage or for a certain number of cottages and you then put against that the cost of maintenance, it will be seen that the cost of maintenance in relation to the full rent being paid is so high that the tenants are not encouraged even by the 50 per cent. reduction to take steps for the purpose of purchasing their houses.

I do not want to add to what I have said except this: that I hope that during the coming year the Minister will go his own road and that he will not follow the road designed for him by the Minister for Finance because we have seen during the past 12 months that the Minister for Finance has been dictating to the Minister for Local Government, a fact which has obliged him to impose very heavy burdens on certain sections of the community. The people who have availed of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act during the last 12 months have taken upon themselves a much heavier burden than the people who went into similar houses just a few years ago on the basis of a repayable advance. Many of those people are going to pay over £1,000 more in interest charges in respect of those houses and I consider that some financial adjustment should be carried out because it appears most unfair where a person buys a £2,000 house that he has under the present rate of interest to pay £4,000 for that house before he has completely purchased it. For that reason I consider that it is necessary to tackle that problem when we see that there is such a heavy burden of interest to be carried by the people who are trying to provide homes for themselves.

In regard to the Estimate before the House at the moment,the thing that most strikes everybody up and down throughout the country is the exorbitant height to which the rates have increased in town and country inside the last few years. I remember speaking on the Health Act in 1946 in this House while that Bill was going through and commenting not alone on that Bill but on several other similar measures that were passed by the Fianna Fáil Government at that time. It seemed to be the settled policy of the Government, and I warned them that a succession of statutes passed presumably for the benefit of the people in the rural areas giving power to local authorities to do this, that and the other thing and at the same time imposing the cost of all these measures on the local authorities would some day cause the rates to reach such a pitch that the people could not bear them. My words of 1946 are largely coming true. The rates at the present time have soared to a terrific pitch and there is no doubt in anybody's mind at the moment that the day has come when something will have to be done about the whole question of rates and the problem of local authorities in finding money. When the Health Bill was being put through the House the Minister gave an assurance that it would not cost more than 2/- in the £. I have a dim remembrance that we were told during the period of the inter-Party Government that certain health proposals would reach 9/- in the £ in their third year of operation.

I cannot see how the Minister for Local Government is responsible for these additions.

The Minister has responsibility for the whole Department of Local Government and surely he must be the instrument of Government policy in regard to local authorities and in regard to local government in general.

The Minister for Health is responsible for the Health Act and any charges it imposes.

It is the duty of the Minister for Local Government toensure that the Minister for Health does not play ducks and drakes with his Department.

That does not arise on this Estimate.

Perhaps the Deputy would be permitted to give us a lecture on joint responsibility in Government.

Whatever function the Minister was at this morning it certainly has not improved his manners in the House. I hope the next time the Minister has an Estimate he will keep away from these functions. I was commenting on the fact that it is the Minister's duty to ensure that no other Minister puts across a policy which has the effect of making the burden of rates unbearable. It is the duty of the Minister to see that the ratepayers are protected. During the period of the inter-Party Government not one single local government measure was passed which put one penny on the rates. Let me instance one example, an Act that the Minister took good care to wipe out, simply because it was introduced by the inter-Party Government. I refer to the Local Authorities (Works) Act. Had we wished, in order to implement that Act, we could have put a burden of £2,500,000 per year on the ratepayers. But we did not want to follow Fianna Fáil policy in that respect and we decided that, if we intended to confer a benefit on the people, we should find the money for the work and not compel them to find it. By a succession of statutes since 1943 or 1944 the burden of rates at the moment is intolerable and something will have to be done to ameliorate the present position.

The policy of Fianna Fáil seems to be, by all means, give health legislation and social welfare, give this, that and the other, but make the ratepayers pay for them. All this has resulted in making rates so heavy that they now form one of the principal factors contributing towards the flight from the land and each new levy drives more and more people off the land. If Fianna Fáil wants to act the part of a benevolent Father Christmas, let them take a leaf out of the inter-Party'sbook and provide the cash out of the Central Fund. That is the acid test. I quote only the one Act because that was an Act that would have cost most in its implementation.

It does not arise on this Estimate.

I am referring to the Local Authorities (Works) Act.

I am sorry. I thought the Deputy was referring to the Health Act.

The grants given under that Act have been cut down to £400,000. I remember in my own county in the first year that the Act went into operation, Mayo got £58,000. The following year they got £72,000. Last year they got £80,000, and this year they will get £5,000 from this benevolent Fianna Fáil Government. The farmers and the people as a whole can no longer be hoodwinked. The Minister has reduced the figure to £400,000 this year and I take it it will disappear altogether next year.

I take it we are all sincere in our desire to have increased production. No Act passed here since the House was established did more towards increasing production than the Local Authorities (Works) Act. We know that responsibility for the maintenance of water-courses had gone overboard as a result of the Land Acts. It was to meet that particular problem that we implemented the Arterial Drainage Act, put the land reclamation scheme into operation, and passed the Local Authorities (Works) Act. Land reclamation was held up for want of minor drainage schemes. All shades of political thought commended the Local Authorities (Works) Act. Excellent work was done under that Act by the county engineers and their staffs. There were occasions when I would have preferred to have seen the work done in the summer time or between February and August. Some of the work was done at a time when it was not very pleasant for those engaged on it and when perhaps the return was not equivalent to the expenditure.County engineers had to maintain roads and labour had to be spread out over the different jobs. Nevertheless much good work was done. That Act came to the rescue of many farmers whose lands were waterlogged for the best part of the year.

It is not fair to charge annuities and rates to people whose lands are under water. It was our aim in the inter-Party Government to ease that position. I appeal to the Minister now to make a more liberal grant available and put the Act into full operation again. It has been stated that anything from 4,000,000 to 4,500,000 acres of land could be brought into first-class production if they were properly drained. I take it the Government is serious about increasing production. The land reclamation scheme worked in conjunction with the Local Authorities (Works) Act will go a long way towards restoring that huge acreage to full production.

I am as anxious as anybody else to see our roads developed and improved. I can appreciate a steam-rolled road or a tarred road just as much as anybody else. I want to see that work going ahead. The slashing of the money made available for works under the Local Authorities (Works) Act from £1,900,000 to £400,000 with the provision of £400,000 for road work in the Gaeltacht and congested areas is only making a joke of the whole business. Assuming that the £400,000 will be confined to the nine western counties, it will mean only a few miles of road in each county per year.

Go ahead with the steam-rolling of roads but drainage of land is vitally important. We make our living on the land. The roads are, at best, a convenience. Drainage should go ahead first. If we were depending on roads for our living, the balance of trade would not be so healthy as it is.

The grant given by the Department of Local Government for the building of a house is nominally £285, but nobody ever gets £285. Ten pounds of that get lost from the time it leaves the Custom House until it reaches the person who gets the grant. Nobody seems to know where that £10 goes. Some time ago I put down a questionto the Minister for Local Government regarding the duties of housing inspectors. I learned with astonishment that it is not the duty of these inspectors to see that the work is well done or to instruct or help the person building the house. Apparently their only function is to see that the house conforms to certain measurements. It does not matter if the house falls down the day after the grant is paid. Somebody gets £10 out of every grant that is paid. The matter calls for an explanation from the Minister.

The Deputy had better get in touch with his local public utility society and they will tell him all about it.

I will not. I am asking the Minister to tell me.

I will not either.

Who established the system? If it is not the Minister who established it, he is in charge of the Department and if there are flaws in the legislation or in the administration of the Department, it is his duty to ask the House to remedy them.

It is established by law.

No law is perfect when it leaves the Legislature. We do not expect it to be, human nature being what it is, but we have Ministers to administer Departments and to come to the House as flaws or loopholes are discovered in legislation to have them rectified. I am asking the Minister to set that right.

The Deputy may not advocate legislation on Estimates.

Very well, but I would ask the Minister, when replying, to tell us who pockets the £10 of every grant paid out. When I went to the trouble of putting down parliamentary questions in the spring of this year to try to discover who gets this money and what service he renders therefor to the Government or to the country or to the person building the house, I was up against a blank wall. The Minister didnot seem to know. If he did know, he was not in a position to inform the House about it. Would the Minister, when replying, tell us all about it? Would the Minister also tell us what function is performed by the person who collects the £10? Would it be too much to ask housing inspectors to assist the people who build houses, people who may not be very skilful in supervising work, and so on. Word of mouth advice will not cost them anything or involve them in legal difficulties.

I know of a house that cost £1,200. The roof leaked after the first shower of rain came after erection. The occupier had no redress. An inspector paid two or three visits to the house and presumably got travelling expenses and collected his share of the £10. For what, I do not know. We should know what service these men give if we are paying them.

We are not paying them.

It is quibbling to say that we are not paying them. Someone is collaring £10 out of every grant. I am determined to find out where that money is going and what is done for it. If they earn £10, if they give good service for the £10, I have no objection. I want the Minister to explain the whole thing when replying.

Next I wish to refer to the system of valuations. The general question of valuation would come under the Department of Finance but local authorities are asked to carry out revaluation. It is scandalous that people who improve their dwellings and hotel owners who sink capital in the improvement of their premises should be penalised by rates increases. I could quote one case where a person who took down the roof and put on new timber and put old slates on the new timber, without increasing the cubic capacity of the house by one inch, had his valuation raised by £50. That is a matter for the Government. As the Minister is in charge of the Department which collects the rates on these increased valuations, it is his duty to take the matter up with the appropriate Minister and to thrash the whole thing out.

The Minister for Local Government is not responsible for revaluation.

He is not responsible for the administration of the Valuation Office but he collects the increased rates on the increased valuation imposed by the Valuation Office.

The county councils collect the rates.

Local authorities and county managers come directly under the Minister's Department. Last night the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and now the Minister for Local Government tried to sidestep the responsibility that is placed on their shoulders. I do not know what government is coming too. We had the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs telling us he knew nothing about the working of Radio Éireann. Now, I suppose, the Minister for Local Government will be telling us that he has nothing to do with county managers and if they stood on their heads and robbed and plundered the ratepayers, he has nothing to do with them. I often wonder what these Ministers are drawing a salary for as Ministers. Ministers who are drawing a salary as Ministers should manage their Departments, be active and see what is happening.

I would not blame the Deputy, having regard to his own experience as Minister.

What happened the sworn inquiry in Cavan?

The people who benefited by the operations of the Department of Lands while I was Minister would be able to tell the present Minister or anyone who inquires whether I or the present Minister for Lands managed the Department the better and they will not put a tooth in it.

Were you Minister for South Mayo or for the Twenty-Six Counties?

Tell us about the cutting down of forestry.

Not on this Estimate.

That irrelevancy was drawn out of me by the remarks of the Minister. I want to make one comment on what seems to me to be serious mismanagement on somebody's part— whose I do not know. I refer to the present exorbitant rents of houses being built in towns. On one side of the picture the tenants are paying exorbitant rents for those houses and grumbling that they cannot pay them. In my own town of Castlebar people are asked to pay as high as 30/- per week rent. On the other hand, we hear a constant clamour from the ratepayers, and rightly so, who feel themselves blistered by the erection of these houses and their maintenance. This thing cannot be tackled in small pieces or isolated instances. It is time that our whole policy of housing our people should be gone into. If our people are deserving of being housed it is ridiculous to offer a man a house at a rent that he just cannot look at and that his salary would not let him pay and perhaps rear a family in comfort afterwards. On the other hand, we have no business closing down or selling out ratepayers in any town through exorbitant rates on them. Surely there must be some equitable way, if the Minister and his officials went into it, of finding some solution to that double-barrelled difficulty, as I must call it. It is having repercussions on both classes—the ratepayers, on the one hand, who are grumbling, and rightly so, and the unfortunate tenants of the houses who are grumbling, on the other hand, and again, I say, rightly so.

You might as well throw in the taxpayers as well. They do a bit of grumbling too.

That kind of foolish, ignorant interjection is not helpful to any side of the House, and certainly not to the two classes of people to whom I am drawing the attention of the Minister. I want to bring grievanceswhich I know are very real to the Minister's notice. That is a Deputy's duty whether he is on the Government side or the opposite of the House. I am trying to bring these grievances to the Minister's attention and asking him to look into them. The Minister should be thankful to get helpful criticism, because that is one of the principal purposes of debate on Estimates here in this House. We have a Parliament here to which from every corner of the country public representatives are elected who will speak their minds, mix with the people and feel the pulses of the people, and it is their duty to come back to the House and make known to the appropriate Minister what is happening, and the Minister should take cognisance of these things and try to set them right.

The last thing I want to say is that the policy of passing legislation here in this House and completely sidestepping the provision of the necessary funds to implement that legislation has resulted in an increase of rates that we have to-day. In a good deal of the legislation that has been passed for some time back, that is the policy of Fianna Fáil, dated, as far as I can see, from about 1943 or 1944, certainly in the early 1940s, and now it is beginning to tell. The full weight of it is starting to come down on the ratepayers all over the country. Coupled with that we seem to have a drive through the Valuation Office to increase valuations all over the country, presumably to lighten the rates. In other words we are trying to plug one hole by taking the stuffing out of another. That will not get us anywhere. The whole question of valuation and rates must be gone into, it has become such a heavy burden on the people in country areas. I am sure that the Minister is well aware of that and of the fact that it is contributing very largely towards the flight from the land. While up to a few years ago, 1945 or 1946, it could be said of the people with small holdings that their valuation did not matter much, owing to the high cost of living and the drop in agricultural prices——

The Deputy is getting far away from the Estimate.

I am speaking on the subject of rates.

Valuations do not come within the Minister's ambit.

I am speaking about the collection of rates by local authorities. The rates have gone beyond the small farmers' ability to pay, and in a few years I can see most of the ratepayers just sitting back in helplessness, unable to meet the demands, and we will have a position arising very similar to the one that obtained in the Land Commission some years back when arrears of annuities went over £2,000,000.

Although I realise the futility of a lot of the talk that goes on in this House, nevertheless I feel obliged to call the attention of the Department of Local Government and the Minister to two very urgent rural problems that come within the ambit of this debate. The first is the question of the roads in the rural areas. The bad condition of our county roads is something that is known to every Deputy and to every person who is a member of the local authority. From time to time we hear of the efforts that are made to improve living conditions in the backward parts of the country. We recognise and appreciate that the rural electrification programme, grants for the reconstruction of existing dwellings and the installation of water, and so on and so forth, have to a very great extent improved the conditions that existed some years ago in the rural areas; but I believe that few will deny that successive Governments have failed to recognise and remedy the grievances of the rural population as far as bad roads are concerned. I believe that it can be said with truth that the bad roads in the rural areas are the main contributing factor to accelerating the flight of the people from the land. This year we are spending on roads more moneys than were ever before spent on the reconditioning and resurfacing of roads in this country; but although that is so, I am sorry to have to say that it has not resulted in any additional employment, and I am afraid it has not resulted in any significantmileage of county roads being reconditioned.

I would respectfully ask the Minister to try and refashion a policy whereby the dice will be loaded in favour of the county roads and that the largest portion of our resources will be allocated to and concentrated on this very important national work. I think that I can say in truth that the people whom I represent would not care if there never was a shovelful of chippings put on the main roads, and it is also true to say that the small valuated farmers, the people who have the misfortune, if you like, to live in the very backward parts of the rural areas, constitute the largest section of our farming community. I cannot see what benefits they get for the moneys they contribute to the local authority in their rates and to the Exchequer in their purchase of beer, cigarettes or in other ways. There is no benefit I can see for them only the main roads, and they are not in a position to use the main roads. It is, therefore, true to say that they get practically no return, good, bad or indifferent, for the moneys they are called upon to pay.

They see more engineers.

These people want their grievances remedied, and I feel that they are primarily concerned with bringing about a solution of the situation that exists whereby themselves and their children have to wade their way in inches of muck out to Mass on Sunday and the children to schools every morning. Nothing that I can see has been done to bring about a solution to this very burning problem. I realise that it is a very big job to undertake this work, and I know that it cannot be done piecemeal and that it is going to place a very serious burden on people all over the country. I feel that the question of the county roads is as big a question now as housing was some 20 years ago. It is a job that cannot be tackled piecemeal, and I would ask the Minister to give serious consideration to the question of raising a large sum of money, a large loan, interms of millions of pounds, to face up to this problem in a courageous way. If he does he will be doing something that will confer a very great benefit on one of the most needy—in fact, the most needy and the most deserving section of our people.

A flight has taken place from the land. It may be possible even at this belated stage to correct that trend or at least to keep in rural life the few people who still remain. I do not know if most people in public life fully appreciate the terrible plight of these people. I, personally, should not like to see anybody belonging to me having to go to reside in a thatched dwelling at the end of a cul-de-sac road, in one of the backward parts of the country. I see the day coming, if it has not already come, when a person who occupies a lowly valued holding in such a district can no longer get married. It is true to say that nobody would be fool enough to marry him. I would, therefore, ask the Minister to give very serious consideration to the question of trying to initiate a generous effort to bring about some solution of the problem that confronts these unfortunate people.

I do not want to delay the House unduly in this discussion but the second item to which I want to refer is the question of housing. No doubt a lot has been achieved in this connection, but again no adequate provision has been made for the lowly valued agricultural holder. There are no doubt generous grants available for the erection of a new house—a grant from the State and, in certain cases, a supplementary grant from the local authority. Take for example the person who occupies an agricultural holding valued at £10. He can get two grants, one from the State and one from the local authority. He will get a grant of £225 from the State and a grant of the same amount from the local authority or a total of £450. He then proceeds to erect a four-roomed or a five-roomed dwelling. Everyone knows that it is not possible for that type of person to avail of the Local Loans Fund to bridge the gap that exists between the £450 that he gets by way of grants and, say, the £1,000 which the house will cost. He hasgot to raise £550 or £600 by way of loan. Even if he is lucky enough to be accepted for a loan, I do not think it would be possible for such a person to undertake the liability that is involved in repaying that loan by yearly or half-yearly instalments. It is not possible for such a person to repay £39 or £40 a year. Therefore, the grants that are available are of no assistance to these people. Their housing problem is as neglected to-day as it was 20 or 30 years ago. There is plenty of scope there for remedial legislation to improve the lot of those people. I do not know how many—I should know but unfortunately I have not the figure at hand—small-holders there are with valuations of £10 or under. They do, however, represent a very significant section of our people. I am sure the number would run into hundreds of thousands.

I would ask the Minister to give serious consideration to the question of introducing legislation to enable county councils to erect cottages on holdings occupied by these people. They are not able under existing circumstances to face up to their problem. Most of them live in old thatched dwellings which have gone beyond reconstruction. Even if the State and county council were to advance them grants for reconstruction it would be a very uneconomic proposition for people living in such houses to reconstruct them. They must get new houses and the only way of dealing with the matter that I see is for the Minister to bring in legislation to enable local authorities to erect cottages for them, it being clearly understood that the person occupying that lowly valued holding, who provides the site, will be appointed the tenant of the cottage. I think it was Deputy Brennan who made a similar request last week. I have been giving a lot of consideration to the position of these occupiers of lowly valued holdings because we have such a number of them in the country and I feel that such legislation as I suggest should be introduced, is long overdue. If the Minister brings in legislation or makes the adjustments necessary to provide houses for these people he will bedoing a very good job. I think the present Minister is fully conversant with the difficulties with which the problem is reeking, and if he holds out some hope that before this Dáil ends its term that some measures along the lines which I suggest will be taken, then we shall be able to say to these people that we have done something worth while for them.

In dealing with the many problems of local government I think we must give housing priority because, like the previous speaker, I believe that the greatness of any country is fostered in the homes of the people. That is why we should keep housing in the forefront to enable the masses of our people to buy or rent the type of house each of them wants. Listening to different speeches from both sides of the House I must say that there is a good deal of complacency and even some self-satisfaction expressed with what is being done for the people in the matter of housing. I am not satisfied that such complacency is justified and I hope that we shall never again hear statements as to what the present Government or the inter-Party Government did so far as housing is concerned. My comment on that is that neither of them was sufficiently active during the whole period of their office.

I take my own City of Cork. Away back in 1929 the then Minister for Local Government ordered that a housing survey should take place throughout the country. It was not a very definite or a very detailed one but, dealing with Cork, it was reported that there were 4,200-odd families in Cork living in insanitary houses unfit for human habitation. In 1951 the medical officer for health of Cork made a housing survey and he reported that there were 4,156 families waiting for houses. Here is how he described how these people were living:—

"The number of families overcrowded in unfit houses is 979; the number of families overcrowded in good houses is 796."

He also stated that there were at least 20,440 persons who needed to be rehoused in Cork City. Let us comparethat with what has been done by the housing authorities, both under the last Government and the present Government, during all these years. The number of houses built by the Cork Corporation from April, 1929, to March, 1943, was only 2,344, an average of 167 houses per year for the 14 years. The number of houses built from 1944 to 1949 was 182, a total of 2,526, or an average of 156 houses per year for the 20 years.

We did 300 houses there last year.

I am giving everyone the greatest credit for whatever he did in regard to housing but I am not going to listen or give any credit to anybody who says what the inter-Party Government or the present Government did. They have all failed as far as housing the people properly is concerned for the last 30 years.

I am merely giving the figure.

It is disgraceful after 30 years of native government that we have so many people without houses.

Is it not nice to be getting on the 400 mark?

I admit readily that there have been a good many houses built. I agree with what Deputy Gallagher stated yesterday, that it would be well for Deputies to go around and see how the people live. I am satisfied that Deputies on all sides of the House are just as anxious to do the right thing and have as much humanity as I have, but they seem to forget very easily, because they are not closely associated with the people who are living in these miserable conditions.

Recently, in a paper on "Housing in Relation to Health", Dr. Macintosh, Professor of Public Health in the London School of Hygiene, who had visited 15,000 houses, made this statement:—

"Those who look upon health in a narrow sense of freedom from gross physical disease do not appreciatethe real sickness of the slum. It is an insidious disease, partly physical and partly mental and which breeds strife between parents and poisons the wells of family life."

This is the important point:—

"The symptoms are not less real than those of physical infirmity. Only a student of life in an unhealthy area can grasp their full meaning and the words dejected, disheartened, exasperated and other similar terms have a serious significance in relation to national health and well-being."

I simply quote that in the hope that I will shatter some of the complacancy and self-satisfaction in the minds of a good many of our people.

At the moment, in Cork we want over 4,000 houses. According to the statement of the medical officer of health, over 2,000 people said that they did not want to make an application for new houses because they could not pay the rent. That indicates that, apart from the 4,000, there are many other families in need of houses but they cannot make application because they cannot pay the rent.

Deputy Blowick spoke about the high rates and we have had statements from ratepayers' associations throughout the country saying that we should build cheaper houses and more houses to the acre. They talked about how the rates were going up. I suggest to the Minister and to Deputies that the main cause for the rates going up and the main cause of the high rents is the higher interest and the price we are compelled to pay for money. Do not let us deceive ourselves by talking in circles.

How can the Deputy discuss the price of money on this Estimate? The Minister is not responsible for the financial programme or policy.

Recently the Minister sent a communication to the Cork Corporation sanctioning the raising of a loan of £780,000 at 5 per cent. at a price of £97. A man who has to live in a corporation house which costs£1,600, the interest on which is 5 per cent., will have to pay a weekly rent of 30/8. Some young men who are trying to build their own houses have borrowed money at 5½ per cent. They borrowed £1,000 and put a couple of hundred pounds down as deposit, plus the grant of £275. The repayment of £1,000 at 5½ per cent. would amount to about 27/- a week. The result is that a number of people find it impossible with a valuation of £14 10s., plus rates of 38/6 and a ground rent of £7 10s. to do that. It is impossible for a man earning £7 a week to pay a rent of 40/-. A number of people living in corporation houses, because of the price we have to pay for money, have to deprive their families of the food they want because they are trying to meet the rent.

If I am out of order, I will bow to your ruling, Sir, but I was on a deputation to the Minister in regard to getting money for the building of houses in Cork and the Minister told us: "Build all the houses you can and there will be no question of shortage of money." You can take that for what it is worth but it takes you nowhere. You will get all the money you want by paying 5 per cent. for it over a period of 20 years. That is one of the biggest problems we have to face because the workers in these houses cannot pay the rent. The Minister is as sympathetic as I am about that, but the sooner we face realities the better.

The Minister has no responsibility in regard to that matter.

He is a member of the Cabinet that sanctioned that loan. Of course the loan was oversubscribed, but because it was issued at £97 we only got £756,000 of the £780,000. We are paying £1,170 a year interest on money that we did not get because of the decision of the corporation, with the Minister's sanction, to float this £780,000 loan at £97.

Because grants are given towards the building of houses for the working classes the impression is created in the minds of people that the working classes are getting something for whichthey are not paying. I have recently looked up the statement of receipts and expenditure in connection with our working-class houses in Cork. I found that for the year ending March, 1952, the corporation tenants paid £27,300 in rates; £112,221 in rent; £13,804 in income-tax; £31,661 for the repair of the houses; and £6,249 in salaries. These are the working-class people on whom some people think they are bestowing a wonderful benefit by giving them grants and paying rates for the building of these houses.

I should like to emphasise to the Minister that of the £140,861 expenditure for the year ending March, 1952, these tenants paid £71,133 for interest alone on the money borrowed. That is over 50 per cent. of the expenditure of housing and amounts to practically 6/-in the £ on the rates, so that there is less than 1/2 in the £ paid for the housing of the working classes in Cork City. We should not be talking about these things in this House unless we are going to do something practical about changing them.

As to the differential rent system, I expressed very strong views on that when it was introduced first. I am not objecting to the principle of differential rents. What I am objecting to is the amount that is taken from the breadwinners in the home.

I put two questions to the Minister recently asking for information as to what were the items that made up a rent of 40/- a week for a house costing £1,500 to build. It may be of some interest to the House if I mention the details which the Minister gave me. He said the site would cost £30, the development cost would be £170, materials £800, labour £500, making a total of £1,500. He said the rent for the site would be about 8/4 a week, for the development 3/11.8, for the materials 18/8, labour 11/8, making a total of 35/10. I am not going to go into those figures because I do not agree with them. In regard to the rent of houses, is the Minister aware that some of our working-class people in Cork are paying a rent of 50/- a week for the corporation houses we are building? There is a minimum of 6/- a week under the differential rentsystem for the man who is sick or unemployed, but men who are employed and have members of their family earning are paying rents of 50/-, 45/- and 40/- a week. I suggest that the man who is compelled to pay a rent of 50/-a week because members of his family have grown up and are bringing an income into the house is, to some extent, subsidising the cheap rents. If we are going to have a system of differential rents, I believe that it should be a community charge rather than a charge on corporation houses alone. That is one of the realities in life that I should like to see Deputies tackling.

I should like to say to Deputy Blowick and to some ratepayers who talk a good deal about the rates that they should give a little more thought to what is responsible for the increase in the rates. On the valuation of Cork City, a penny in the £ brings in about £1,000. The interest charges which the Cork Corporation has to meet have increased from a yearly average of £56,326 for the five years ending March, 1946, to a yearly average of £70,978 for the six years ending 1952. It may be of interest to the Minister to know—I think it is a very relevant matter to discuss on this Estimate— that the rents of our houses are abnormal and that our people are denying themselves food, clothing and the other necessaries of life in order that they may be able to meet rent demands.

During the year ended March, 1952, the interest charge that the Cork Corporation paid on stock, loans and overdrafts amounted to the enormous sum of £164,360. That was in interest alone.

For which the Minister has no responsibility.

The Minister must sanction everything that the corporation sends up to him.

Not everything, I hope.

The corporation cannot do anything without the sanction of the Minister. This year, on the samestock, loans and overdrafts the ratepayers of Cork paid in interest alone £200,323. I would suggest to Deputy Blowick or to any other Deputy who asks the question "Why are the rates going up so high?" that the main reason is the price we are paying for money.

Your city is still prospering.

I will not admit that. We should be a lot better off than we are. I submit to the Minister that this is not a matter that should be treated lightly. The fight that is going on at the moment in this country, and probably in other countries, is the fight between the power of money and the power of the people. I am suggesting that our housing question is a matter that we should give priority to, and that we should make up our minds we cannot solve it if we have to continue to pay the price for money that we are paying to-day.

I come now to the question of the roads. I may say that I have a good knowledge of the country as well as of the city, and I follow up the estimates year after year to find out the amount of money we are spending on the roads. I am inclined to think that most of the money we are spending on them is ill-spent, because our roads were never made for the traffic which they have to carry to-day. We have to maintain 49,500 miles of roads in the Republic of Ireland. The total expenditure in 1952-53, on their upkeep and maintenance, was £7,609,000. I was very much struck by the suggestion that was made by Deputy Maher when he said that we should do something about the roads of the country. I was reared in the country. Recently, when I visited some of the old places that I travelled over in my school days, I could hardly recognise them as the roads that were there then. To-day they are just bohereens. At any rate, the upkeep and maintenance of our roads is costing the country £154 per mile. Is it too much to suggest that, instead of patching our so-called roads, as we are doing at the moment, we should tackle the question in a big way and plan our roads, making them fitfor whatever traffic is likely to come on them in the future?

I am of opinion that the road from Dublin to Naas is now being built to enable it to carry the traffic of the future. I am satisfied that, once the work there is done, the upkeep of that road in the future will be rather light, at least for many years to come. Take, however, the road from Dublin to Cork. It was never built even for motor cars and certainly not to carry the traffic that is going over it at present. We are all the time patching it and spending, as I have said, a sum of over £7,500,000 a year on our roads at the present time. I suggest that, instead of doing that, it would be far more economical to have a capital expenditure of £70,000,000 or £80,000,000 or even £100,000,000 on planned roads. If we did that, this sum of over £7,500,000 that we are spending on the roads at present would, over a number of years, go a long way to meet the redemption charges of the capital expenditure which I suggest. I am of opinion that it would be far more economical for the country to do that. I suggest to the Minister that he should call his engineers together and take steps for the planning of our roads instead of patching them as we are doing at present at such enormous cost to the country.

While I am somewhat limited as regards the matters that I can deal with on the question of housing, I do want to make one reference to our derelict sites. I think it is a scandalous thing to see cities and towns allowed to become derelict because certain houses are neglected. Then boards are put up, windows and doors closed and a few sticks put across them and there they are left for a number of years. I suggest that it comes down to the question of money. We have gone outside the City of Cork and we are paying over £7,000 a year to Cork County Council in respect of houses built outside the city area. I suggest that when problems come up from the City of Cork or from any other corporations, the Minister should, apart from the talk that there was here about red tape and greentape, co-operate with the local authorities in doing the things they desire to do. The question of delay in getting permission to go on with schemes and develop sites is a very sore problem for local authorities.

We come now to the question of Cork. Does the Minister know that Cork Corporation, as far back as 1903, 50 years ago, tried to extend the borough boundary? They tried it 20 years afterwards and 30 years afterwards, and they tried it in 1939 and 1940, and now they are trying it. I heard a reply by the Minister here to-day that indicated that there was another problem and that some commission must be set up to arrive at a solution to this question of the borough boundary. Does the Minister know that the whole area of Cork City is smaller than the urban area of Macroom? Yet, after 50 years, no Minister has been found who is bold enough or strong enough to tell his staff: "Cut out all this nonsense. I am making an Order that Cork Corporation area shall extend to so-and-so, and that is that."

I would love to have powers like that, Deputy.

I am suggesting you can have an Order made fixing the borough boundary without any reference to the corporation or anybody else, unless you wish to consult them. But, of course, while the county council have a rich plum around the city they will never agree.

I am surprised at a good democrat like Deputy Hickey making a suggestion like that.

I am making a suggestion for the good of the country generally and there should be no qualms of conscience in doing a thing like that. I am saying that there is too much red tape or green tape—I do not mind what colour it is—in the Minister's Department. It is the system that has grown up there. It will take some Minister who has enough moral courage to cut through all that and have some regard for the people in the rural areas.

Private rights and individual freedoms.

What is happening in this country for a long time is that we are substituting slogans for thought, and that kind of reference the Minister has made is very typical of that.

It is a Labour Party slogan.

Another of the slogans. Is it not a remarkable thing that somebody in all those years could not think of doing something rather than have Deputy Hickey talking about it now? These are the slogans that are keeping people from thinking rightly. If you were to see the conditions of decent men and women living in slums and hovels day after day you would just see red. You have decent men and women who are producing the wealth of this country going out to the factories in the morning, working all day and turning into a slum at night or perhaps into an attic with no fireplace and perhaps having to deal with two or more children and take the washing out into the country to some friend to have the children's clothing dried. We would become very revolutionary in this House if we were compelled to live under similar conditions.

I am suggesting to the Minister and everybody else that the time is ripe when we will have to be more realistic in dealing with these problems and not rely on slogans such as the Minister used.

I would be glad to have the powers if you give them to me.

What is the use of being a Minister if you have not got the power?

It is here in this House I get it.

As far as this House is concerned there should be some control over the prices of building material. I was looking up recently some of the profits made by builders' providers and it is simply alarming to think that we are trying to build houses and paying fabulous prices for money when builders' providers are making such handsome profits. I notice one firm alone that in 1945-46 made a net profitof £30,400. For 1946-47-48 they made £56,710. They went on increasing over the years until 1952-53 when they had £58,504 net profit as builders' providers.

They are not doing badly.

Is it the position then that we have not control over many things of this kind? Can we say we are doing our best for our people who have to pay big rents? The Minister gave me figures that materials cost £800 to build a house, but how much of that is undue and excess profit? Although there is a lot of talk and running round in circles about what is the cause of the increase in rates, the real problem is never faced and because of vested interests we are afraid to talk about it. I am suggesting to Deputy Blowick and to anybody else who is worried about increased rates that they should get down to realities and deal with the housing problem and other problems and let us see that money is not going to be put before the men, women and children of this country.

I am merely rising to say many of the things Deputy Hickey has said. Deputy Blowick asked the Minister to inform the House as to the cause for the exorbitant rents and the exorbitant rates which are being imposed on the people. The one principal factor responsible for the exorbitant rates which are being charged now by local authorities and also for the steep increase in rents arises from the high rates of interest which are being charged by the banks and the moneylenders to the public authorities.

I speak here to-night principally to urge on the Minister to use his influence and his position in the Government to urge the Minister for Finance to take active steps to bring about a reduction of the bank rate and the rates of interest generally for the use of public authorities. Alternatively, he could induce the Minister for Finance to make available some of the very vast sums of money which are lent to the British Government at nominal rates of interest, to our own public authorities here.

I do not think the Deputy should travel that road on this Estimate. The Deputy himself has asked that the Minister would try to use his influence with the Minister for Finance which would seem to indicate that the Minister for Finance is the Minister responsible for fixing the rates of interest, if any Minister does fix rates of interest.

I respectfully submit it would be really impossible to discuss the question of housing or discuss the question of rates which the local authorities are charging without making reference to the main factor which causes the increase, namely, the increase in the rates of interest.

Quite definitely we cannot discuss the increase in the rate of interest or the repatriation of external assets, a subject to which the Deputy has also made reference.

We so seldom see or hear the Deputy that it is a pity to cramp his style.

I do not know whether the Minister makes a habit of going to parties in the middle of presenting his Estimate, but I think he might at least sit quietly. The one factor which is crippling housing and the work of local authorities throughout the country is the cost of the money they require.

I do not know that the Minister controls that.

Surely it is relevant to a discussion on the administration of local authorities to refer to the cost of money and, indeed, that is what Deputy Hickey did and did very effectively.

It is one thing to refer to it; it is another thing to discuss it. I do not mind saying that the burden of rates is referable to the high rate of interest, but to discuss that and bring it home to the Minister as a matter of administration is another thing, and it is something I could not allow on this Estimate.

I would urge on the Minister that he should use hisinfluence with his colleagues to try to bring about some amelioration of the position. Alternatively, he should put before the Government a proposal that the moneys which are available at the moment and lent at a nominal rate of interest to the British Government should be made available here to local authorities for housing and other essential public works. Our local authorities can give as good security as the British local authorities and there is no reason why we should lend money at 1 per cent. or 1¼ per cent. to the British Government and charge our own local authorities 5½ per cent.

If the Deputy persists in travelling along that line I shall have to ask him to desist. There can be no discussion on monetary policy now.

There is one criticism I would like to voice on this Estimate and I am sure it has been voiced by many Deputies. I refer to the cutting down of the moneys made available under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. That was one of the most useful and constructive statutes introduced into local government affairs and it is a retrograde step to cut down the grants now. Remembering the declared opposition of the Minister to that Act and his criticism of it when he was on this side of the House, it is hard to relieve oneself of the suspicion that he is now giving practical effect to the criticisms and opposition he offered then. I think it would be a pity if an Act of that kind was to be strangled and sabotaged to gratify a personal whim.

Deputies yesterday referred to a matter of very great concern to a number of counties along the Shannon, namely the proposed removal of the swivel bridge over the Shannon at Athlone. I would like to add my voice now. I think Deputies and the Minister should appreciate fully what is entailed in the proposed removal of this bridge and its replacement by a fixed concrete structure. That will mean the destruction of the Shannon navigation. It will strangle navigation at Athlone and prevent navigation by boats over a certain size beyond Athlone. Once that is done, it willonly be a question of time before the remaining swivel bridges disappear. There is one in Portumna and one in Banagher. There are a number of other bridges and, as soon as one of them is closed permanently, it will only be a question of time before a like fate will befall the others and the day will come when they will all be replaced by permanent concrete structures. In effect, the proposal amounts to a complete closing down of navigation on the Shannon.

I know that the argument can be put forward that this bridge has not been used for a great many years. That is undoubtedly true. It is also true that in recent years there have not been many ships going up the Shannon of a size that rendered it necessary to open the bridge. Indeed, the same argument might be advanced in relation to the closing down of any road. There are many roads that are very seldom used by large vehicles but no one would dream of closing down a road just because there is not much traffic on it.

I think we have failed to appreciate the importance of the potential development of which the Shannon is capable. Many are inclined to regard such development purely from a tourist point of view and to regard the Shannon as a river upon which people can ply boats for pleasure. It is true the Shannon is capable of that development but it is of greater importance to the nation than that because it provides a lifeline of natural transport which it does not cost the State anything to maintain. If Deputies think back over the history of the development of different nations they will appreciate that it is around the natural transport lifelines that industrial development has taken place. Consider, for instance, the development around the Rhine, the Rhone, the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi. Water transport is always the cheapest form of transport and we are blessed here with having one of the biggest rivers in Europe capable of carrying a tremendous amount of transport. We have failed to use it and develop it as we should. I hope that ultimately withthe industrial development of the country and particularly with the industrial development of the area west of the Shannon this river will play an important part in promoting that development and in providing transport for it. Quite apart from that the Shannon was of considerable value during the war because it was one of the arteries that remained open and thereby enabled the transport of goods right through the Midlands.

The Shannon, extending from Limerick to Tipperary, Galway, Westmeath, Roscommon and Leitrim, covers a tremendous area of country. Wars have been the rule rather than the exception. We have tended to switch transport more and more to the roads, but, in the event of war, the sinews of road transport will disappear. Rubber, petrol, oil will disappear, and we will be very glad to use the Shannon. It would be the very height of folly, in order to save a few thousand pounds at this stage, to strangle the Shannon by building a permanent fixed bridge over it at Athlone.

I do not think the matter should be approached simply from the point of view of tourist development. It should be regarded from three different aspects: first of all, the vital value of the Shannon for the industrial development of the country. As I said before, rivers always seem to be the arteries upon which industrial development is based. We are only at the infancy of industrial development here. Water transport is the cheapest form of transport and remains the cheapest form of transport now, by far cheaper than road or rail transport. Secondly, in the event of war or emergency, the Shannon may provide the Midlands and a large section of the country with the only form of transport which will be capable of being used. Thirdly, the Shannon has a tremendous potential for tourist development if properly used.

For all these reasons, I hope the Minister will not sanction any proposal for the strangulation of the River Shannon at Athlone or anywhere else.

There is another matter to which I should like to refer. It may be much more trivial, but it is of some slightimportance. I think there was some discussion on it yesterday in the House. I have seen that there is a proposal to remove the concrete erection on O'Connell Bridge and to replace it by some other kind of gazebo. "Gazebo," I understand, is the correct English word to describe that kind of erection which embodies any kind of fountain. I hope the Minister will ask the authorities in Dublin not to erect any other contraption on O'Connell Bridge without certainly obtaining very expert advice. There are many ways in which the city could be improved. Many amenities could be developed, if the Dublin City Corporation have the funds and desire to do so, without starting to erect obstructions on O'Connell Bridge. O'Connell Bridge is a very fine bridge as it is. It requires no embellishment by way of concrete or other erection. It is an extremely fine, well-proportioned bridge which fits in with O'Connell Street and the monuments in O'Connell Street.

If the corporation are anxious to spend money on amenities in the City of Dublin at the moment, I would suggest to the Minister that they might consider proposals that were made some two or three years ago for the creation of a public square, to act as a memorial to all the men who died for the independence of the country, in the region of Liffey Street bordering on the Liffey. If the Minister looks into it, he will find that there was an inter-departmental committee set up with representatives of Dublin Corporation and that they recommended the acquisition of a site on the Liffey, I think between O'Connell Bridge and Capel Street, in the neighbourhood of the Halfpenny Bridge, that could be developed as an open square and garden facing on to the Liffey. A proposal of that kind would be of much greater value than the spending of money on gaudy erections on O'Connell Bridge.

I should also like to endorse suggestions that were made yesterday by other Dublin Deputies as to the advisability of building a tunnel under the Liffey. That is one of the few ways in which it will be possible to relieve traffic congestion in the city.I know that a tunnel of that kind would be expensive but, by and large, it would have many more advantages than the building of a bridge and would not merely carry traffic under the Liffey but would relieve some of the congestion in the city if it were extended sufficiently far, say, under Nassau Street right across to Parnell Square.

I am afraid I do not entirely agree with Deputy Hickey in regard to expenditure on the roads. I am in favour of improving county roads. I think county roads have been neglected. Frankly, I am becoming sceptical as to the value of some of the work which is being done on the main roads. Undoubtedly, for motorists, people in a hurry, in big cars, that work provides a pleasant amenity but it is extremely costly work and I doubt whether we can really afford it. At least, there are many other things to which priority should be given. The erection of houses, hospitals and dispensaries is of much greater importance than the cutting off of many corners that have been cut and the turning of some of these roads into speedways.

I would be prepared to waive any objection I had to work of that nature if I were satisfied that it was providing a reasonable amount of employment having regard to the money expended on it. I would like the Minister to give us, if he can, an estimate of the labour content of expenditure on main highways, that is, up-to-date figures. From what I see, going around the country, most of the work is now being done by machines and the number of people employed in the straightening of roads and laying down of big main trunk roads is relatively small. It would be of value if we knew—I am sure the Minister has had estimates made—the exact proportion of money on a given mile of new road represented by material, machinery and labour.

I am afraid I regard a lot of this work at the moment as in the nature of relief work. We will not discuss on this Estimate the reasons why it is necessary but, undoubtedly, relief work is necessary to relieve unemploymentand, therefore, I would be slow to say anything that would cut down any form of relief work. If we are going to have relief work, loans for relief work, those ought at least go to provide employment and not lead to the import of more material.

There is just one other point to which I would like to refer but I do not want to encroach upon the preserves of the Minister for Health in referring to it. It is a matter which will concern the Minister for Local Government fairly intimately in the course of the coming year. It refers to the operation of the new Health Act and the amount of money which will be paid by the local authorities. I can see one grave difficulty which is going to arise early on. Possibly, the best way to make my point clear is to illustrate it by two counties chosen at random. I should say that most of the population in County Kerry, for instance, which is a fairly densely populated county, will be entitled to free medical services, because few of them will be above the valuation of £50. Therefore, naturally, the charges on the rates in County Kerry are going to be very high because the rateable valuation of Kerry is small, and the expense of the health service in Kerry is going to be extremely high because practically 99 per cent, of the population would be entitled to free medical services. Then turn to a county like Meath, where probably the number of people entitled to free medical services would be much smaller and therefore the cost of the medical services in County Meath is going to be much lower. That would seem to be extremely unfair, and it is going to create a problem which I think should be tackled jointly at this stage by the Minister for Local Government with the Minister for Health—at an early stage before it becomes too difficult to deal with. I think it is going to give many a headache and to create many difficulties. I mention it in a constructive spirit and hope that the Minister will look into that problem now before a serious situation develops.

I hope that I have made my point clear—that you have the new healthservices going to impose the highest burden on the rates of those counties which are the poorest by reason of the fact that there is a large population, and the burden will be lightest in those counties which are wealthiest. Some form of equalisation fund should be contemplated to rectify that position— an equalisation fund between the different counties.

This debate is on local government, but to my mind there is no such thing in the country to-day as local government, due to the fact that the local councils throughout the country are now operated under the managerial system. Everything that is done on local bodies devolves at the present time solely on the manager, and anything that is put before the councils, urban or otherwise, when they do meet, is just a sop to discuss matters that have already been decided. I have a fairly long experience of public life. I have been a member of a public body since I reached my majority, and candidly all I can say is that the only function left to most of the public bodies such as urban bodies throughout the country when they meet every fortnight or month is to extend votes of sympathy to the relatives of people who have passed away in the period since the previous meeting. That being so, and being a member of this House, those are my views on the system. I think every one of us will agree that the local councils throughout the country are the nurseries of the future public men of Ireland. They are the places where potential Dáil members learn the rudiments of local government, even though they get very little opportunity nowadays, and I can visualise a time when people who may be desirous of entering into the sphere of public life must become completely apathetic for the simple reason that they have nothing to do.

I am not condemning the managers or whoever they may be in charge of the various bodies. They are all very good men I must say, but I do feel that it is a pity to be taking the power out of the hands of the elected representatives of the people and passing it on to a manager who, perhaps, in thecourse of his duty may have to administer the affairs of six or seven towns. A manager naturally has to do his work. That is what he has been elected for. But I would like to make that little criticism of the system. I think it is killing initiative amongst public men in the various towns throughout the country.

There are a few points I would like to make, but I propose to be very brief and I do not want to detain the House more than five or ten minutes. When grants are made—I refer now to urban authorities of which I am a member—when grants are made to local urban authorities for the relief of unemployment they should be given to those authorities when the weather is propitious and when the work that has to be done can be undertaken. Down in the part of Ireland where I come from those grants are usually passed and the work started somewhere about Christmas, when the days are very short and when Jupiter Pluvius is in his worst mood, if I may put it like that. I do not say that they help to bridge unemployment over a period of the year when there is always unemployment—say from about November to March. After all the local authority has to contribute if it gets a grant from the Local Government Department. If it gets a grant of £1,000 or £1,500 the local authority has to contribute a certain amount to that sum, too. I would suggest to the Minister that when those grants are given for the relief of unemployment in local urban areas they should be given at a time when both the State and the local authority will get value for their money.

There is another point which I would like to mention. I have heard different speakers here this evening comment on it. In most towns where housing schemes have been carried out over the last ten, 15 or 20 years when an order comes down for a clearance area and houses are demolished those sites are left in a very objectionable way. They destroy the appearance of a locality. I have in mind some of those places where old houses have been demolished. There should be no reason why the local authority, if it embarks on a housing scheme, should not beallowed to build houses on those sites. I have a few of them in mind in my own town, and they are really excellent sites but yet we are debarred by the Department from building houses there. The idea seems to be to spread them out now towards the extremities of a particular town or on the hills surrounding it. At the same time it creates a very nasty impression in the minds of people passing through a town to see a pock-marked site, as I must describe it, like a blitzed area in some of the places in Birmingham, Coventry and other British cities that were destroyed by bombs during the last war. I do believe that the local authorities are the best judges in such matters and that they should be allowed to build those houses if the location is suitable.

We all realise that houses are absolutely necessary and we recognise that whatever Government has been in power, considerable improvements have been made in the erection of houses for the last 20 or 25 years. People who have come to this country have expressed their admiration of the great improvement that has taken place in that period. Last summer I was speaking to a native of my own town who had not been home for 25 years and he said that the one thing that struck him very forcibly was the number of lovely houses that had been erected, both in the towns and throughout the countryside, during the period he had been away. The only pain in the neck that we who are members of local authorities get in connection with the erection of houses is that unfortunately, when they are built, the rent charged is beyond the figure that the average working man can afford at present. A man who has a wife and a family of four or five children and who is trying to live on £5 a week, if he has to pay 16/-, 18/- or £1 a week rent for a house, finds that he has very little left for the ordinary necessaries of life. I think that the State should come to the rescue of such people to a greater extent than is the case at present. People are being put into houses, the rent of which they just cannot afford and after three, four or five months they come to some member of thelocal authority and say: "I am very glad to have got that house but I have to leave it because I cannot afford to pay the rent." May I respectfully suggest that in such cases, people with a fixed income of £4, £5 or £6 a week, should get a greater measure of assistance in the matter of housing so that it will be possible to bring the rents down to 7/-, 8/- or 10/- per week, a figure that they could afford?

While by the erection of new houses we are doing our best to provide people with decent homes so that their families can be brought up in comfort, there is another monster rising in our midst that threatens to take away some of the lives that we are trying to preserve. Some years ago in the debate on the Estimate for the Department of Justice, I mentioned to the Minister—I was not as conversant with Dáil procedure then as I am now—that in view of the huge increase in the number of motor vehicles on the roads of this country, some measure should be introduced to control the speed of these vehicles. I have not the exact figure for the number of vehicles now on the road but I think that within the last few years it has multiplied by at least three or four times, with the result that the roads of Ireland have now become a menace for the ordinary pedestrian. The main roads of the country have been turned into a Brooklands. Everybody here knows that Brooklands is a place set aside for racing motor-cars.

I do not know what the Minister can do to control the speed of cars on the main highways of the country but I do feel that the Minister has some authority and, if he has not that authority, this House ought to give it to him, to control motor traffic through the various cities, towns and villages in Ireland. Most Deputies possess motor-cars and they must realise that the speed at which cars travel through our towns constitutes a danger to the life and limb of every pedestrian. I am making the suggestion for what it is worth to the Minister that if he has the power—and I feel he has the powerbecause it comes under his Department —a speed limit of 25 miles per hour should be imposed on vehicles passing through the various towns and villages of the country. This I feel is absolutely necessary for the preservation of life.

Is the Minister responsible for the fixing of a speed limit?

He has a function.

He has a function in respect of car parks.

He has, I suggest, a function in regard to the fixing of a speed limit. In many parts of the country, in East Cork, and in my own town of Youghal, which is a seaside resort, you will see cars flying along at 50 to 60 miles an hour in the middle of the day. How children and other pedestrians escape with their lives is a mystery to me. I took a note of this with a view to raising it when the Estimate came on because last year I overlooked the matter and when I spoke on the Estimate of the Minister for Justice three years ago I was told that this was a matter for the Minister for Local Government. Accordingly I am availing of this opportunity to raise the matter now.

In the Irish Independentof November 14 an editorial appears under the caption “Dangers on the Highway.” That editorial states:—

"The Government of Northern Ireland intends to introduce a new Road Traffic Bill with the purpose, it is said, of reducing the number of accidents. No outline of the Bill has yet been given. It is at least a hopeful sign that the Northern Ministers are disturbed, as they well should be, by the prevailing record of casualties on the roads. South of the Border, citizens would welcome some indications that the Legislature is no less concerned."

This is the relevant point:—

"We have ourselves made many endeavours to arouse public opinion —and more particularly legislativeopinion—to the gravity of this menace to life and limb. We have suggested that the Dáil might with advantage set aside one whole week to debating proposals for public safety. Our appeals have been unheeded. Dáil Éireann finds plenty of time for wordy exchanges that do little credit to the country but has no time for the daily tragedies that are now almost as little noticed as if they were minor accidents on a football field."

I, at any rate, take that to heart and take it very seriously as, with the large increase in the number of cars —personally, I am glad to see that most people throughout the country are the possessors of cars now—something must be done because the life of the ordinary pedestrian or the person —shall I say?—using a pony and trap on the main road is frequently endangered by the high speed of motor vehicles. The Minister must bear in mind the absolute necessity of dealing with this problem quickly. If the Northern Government took it in hands in the Six Counties, I think we in the Twenty-Six Counties should not overlook that matter. It is a very serious problem.

If I am driving from Youghal to Cork and doing a steady 35 miles per hour I can see cars flying past at 60 or 70 miles per hour. There are bound to be tragedies, and I do not want to see any human being mangled by those gentlemen whom I would call road hogs and who have no regard for life or limb. It is bad enough on the main roads with these cars of 26 or 30 horsepower, but what I am most interested in is a speed limit for every town in the country. I have tested my own car and I think 25 miles per hour would be a reasonable speed for anyone to travel at passing through a town where people are carrying out their daily business. A man can control a car at 25 miles per hour but he cannot at 50 miles per hour. Perhaps I have emphasised this rather unduly, but it is a matter to which I am most anxious to see some attention paid.

There are just one or two other matters to which I would like to draw the Minister's attention. I realise thatanything we ask the Minister to do will cost money. I am aware that the running of a Department such as the Minister's is just like the running of any business, and that if we embark on anything we must be prepared to pay for it. But, in view of some letters which I have received and some conversations I have had with some of my constituents I feel that if we continue to burden the ratepayers any more than we are doing at present there is a financial crash looming ahead. Unless we call a halt to our expenditure in this country, I believe that is imminent. The rates are soaring to such a point that they are crushing the initiative out of people to do anything. I know people who are always anxious to pay their rates and who are really being crushed out of existence. These are people who would not go to anybody for a loan of £15 or £20 to pay their rates.

I believe that the time is coming when we must think of the people who pay the money into our coffers in Dublin and to the various authorities throughout the country. They are the people who give us the cash and I am afraid that their cash is coming to an end. It is all very fine to be going in for large schemes, but we are asking too much from the people. The State is sucking too much out of the people. Speaking as a person who comes in contact with all classes, I do feel that we are asking the people to pay too much. As I said, if something is not done to save these people we are in for a financial crash in this country.

I have been asked by the board of which I am a member to make representations, with my colleagues from East Cork, to have the rate relief given to farmers in the rural areas extended to the urban areas. This matter has been brought up for many years at municipal conferences and has been mentioned here. It is very hard on a man, just because he is in close proximity to a town, that he should have to pay the urban rate although he does not enjoy the amenities which the people in the town enjoy. At one time the people were working for the rents and the rents inmany cases are now a thing of the past. Nowadays, however, the people are working for the rates. The rates have gone to such a height now that the rent does not matter: it is the rates that count. I should like the Minister to extend that rate relief to farmers and others living within the urban bounds and who do not get the same amenities as people in the town although they have to pay the same rates.

When speaking about the speed of motor-cars through towns and villages I should have mentioned another matter. I think it should be made an offence for the drivers of motor-cars, when passing through towns after midnight, to call some of their friends by the incessant blowing of motor horns. When people retire for a night's rest, it is unfair for motorists who want to tell their friends that they are in a certain locality to disturb these people. In pre-war days I was driving with a cousin of mine in England and I said to him, "I never hear you sounding the horn." He said, "It is an offence to sound your motor horn after midnight." I think that should be done here, as this continuous sounding of motor horns late at night or in the early hours of the morning is very disturbing to people who retire at 11 o'clock and want to be in good form for carrying on their business the next day. I am thinking particularly, however, of people who are getting on in years or who are suffering from illness. I have one or two cases in mind which have prompted me to raise this matter. These people were very ill and were trying to sleep when a passing motorcar put an end to all thoughts of sleep because of the constant sounding of the horn. There is no necessity for it in a great many cases.

There is one other matter which has already been referred to, and that is in regard to the famous bridge at Youghal. Youghal Bridge is the joke of the century, but it is a very expensive joke for the people I have the honour to represent in Dáil Éireann. I am not blaming the Minister or previous Ministers in connection withthis matter. When this bridge was condemned in 1938 it was more or less closed to heavy vehicular traffic and that synchronised more or less with the outbreak of the last world war. The people there realised that nothing could be done about it during the war years as the necessary materials were in very short supply, in fact, could not be got. But it seems a shocking thing that eight years have elapsed and that Youghal Bridge is in exactly the same condition now as it was in 1945. The only thing I am sorry for is that the army of occupation in 1921 did not blow it up because we would have had a decent bridge built afterwards.

I often thought, when I saw mines floating up to Youghal harbour during the last war, what a pity it was that one of them did not go off and blow it up. If that had happened something would have been done by now, but really Youghal Bridge has gone beyond the joke stage. It is a matter that I feel very sensitive about myself. I am speaking here on behalf of the people there, the vast majority of whom sent me here. I doubt very much if I ever would have been a member of this House were it not of my anxiety to do something to have that bridge restored.

We in Youghal are tossed about from one county to another and from one engineer to another. One engineer says that the bridge can be reconstructed. The other engineer says no, that it must go up to Ardsallagh.

Put a bowl of light on it.

We will leave that to you in Dublin. We have now reached the last episode in this very worrying chapter, in this sense, that the services of an engineer are being sought to decide between the other two engineers. All this thing about Youghal Bridge is nauseating to the people there. They are a very quiet people, and have put up with this for a very long time. It is a serious matter for us because, as I said here on a previous occasion, a considerable portion of our trade has been diverted to other towns. Members of authorities down there ask if we are suffering fromYoughalitis. As one who is a native of Youghal, I want to say that Youghal comes first with me.

Speaking with some authority, I can say that this question of Youghal Bridge stinks in the nostrils of every person in that town. We have been waiting for 15 long, weary years to get something done. About 12 months ago the Minister was in Youghal opening a housing scheme. He received a deputation on this question, composed of very responsible and representative people, which gave him their views on the matter. I would ask the Minister that, when a recommendation goes up to him from the Cork County Council or the bridge authority with regard to the appointment of an engineer to adjudicate between the other two engineers, he will give his sanction quickly, because every day and every month means a loss to us. I hope that by this time next year, if God spares me and I am here, the erection of Youghal Bridge will have been proceeded with.

How people, who live in a certain portion of Youghal and who depend on the Waterford side of the town for their living, manage to exist just beats me. The present position hurts every one of us. I find that in my own business. People who used to come to me never come near me now, and the reason they give is "the bridge." One cannot go anywhere without hearing about Youghal Bridge. I was in Galway during the by-election, fighting for our man, and we heard all about it there. The moment they heard you were from Youghal the people said: "Oh, is that where they have the famous bridge; the wibbly-wobbly bridge and the famous barrels?"

I suggest to the Minister that this is a very serious matter. I hope that I shall not have to talk on it again. With regard to the appointment of the engineer who is to adjudicate between the two other engineers, I understand that the appointment is open not only to every engineer in Ireland but throughout Britain. I want to see that the most competent man available is got to act as judge between the other two. At some meetings which were attended by therepresentatives of the Waterford and Cork County Councils a considerable divergence of opinion was revealed between the two engineers in question. I hope that whoever is selected to decide between the two will get on with the job as quickly as possible because we in Youghal are sick to death of this bridge. We want to get the job done, and I hope that I shall not have to refer to it again.

These are just the few points that I wanted to put before the Minister. I do not get up here just to hear my own voice. I never speak unless I feel there are some matters to which I feel I should direct the attention of Ministers. I hope that the Minister will pay heed to the points that I have brought to his notice as well as to what I have said about Youghal bridge. I hope, too, that he will try to do something for the users of our highways. I referred to the fact that the Northern Government are introducing legislation on that matter. I fear that unless something is done many more lives will be hurtled or crushed into eternity by some of those who are using their cars on the roads at too fast a speed.

I propose to make some general remarks on the Estimate. I am not a member of a local authority though many members of my Party are. I think that the members of the local authorities do their job pretty well. The last speaker spoke about bridges. Perhaps some Deputies have heard about the problem that we have in the case of Wexford Bridge. I should like, in all earnestness, to give some advice to those people in Waterford and Cork who are concerned about the building of their particular bridge.

My advice to them is that if they want to get the job done quickly they should try to get unanimity and agreement amongst themselves. I give that advice in all sincerity because of the example given in my own county where there is a proposal to build a bridge in Wexford town. It may appear to many people that the delay that has occurred there is unusual. That delay deals only with the preliminary work, and so I would say that there has not been unusual delay. It is true to saythat the preliminaries could have been carried out more rapidly.

At any rate, one of the reasons why, relatively speaking, we have gone on so rapidly in Wexford is because there has been unanimity amongst the public representatives as well as amongst the different people who had the planning and the making of the general arrangements for that bridge. I would ask the Minister, if he has any further decisions to make about Wexford Bridge, that he should make them as rapidly as possible so that in a very short time the people of Wexford and the country generally will see some of the actual work being done in the construction of the bridge.

I am sure other Deputies find the same difficulty as I do in speaking on an Estimate such as that for the Department of Local Government. The peculiar difficulty that I experience is where to apportion responsibility as between the Department and the different public bodies. It seems to me that our big task as Deputies in this House, or as members of public authorities, is to chase the exact location of a particular problem at a particular time. I think all of us have had the experience, when making inquiries from a public body, to be told that the particular problem in which we are interested is with the Department of Local Government, and when we go to the Department we are told that the problem is down with the public body, or that a decision remains to be made by it. I think something should be done to cut out that sort of business.

One Deputy yesterday suggested that there should be pure autonomy in the case of our public bodies. I, for one, would entirely disagree with that in present circumstances, and I think that circumstances generally are not going to change. The taxpayers of this country, through the Department of Local Government, contribute enormous sums year after year to the different local authorities in this country, and is it not only reasonable that they should exercise some sort of control over the work that local authorities doas representatives of the taxpayers who contribute the money?

One notable example of the contribution that the taxpayers of this country make to local authorities is in the matter of housing. I think it would be safe to say that for every single local authority house that is built with a purchase price in the region of £1,500, about two-thirds of that comes from the taxpayers through the Department of Local Government. Therefore I think that the Minister for Local Government, no matter what Minister or in what Government, is entitled to exercise control as representative of the taxpayers on local authorities who are engaged in house building or on any other work to which the taxpayers make a contribution. The different lines of policy laid down by various Ministers for Local Government have been more or less similar, and as far as I can see in the Department of Local Government, as distinct from any other Department, the success or failure of that Department depends on the ability, initiative, energy and drive of the Minister who occupies the Custom House.

In dealing with that particular aspect, I would like to say something on a point that has been discussed from various angles during this debate, and that is housing. It must appear to be peculiar and very strange to the country and to Deputies in this House that since Fianna Fáil assumed government of this country that the housing drive has slowed down.

I will not say for the present that it has been slowed down, but it has slowed down. Nobody can deny the figures given in reply to a parliamentary question, and we must associate the number of houses in progress with the number of building operatives engaged in house building. We discover there are many more carpenters, plasterers, masons, painters and builders' labourers now signing on at the labour exchanges and the number of builders' labourers, skilled and unskilled, engaged on local authority housing, and housing generally has gone down by thousands in amatter of a couple of years. I agree that in regard to some of the smaller local authorities and to some extent in regard to county councils that housing needs have been met or met to a fairly big extent; but can anybody explain to me, bearing in mind that there are still about 21,342 houses required in the City of Dublin, why in two years from August, 1951, to August, 1953, that the numbers engaged have gone down substantially, and that in the urban areas where the housing needs have certainly not been satisfied that the numbers in employment or working on house building have gone down to the extent of about 2,500 to 3,000?

I do not know how the housing drive could be slowed down. It has not been done by legislative action; it has not been done by Government Order, but I wonder is there a lack of encouragement by the Government? Does the Government want to follow the advice of the Central Bank where they suggested we had too many employed and suggested that probably too much money was being spent on public works such as housing? I would genuinely like to know what is the reason for the decrease in the number of houses in course of erection, and if you like, allied with that, the decrease in the number of men employed in local authority housing?

In respect of the local question, that is as far as Wexford town is concerned, I would prefer to regard that particular question as being sub judicein view of certain conversations that Deputies from the county and myself had with the Minister recently. I would like to impress on him not to do anything—I will not say that he would do it deliberately in this case—that would provide for any sort of time-lag in the building of houses in Wexford town. I believe he will not do that. I am not suggesting that he has given any promise that he will take a certain line of action which the Deputies of the county have pressed him to take, but I would like to impress upon him that employment in the house-building trade in Wexford town is very important, and to impress upon him that in the last 12 or 18 months large numbers of men have been laid off from localauthority house building and that all necessary precautions should be taken to ensure that not alone will more men be employed but that any schemes that may be submitted to him by Wexford Corporation will receive his immediate attention.

I have listened here to this debate, and I listened to the last speaker in regard to local rates. We have heard from time to time about the colossal burden which rates represent at the present time on ratepayers throughout the Twenty-Six Counties. I am not as scared as other people in this House submit they are with regard to the proportions of the rates in my county or, should I say, in any of the other counties in the Twenty-Six. Would it not be fair to say this—and I have no figures to prove here what I am going to say, but when one has regard to the increase in the cost of living, to the general increase in prices, to the increases in wages and to the increases in regard to practically every single thing in this country—can we honestly say that the rates have increased in the same proportion, say, over the last 20 or 25 years? People are inclined to regard rates as a money contribution for which they get no return. One of the reasons I believe that people are so critical about rates and the proportion of the rates, is because they have to pay them in a lump sum.

There is no visible return when they hand over their money, but I think it would be right to say this: if people were allowed to pay their rates either weekly or monthly, or at the most every quarter, they would not consider the rates burden as big as they allege it is at the present time. The funny thing about it is that on both sides of the House—and when I say both sides, I mean Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael—some members are also members of local authorities and they are the people who are very careful to try to see that the rates are kept within a certain figure.

On the other hand certain types of people in the different counties criticise every increase in the rates and they are invariably the first to appear at the door of the county council offices to request that certain things be done.The biggest growlers about an increase in rates are the people who appear at every county council meeting asking that this, that or the other road be done, that a certain drainage scheme be carried out, or some other project in their particular locality. People should try to get some proper appreciation of the use made of the money raised by way of rates. Many of us are often wont to forget that the more rates we pay the better and more widely diversified services and amenities will be provided in return by the local authorities. We are provided with water and sewerage schemes, footpaths and roads, public lighting. We are also required to make a contribution towards less fortunate people who cannot afford to pay an economic rent for their houses. We get scores of services in return and, even though all these services may not benefit all of us, nevertheless we must provide them for those who are unable to provide them for themselves.

Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have objected to increasing the rates by 1d., 2d., or a miserable 3d. to ensure that recipients of home assistance would get an adequate sum. Exception is taken to the provision of money to repair cottages. So long as I am assured that there is no waste of the money raised and that the money is spent in the right direction I have no objection to money being raised to provide the things that are really needed in the different counties. There are many things that still require to be done and I believe they should be done out of money collected for rates as against money raised by way of taxation. I believe that money raised by way of taxation hits the small man much more heavily than it does the man of property or the man with the big income.

So long as there are water supplies to be laid, so long as people are trying to exist on a miserable 6/- per week by way of home assistance, so long as roads are in need of repair, then I believe people should have no objection to providing these desirable amenities. The only time that people consider these things undesirable iswhen in the month of February or March they are asked by the county manager to provide money for these services.

For about the sixth time I heard Deputy Corry last night take the previous régime and the previous Minister to task in relation to his attitude towards the Local Authorities (Works) Act. There is no point in going over again the attitude displayed by the then Opposition when that Act was being piloted through the House. On the Fifth Stage I accepted certain amendments submitted by the Fianna Fáil Party, amendments that I considered would make for the better operation of the Act. Whilst the majority of the amendments were rejected some of the proposals made, and duly considered by the Government, were included in the Bill. The main purpose of the then Opposition was to delay the Bill and stave off work that was urgently needed. If some of the Fianna Fáil Party did not approve of the Bill I do not think their disapproval was such as would cause the grants given under that Act to be reduced from over £1,000,000 in 1951-1952 to a miserable £400,000 in 1952-1953. Many members of the Fianna Fáil Party can be quoted in their praise of the work done under that Act over the last two or three years. I think many of them will agree that there is still room for the expenditure of money in the carrying out of the works provided for under that Act. The £400,000 provided this year will not be sufficient for even a small proportion of the work.

We are all agreed that there is work to be done. Rivers need to be cleaned, deepened and widened in the general cause of drainage. But there is another important aspect that must not be overlooked; I refer to the provision of employment in the rural areas. At the present time opportunities for employment are becoming scarcer and scarcer. Successive Governments have tried to discover work to which men can be diverted. I suggest that drainage as envisaged under the Local Authorities (Works) Act is the type of work in which men can find employment. With the introduction of machinery into agriculture,farmers can now do with less labour. So far as the building of cottages is concerned, needs have been met to a large extent and employment in that sphere is pretty limited. Work in the maintenance, repair and making of roads is also very limited. Inasmuch as there is work to be done and inasmuch as there is an unemployment problem in the rural areas the Minister and the Government should reconsider the decision in relation to the amount of money provided for the implementation of the Local Authorities (Works) Act.

It is not true to say, as Deputy Corry said last night, that there is now more employment by the county councils in the rural areas. There may be more employment on the roads but, when one takes roads and drainage works together and compares the number employed this year with the number employed two and three years ago, they will find there are less working for the county councils to-day under these two heads.

There is need for the establishment of efficient fire brigade services throughout the country. Improvements have been effected especially in the larger centres of population but there is still need for improvement in other areas. That was brought home to those of us in County Wexford about a week ago when a big fire occurred at Campile and it was necessary to bring the fire brigade a distance of 25 miles from Wexford town. The House will appreciate the damage that was done whilst that brigade was travelling that long distance. It was at one time indicated that there was a drive to establish efficient fire-fighting services in centres of big population. Perhaps when the Minister is replying he will tell the House what progress has been made in that respect.

From time to time, and in this debate, I have heard criticisms of town planning. My comment on that is that much more advantage should be taken of the Town Planning Acts, defective as they may appear to be. Many Deputies will agree that there is need for great care on the part of the local authority to prevent certain types ofbuildings being erected, buildings which would prevent general development of the town by the local authority. Many of us have seen atrocities going up, especially at seaside places. Many of us have seen crude structures being erected in towns and cities where the powers under the Town Planning Acts were not invoked by the local authority or by the residents.

Complaints have been made about delays in making decisions. The general experience must be that these decisions are given fairly rapidly. There must be consultations and examinations of the site or structure. As against some of the criticism of the Town Planning Acts expressed here, it is my opinion that many more local authorities should take advantage of them. There are adequate safeguards for the local authority and for the ratepayers in general. There is always the appeal to the Minister and consideration is given to the matter by the local authority. I do not think that anybody could complain of receiving unjust or unfair treatment while these provisions exist.

Deputy O'Gorman raised the question of speed limits. If we are to believe some of the Deputies who have spoken it would seem that some local authorities are not aware of their powers to correct the abuses of which Deputy O'Gorman complains. As far as I know, and I am subject to correction, it is on the intiative of the local authority or it may be on the initiative of the Garda Síochána, with the permission of the Minister for Local Government, that a speed limit is established in any area under their jurisdiction. An anomaly is that whilst the local authority, with the permission of the Minister, has power to fix a speed limit, the Guards have no power to enforce the speed limit. Whether that is right or wrong, or whether the Minister has taken steps to correct that position or not, I do not know.

Deputy O'Gorman referred to a standard speed limit of 25 miles per hour in built-up areas. Motorists know that one can be as dangerous doing ten miles an hour in certain circumstances as one can be doing 50 miles an hourin other circumstances. I do not think we can legislate for any good manners in driving. The Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Justice can do a certain amount. They can say that motorists must go slow here and must take certain precautions there. They can say that the motorist must have a dimming device on his car. But the drivers, the pedestrians and the cyclists must exercise good manners and control on the highways before we can make any attempt to reduce the number of fatal and other accidents on the roads.

It would be entirely wrong to fix a definite speed limit for all built-up areas. Twenty-five miles an hour could be dangerous in one locality and ten miles an hour could be dangerous in another locality. If there were a speed limit of 25 miles per hour in the main street in Wexford town there would be many more accidents there. The maximum speed at which one can go in safety in that particular street would be ten to 15 miles per hour. I would suggest to Deputy O'Gorman that the local authorities have the power, after public inquiry, to determine what the speed limit shall be.

It is customary on this Estimate for the House to give prominence to matters such as housing, roads, etc. With other Deputies, I thought the Minister adopted a laissez faireattitude in his reference to housing and more or less accepted the present rate of house building as something that should give satisfaction. Some three or four years ago a standard was set of building 12,000 houses per annum. If that rate had been maintained the postition would be better than it is. It is a matter for considerable concern that the numbers engaged in house building represent a reduction on the numbers engaged in house building a few years ago. Undoubtedly, as Deputy Hickey and others have suggested, happenings in relation to interest charges are particularly responsible for that development. That must have been foreseen when the Government embarked upon a financial policy that has broughtthis and many other evils in its train.

There is one development for which I give the Minister credit, namely, the increase in the grants for the reconstruction of houses. As a Deputy on the Government side of the House said. there is a very large gap between the amount of the grant for the reconstruction of a farmhouse and the cost to the owner of a farm of low valuation for the erection of a new house. The amount of capital involved is such as to frighten such a holder from erecting a new house.

The inspectors can verify that in some cases applications were made to the Department for the reconstruction of houses that were unfit for reconstruction, the condition of which was such that it would be waste of money to reconstruct them. That must bring it home to the Minister that there are people in rural areas living in such houses. Can anything be done to remedy that state of affairs?

The grants are fairly generous but building costs have increased to such an extent that very few people are in a position to put up the amount necessary to bridge the gap between the grants, both Government and local, and the ultimate cost of erection. Many contractors engaged in such work found over the past couple of years that it was extremely difficult to get credit. Consequently, they were bombarding the people concerned for payment within a short time of the completion of the work.

On the question of delays in giving grants, I would point out that there are parts of the country where additional inspectorial staff is required. It very often happens that people are not at home when the officer calls. The inspector then has to wait until he has to call to a group in the locality. There is a general hold-up. The person concerned may want to employ his workmen on the farm. He may have borrowed building material. There is a general upheaval of his normal work. The sooner that he can get the work done the better for everybody concerned. I would ask the Minister to give additional staff where they are necessary in that respect.

I think it is many years since it wasput forward here in this House that we should give consideration to the erection of a dower house. Throughout the rural areas to-day we know many difficulties that arise out of the older people giving over their holdings to a son when he gets married, and then we have the trouble of where the old people are to be domiciled and the ensuing difficulties that too often arise therefrom. I would suggest that if we had something in the way of a standard plan for the erection of a cheap house which would be available on the farm for the benefit of these old people, when they would pass on that house would be then available to a working man.

It must, of course, come up to a standard that would make it a house worth living in, but we may possibly get over many difficulties if we employ that suggestion. I have not given a great lot of thought to it but I am sure that in the years gone by —I think it was the Taoiseach himself who at one time advocated it—the idea germinated and it is lying dormant in many people's minds. I do not know how far it went or what thought was given to it or whether it was ever fully considered, but I would suggest to the Minister that it would be worth reviewing and perhaps in his reply he might have an opportunity of making some reference to it.

Other Deputies who have spoken have referred with regret to the practically complete cessation of work under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. The Minister who is now Minister for Local Government and responsible for the curtailment of the moneys for this Act is a man who has come from the rural areas. He has represented rural Ireland on local bodies and must, therefore, be only too well aware particularly of the nature of the land in the country that he represents, somewhat comparable to the land in my own constituency. This scheme was one of the best schemes ever introduced in this country for the benefit of the rural population, and the late Minister, Mr. Tim Murphy, handed to this Government a legacy for which they should be extremely thankful. I was not a member of this House when thisBill went through here—neither was I a member of any local authority in implementing this scheme, nor am I yet—but I am aware that if ever local representatives were close to unaminity it was in the manner in which they performed their duties in advising the engineers of the schemes that they thought would be beneficial in their particular areas. Over the last five years we saw a big diminution of the work performed under that scheme, but we can point to many hundreds of acres of land which are arable to-day because of the fact that the landowners were able to follow up the work under the Local Authorities (Works) Act by draining that land and making it available for tillage. We know also of the many ills that the country is suffering from as a result of water-sodden land. We know the diseases which affect live stock, etc., from that state of affairs. We are also aware that many of the floods that were caused by choked up streams in this country had a bad effect in causing a deterioration of our roads, and we know that priority was given in the administration of that scheme whereby streams having that effect on public roads were given first place.

Now the Minister cannot contend that all of the work that it was intended to do under that scheme has been done. That would be the nearest thing to a miracle. We know that certain works got priority. There was a long list of work to be done by every council in this country, and it was a scheme which did not require a large army of officials to administer it. We had already in our employment in the local authorities the engineers and the administrative staffs competent and ready to implement it. We know that a very large proportion of the moneys allocated went directly to the employment of labour and, as Deputy Corish said here a few minutes ago, in the rural areas there is certain unemployment that could be very usefully absorbed in this type of work.

To-day, the spotlight on road work seems to be on our highways, our main roads, and there is no doubt about it that much useful work has been done in improving them, but the countyroads are being neglected and many of them are deteriorating because of flood action on them. I am thinking of a road in particular which I had to travel on the morning following a flood about five or six weeks ago. To describe that road simply would be to say that it resembled a dried-up river bed. It was completely torn by the ravages of the flood of a day or two before. What it will cost the council to repair the ravages of that flood must be considerable, and if it could be proved to this House that even in that respect there was not a single local authority in Ireland to-day having to put back roads into condition that they could be reasonably travelled after flood havoc—if that state of affairs was in existence, there would be some cause for the reduction of the scheme; but as year succeeds year the Minister reveals to this House that it is his intention to still further reduce the moneys applicable to this scheme, and it is a matter that should be of considerable regret to all members of the House, because it was a scheme which was giving very good employment. It was keeping many people in employment, men who were employed casually on farm work. We know that there are times of the year when farmers can find work for additional men in their employment even though it may be, in some parts of this country, as Deputy Corish and other Deputies have referred to, that machinery has replaced manual labour to a great extent. That does not apply to the dairying counties, which still need men and women to look after live stock, to carry out milling operations and to attend to such work, and in many cases there are times of the year when they require occasional help in addition to their permanent staffs. Those men could very well find useful employment in the lax periods on work such as that under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. It is a fact that there are still many hundreds of farmers who cannot give full effect to the work that was carried out under the land rehabilitation projects, because works designed to be done under the Local Authorities (Works) Act were not attended to.

In reference to the administration of the local authorities, I would ask the Minister to give sympathetic consideration to any cases that may come before him of local authorities' employees who went out in recent years under superannuation. The Taoiseach stated recently that the Government had given compensatory reliefs in various ways, raising certain allowances and wages and so on, to meet the increase in the cost of living; but I cannot for the life of me see how an employee of a local authority can exist to-day on 15/- per week. I have a number of those instances in mind where I think it is a legitimate case to make that the 15/- that would purchase necessities for maintaining life a few years ago can surely not do that to-day.

The question of roads was referred to, but I think practically everything that could be said in that regard has been said. On a previous Estimate, I asked the Minister to bring to the notice of the authorities the need for a better marking of the exits from cities. Some concern has been expressed, and rightly so, in regard to traffic difficulties in the City of Dublin. Cork is rapidly catching up with it in that respect. We have similar difficulties. People residing in the city and knowing it well cannot always appreciate the difficulties that visitors experience in trying to find the various arterial roads from the city. Possibly they could very often be diverted, by proper marking, from roads that are particularly overcrowded to roads which would be more free from traffic. I note with some satisfaction that considerable improvement has been effected in recent years in that respect.

I would ask the Minister—I do not know whether it comes within his orbit —to make some representations to those who employ heavy trucks on the road of the country. We here at various times have been asked to allocate huge sums of money for the maintenance of our railway system, but then the local authorities and the Department of Local Government are called upon to maintain roads to carry weights which they were never intended to carry.

The same remarks apply to manybridges in the country. These heavy trucks, particularly leaving the city, are apt to travel in convoy which, though it may be desirable from the point of view in that they are in close proximity to one another, constitutes a menace to other traffic. It might be advisable to draw the attention of the owners of these lorries to that fact.

So many references have been made to the expenditure of colossal sums of money, in an advisory capacity and otherwise, on the erection of such very important bridges as the one proposed here in the city and the perennial Youghal Bridge, that I am rather loth to refer to a very minor one, Dooneen, which involves an expenditure of only £8,000 or £9,000. The erection of this bridge would mean that practically 20 families would be saved the trouble of having to make a detour of practically six miles. Many of them live within a mile or a mile and a half of the road station for beet loading but they have to go a round of seven or eight miles to convey farm produce to the railway. The erection of this bridge would mean a tremendous lot to these people. I do not think it is right that if we can dispose of large sums of money in other respects, we should take the attitude of saying to these people: "If we provide you with that amenity, your roads must suffer correspondingly: the amount of money which goes to the erection of the bridge must be taken from the roads." That is just raising the ire of the general body of people to whom roads are more important but it does mean that the erection of the bridge will be shelved for years. It has already been shelved for a considerable time and the consequence is that a bridge that could be erected some years ago for £3,000 would to-day cost £10,000.

I do not think that there are any other points to which I wish to refer beyond that to which practically every Deputy referred. The fact that so much reference has been made to it must mean that it deserves some consideration—that is the question of derelict sites in our towns and cities. When we embarked on an extensive housing drive, it was only right and proper that we should look to thegreen fields and high grounds and seek to move the people out of unhealthy positions and congested districts to these airy hillsides. Later, however, we were faced with the problem of supplying the amenities necessary for these new housing estates.

Local authorities in many cases have to expend a lot of money on improved roadways to accommodate these people. We have also attendant on that fact that perhaps old-established businesses, little shops that catered for the needs of these people, have suffered in consequence of the change in population. These sites have been left, as Deputy O'Gorman so well described them, as pockmarks on the appearance of various towns and villages throughout the country. When we are looking for sites for the erection of small groups of houses, if there are no grave reasons why the old sites should not be built upon I would suggest to the Minister in order that he might convery the suggestion to local authorities and to those responsible that it would be well if the houses were erected on those old sites which are in close proximity to the various public services—water, sewerage, etc. In addition, if the sites were utilised it would mean that trade would be restored to little shops which were affected by the change in population.

Some remarks have been made in regard to the county managerial system. In fact there has been an announcement that the Government proposes within a short time to introduce a measure to amend some provisions of that Act.

Do you believe that?

At any rate, we are told so. Should such come to pass, it will mean that there will be some upheaval in local administration throughout the country. I refer to this matter particularly because I wish to make a personal appeal to the Minister to give sympathetic consideration to the unanimous message from the Cork County Council that, in the matter of the retirement of our county manager, he would consider giving an extended period to that official. Veryoften a county manager is not mentioned by public men except to throw some brickbats at him, but on this occasion all Parties united in paying a tribute to the county manager for the efficient service he has rendered. He is a man who has borne a tremendous responsibility and with such great experience in carrying out the many duties attached to the various organisations in the biggest county in the country, now that we are facing possible changes in administration which will probably necessitate the employment of officers of considerable experience, we would ask the Minister to give as favourable consideration as he possibly can to the unanimous request of the Cork County Council.

The Minister and his Department are charged with three main functions—the making of roads, the provision of houses and the collection of rates. He has, of course, many other functions but I think that the making of roads and the provision of houses would take prior place. The Minister in his opening statement gave an outline of the progress made in the last 12 months in the matter of road-making and he showed that owing to the increase in motor taxation last year it was possible to make additional provision for local authorities for the building of roads in the present year to the extent of almost £1,000,000. That was a very welcome contribution but it is still only a drop in the ocean compared to what local authorities, or some of them anyhow, require to finance work on the roads. Probably during the lifetime of the youngest Deputy we will never see the roads brought up to the standard we would like.

I suggest to the Minister that, in addition to these very welcome grants to local authorities for the improvement of main roads, the Minister should allow local authorities to borrow from the Local Loans Fund if they require additional money for the reconstruction of roads. It is unfair to local authorities, if they want to borrow additional money for the reconstruction of roads to supplement what the Minister is giving, that they should have to get a short-term loanfrom a bank. The lifetime of these roads will cover a few generations. If they are reconstructed substantially with proper foundations they will last for hundreds of years. It has been the opinion of the Department, which I never agreed with, that the lifetime of a properly reconstructed road is only seven years. That is altogether wrong. I do not know what information it is based on.

In the early years of this State many hundreds of miles of roads were constructed and many of them are almost perfect to-day after a lapse of nearly 30 years. That is an additional reason why the Minister in the coming year should encourage local authorities, if they think they need it in particular areas, to supplement the grants given to them by careful borrowing and he should make the Local Loans Fund available for that purpose.

The Tánaiste mentioned on the Estimate for his Department that making money available to local authorities through the proposed development fund was under consideration. I hope that the Minister for Local Government will support that and see that local authorities will get a fair share if they require to borrow from that fund. They cannot continue for any length of time borrowing from banks. They only get a short-term loan for seven years and they cannot continue to borrow on these conditions. It is satisfactory to know that there has been a great improvement in our roads for some years past. If this improvement is maintained, there is no reason why we should not have roads that will be comparable with other improvements in the country.

There is one point in connection with the improvement of roads which I mentioned in this House before and I do not think that the Local Government Department have given it the consideration it needs, and that is the question of heavy lorries on the roads. There is no limit to the loads that may be carried by these lorries on the public roads provided they are prepared to pay the motor tax. Loads up to 40 tons are being carried by one vehicle. As a result the sides of many of our main roadsare going down and engineers are finding it increasingly difficult to keep roads up to the standard required by these heavy vehicles. On the majority of our roads there is barely room for two vehicles to pass, with the result that half the load is on the edge of the road all the time, and when the edge of a road gives way it is very expensive to build it up again. Engineers have told me that it is going to be increasingly difficult to maintain these roads which are carrying that heavy traffic.

The heavy traffic has left the railways. The railway company itself has lorries, but they do not carry as heavy a load as some of the lorries owned by private companies. The old companies' lorries are carrying the heaviest loads. I do not know if the Minister has any influence with these companies or why they should not transport some of their oil by rail and thus help the railways rather than destroying the roads and compelling the ratepayers to maintain roads for the carrying of this fuel oil.

There has been an increase of almost £1,250,000 in the grants for roads, and that brings me to another matter which has been the subject of a lot of criticism in this House, namely, the reduction this year of £25,000 in the money provided for the Local Authorities (Works) Act. I think we may make up our minds that, with the increased provision which is being made in many directions, it may not be possible to provide all the money that we would like for every particular project. I have always had an open mind with regard to the utility of the Local Authorities (Works) Act. I have admitted before, and I say it again, that a good lot of useful work was done in the operation of that Act. There was, however, a big lot of State money badly and wastefully spent under that Act. I make that statement with full knowledge of what I am saying. A lot of money was spent recklessly and without proper supervision or planning. Just because free money was given to the local authorities, they were not much concerned about how it was spent. It must be remembered that there was no provision in that Act for the payment of engineers or forsupervision. If there were surveys or anything of that kind necessary, the local authorities had to pay for these out of their own funds. At the present time local authority engineers have their hands full. They have thousands of pounds to spend on road making, housing, water schemes, the repair of houses and the other incidental work carried out by county councils, and the engineers are opposed, as a body, to operating the Local Authorities (Works) Act in addition to the other responsibilities they have.

I think the time has come when the activities to be carried on under the Local Authorities (Works) Act should be transferred either to the Department of Local Government or to the Office of Public Works. At present we have five Departments dealing with the drainage of land when one or two should be sufficient. The sooner the drainage of land is put under one or two Departments the better, because public money will be spent in a better way. The Office of Public Works are engaged in arterial drainage and the Department of Agriculture are responsible for the drainage of land. The county councils are spending money in cleaning rivers and also in draining land.

There seems to be no sound reason why so many Government Departments should be engaged in the drainage of land. It may be that 20 years hence whatever Parliament is sitting here will be told that there has been so much drainage that sufficient water has not been left on the land. I agree that there is a large amount of land that still requires to be drained. I, however, see no reason why the county councils should have the duty imposed on them of draining the land of the country, in addition to the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Finance, the Department of the Land Commission, the Department of Forestry as well as some other Departments. All these Government Departments are spending public money which is being provided from the Central Fund on drainage of land.

In view of the large amount of work which the engineers of local authorities have to do in the making, improvingand servicing of roads, the building of all the houses that are required in the local authority area, carrying out of sanitation and water schemes, the repair of houses and the many other incidental engineering works which they have to carry out, they could not, in my opinion, even with the best of goodwill, properly supervise the spending of large sums of money on the drainage of land. They have far more than enough to do otherwise. There are many millions of money at their disposal each year for spending. I suggest that it is all important, in the interests of the life of the nation, that money provided from public funds should be spent well and that value should be got for it. In my opinion, value was not got in the past and cannot be got in the future under the present system.

All of us would be in favour of seeing as much money as possible spent in any local authority area for the relief of unemployment. In connection with that particular Act, there was a further objective. It was that this money was originally provided for the drainage of roads and land. I think that the big end of the work on the drainage of roads has been done. That is so in any area that I know. Men were engaged in the fields cleaning up rivulets and streams in order that the Department of Agriculture could go in and make drains through the fields.

I hope the Minister will initiate some forward move to ensure that money provided in the future, through that particular source, will be properly spent, and that the task of ensuring that will be diverted to some other State Department. I say that because the county councils were never a suitable body for carrying out land drainage. In the first place, they were not properly equipped to do the work. Their interests were different interests altogether. Their biggest interest in the Local Authorities (Works) Act, and in the grants provided under it, was to provide work for the unemployed in their areas.

In regard to housing, substantial progress has been made by the local authorities, particularly in urban areasand in the areas under control of the town commissioners. As regards these towns, their building programme is almost at an end.

Not at all.

They have not a big lot more houses to build. All of us would like to see more houses being built because houses are a means to an end, namely, to provide families with decent homes in which to live. That is work which must come to an end some time. There are some areas in which the local authorities have almost completed their building programmes.

You are not sincere in saying that.

I agree that there are still a lot of houses to be built, but as time goes on the needs of urban authorities and of town commissioners will be fully met. In the same way the housing needs in the rural areas will be met in time. Therefore, I say that reasonable progress is being made. Criticism has been made here to the effect that progress has been slowed up. I see no evidence of that. There is no indication of it that I can see as far as the county councils are concerned. Nothing is being done by the central authority, the Minister's Department of the Minister to prevent a county council from building as fast as it likes. There is always a fair supply of sites on hand, sufficient money to build the houses, plenty of tradesmen and a steady building programme each year. I think that in about five years' time the local authority, of which I am a member, will be fairly well on the road so far as finishing its rural housing programme is concerned.

I was struck by one thing in this debate and that was the number of Deputies who, in the course of their remarks, criticised the local authorities of which they are members. It is an extraordinary thing that they should have to come to Leinster House, the meeting place of the Parliament of the country, to do that. I think that if those Deputies would only stop for a moment to think theywould see that in adopting that attitude they were only belittling their own work—that they were not doing their work as members of the local authority as well, perhaps, as they should be doing it.

I do not think that the Dáil was ever meant to be a clearing-house for grievances by members of local authorities who failed to get their particular job of work done or a particular policy carried out in their own area. I think they have sufficient powers in that respect and they should exercise them. I do not think that Deputies should come here to criticise their own local authorities and complain that they were not making enough progress down at home.

We also had Deputies who are not members of local authorities complaining that their own local authority was not going fast enough—that it had not gone on with enough sanitation or water schemes, or was not doing enough in regard to housing. These Deputies usually wind up their speeches, which I suppose they hope to see published, by criticising the local authority because it had to increase the rates and complaining that the ratepayers were not able to bear any further taxation. Well, these Deputies cannot have it both ways, because you cannot have local improvements of any kind, unless the State finances them 100 per cent., without increasing local taxation. We would all like to see additional amenities provided in our areas if we could do that without taxing the local ratepayers to an undue degree. The carrying out of most of these jobs of work, whether they be sanitation or water schemes, housing or anything else, is governed, to a certain extent, by the opinions of members of the local authority, who probably feel there is a certain distance beyond which they cannot go without putting an unfair or under burden on the people.

They feel that that provision of additional amenities or of improvements must go on gradually. Within the last 30 years vast improvements have been carried out by our local authorities. At that time, we had no roads, and two-thirds of our people were, onemight say, without houses. Quite a big number of our people were living in shacks. We had no hospitals, but since then vast improvements have been carried out, and very fine amenities have been provided for our people. We have been able to do that without putting a burden on the people that they are unable to bear and if we continue at the same fair rate I have no doubt that within a few years we will have a standard of social services, social and local amenities of which we can justly be proud. I hope that for the future members of the Dáil, each and every one of us, will not take up the time of the Dáil and the time of Ministers of State in asking and answering questions about village pumps here. These are small, penny-halfpenny things that local authorities are looking after. Of course, we know the reason for these questions being asked. It is done in order to get a bit of political kudos and for the purpose of having the questions and replies published in the local papers. But our business here is to do the business of the nation and not deal with parish pumps. However, we are to a great extent developing in that direction.

I am sorry to be so critical about this but I think somebody should mention it and also mention the fact that over half the time of this Local Government debate has been taken up by members of local authorities criticising their own local authorities. I think that is wrong. The Minister has, I think, dealt very fairly with local authorities in all the problems they had to bring to him. I think he is to be commended on the manner in which he has guided the Department of Local Government in the major matters that affect the lives and interests of the community.

I will be very brief. I have listened to Deputy Allen, who is a member of a local authority as I am myself, and I have listened to different Deputies who are not members of local authorities. They seem to forget that the local authority has very little power since the County Management Act was brought into operation. Deputy Allen knows wellthat we are held up in the Wexford County Council by the present Minister and his Department and we are not able to go ahead with housing schemes. The local authority in Wexford is in the same position. The Minister now wants alternative contracts instead of direct labour. That is a slowing up. Where direct labour has been successful for a great number of years the present Minister is objecting now. He wants to get contractors' prices before he sanctions a scheme. I think that is surely the right way to go about slowing up housing schemes.

I do not agree with Deputy Allen at all in saying that we are near the end of our housing programme. Far from it. At the moment, when a house is up for letting in the country or the town and when a man is a member of a local authority he has many callers to his house, all of them hoping that something will be done for them. They often come 15 or 16 at a time, all looking for the one house. There are people in my constituency still living in old thatched houses in spite of the progress that has been made and the praise that has been given. The housing problem is not solved and will not be solved for another ten years. The whole thing needed to my mind is the money. We were told here by the Taoiseach that there was no such thing as any barrier to money but we, as members of a local authority, found that although we purchased two or three fields in the town of Enniscorthy our plans when sent up to the Minister's Department were sent back because he wanted alternative plans. When these were sent up they were sent back again and the same thing applied.

The land is lying there and our men are emigrating and the tradesmen who came home are going back to England again. That is the situation. Deputy Allen knows it as well as I do. I do not mind Deputy Allen or any member of the Government Party standing up and praising the Minister, because I think people are being sent into this House solely for the purpose of congratulating the Ministers. It happenson every Estimate before the House that some Government Party member gets up and congratulates the Minister concerned.

You nearly could not help doing it with me, Deputy, could you?

I do not agree, because we are held up in Enniscorthy owing to your Department.

I will relieve Enniscorthy, and not for the first time in its history.

There is another thing. Last week I had a question here about sanctioning schemes. At the moment, we have in all our urban areas—I am sure it is the same in Dublin, Cork and Limerick—local authorities sending up winter relief schemes or, as they are called, Christmas relief schemes. This is the 18th November and those schemes are not sanctioned yet. I would like the Minister to say what he is going to do about giving the local authorities sanction to go on with these schemes.

I sanctioned your scheme in Enniscorthy a long time ago.

You did not. That is what we are waiting for—sanction to start the work. We do not want to be starting on Christmas week, which is what happened last year when the sanction came a week before Christmas. That is no good to an unemployed man when probably at Christmas time, there would be a fall of snow.

I did it, a month or six weeks ago.

These are the facts and you cannot run away from them. If a local authority sends out an engineer to plan out a footpath or a roadway or some work for Christmas, the plan has to be sent to the Department and to await sanction. We will be very near Christmas this day month and is there any sanction to any of these schemes sent up by any local authority? As far as I know when I made inquiries last week there was no sanction for the starting of the grant work. That is where I lay the blame on the Minister and the Department. Of course, it is very easy for the officials to be told to go slow if you do not want to spend money. That is the kernel of the whole position.

The Local Authorities (Works) Act was referred to by Deputy Allen, who is a member of the county council, and he said it was a waste of money. I wonder would he tell the farmers of County Wexford whose land was drained with that money that it was wasted in draining their land? I think he will have to answer to the County Wexford farmers for that. That money was got to improve the land of Ireland. The Marshall Aid money was given to make more land arable so that it would produce more, but the scheme was stopped when Fianna Fáil took over. They were biassed against it because the scheme was started by Deputy Dillon. They were so hostile to him that they stopped the scheme. Now they are selling the machinery.

The Minister is not responsible for that.

The Minister for Agriculture is, and I will deal with him to-morrow. I have a question down on the subject of the selling of the machinery.

The housing question is not nearly finished in a number of parts of Ireland. Young men getting married cannot get houses and have to go to live with their fathers and mothers or with their wives' fathers and mothers and then have to wait for a house. When a house becomes vacant, we may talk of local authorities but they have no authority, not even in regard to housing. A medical or a health officer is sent out and he goes along to the applicants and he gives a report. We could often question the letting of cottages. The right people do not get them. The most deserving cases are left unhoused.

I would not think the Deputy would be silent in such circumstances.

I am not silent. Pull is used and the most deserving cases are left on one side. There is no comparison between the people living in Dublin and those living in the rural areas. People in the rural areas have to trudge three and four miles to Mass on Sunday and their children the same distance every day to school throughpotholes and loughs. In the city the buses are available and there are good tar macadam roads. Deputy Maher and Deputy Blaney honestly told the Minister exactly what we on this side of the House have been telling him. No attention is paid to us but perhaps the Minister will pay attention to his own supporters. The country people are paying the piper all the time and they are getting no return.

Even my own do not all be nice to me.

There were two at any rate to-day who were not nice to the Minister. They had the courage to tell the truth and to tell him what is wrong. If more would do that it would be better for the country. The progress that should be made is not being made and those who sit behind the Minister should tell him that.

The Deputy himself was very good at that for a short time.

We did good work and our record will stand. The housing programmes initiated by the late Deputy Tim Murphy, as Minister for Local Government, are the ones that the Minister now has the honour to open. In those days the skilled tradesmen were coming back from England to build up their own country. Now they are returing to England to build up English towns. There is no planning ahead now. We have proof of that in Enniscorthy where there are 600 unemployed. Whole streets have been earmarked for demolition but we cannot get the money to build the necessary houses. Deputy Allen says that the housing problem has been solved. Other Deputies talk about the ratepayers. The best ratepayers in my constituency are the people in the new houses paying 21/- and 26/- per week in rents out of wages of £5 15s. or £5 10s. per week. If they are not paying their share, then I am a Kerryman and no Wexfordman.

Has the Minister any power over his officials? Why should we have to telephone—I see Deputy Briscoe is as often in the telephone box as anyone else—inquiring about some grant. We should not have to do that. If anofficial is paid to give a certificate and everything is in order people should not be kept waiting for their money. That would not happen if there was a proper system in operation.

I believe that we have too many engineers. In County Wexford we have a county engineer, an assistant county engineer, ten district engineers and three or four substitutes. They spend their time travelling around looking at the workmen on the roads. It would be better if we had more workmen and less engineers. Recently Wexford County Council raised a loan of £100,000. Over £40,000 of that amount was spent on machinery, machinery which will have the effect of doing away with labour. The same thing is happening on the land. Machinery is replacing labour there. We are moving too rapidly for such a small nation. We are allowing our horses to be exported and leaving ourselves dependent on imported petrol and oil. If war breaks out, belligerent nations will not bother sending their tankers to the Republic of Ireland.

The Minister has no responsibility for that.

Housing is an important industry and is capable of absorbing both labourers and skilled tradesmen in large numbers. If local authorities had more power we would make more progress. If a complaint is made, one is told that the particular matter is a managerial function. That has the effect of only making fools of public representatives. That is happening all over the country. Our hands are tied. A man can be sacked and no reason will be given for his dismissal other than that it is a managerial function. The people appoint their representatives to get things done but the representatives are held up to ransom by the engineers. They all act as one man and they will do nothing unless the county manager makes them do it. County councillors are made a laughing-stock. More power should be given to us and the sooner there is a change made in the managerial system the better it will be for the country. I cannotunderstand how any Deputy voted for that Act. The Labour Party never voted for it. I do not understand why those in the Government who backed it and those in the Opposition who voted for it did not have in mind the damage it would do to local authorities.

It is hard to think of everything.

Experience teaches. When the inter-Party Government got in they frightened the life out of Fianna Fáil. That was the biggest kick Fianna Fáil ever got.

We are looking bravely after it.

You had to crawl in with weak Independents. You are not a Government at all.

I think I am a fine fellow.

You will have to keep Cogan, Browne and ffrench-O'Carroll on your hands. You have to play with them to keep you in power.

The Deputy must keep to the Estimate.

You will have a job.

It is no bother to us.

You will have to promise them big things. If we are to make progress the Minister must take notice of local authorities schemes. The time of the local authority and of the engineer and architect is being wasted in preparing schemes that are not sanctioned or which are referred back for the slightest alteration. There is no progress. Houses are needed in every town in Ireland.

A Deputy from Dublin said that thousands of houses are needed in Dublin City. I am surprised that Deputy Briscoe is not kicking up a bigger row. Go to Summerhill or Mountjoy Square and see people living in tenement houses. Then we talk about what we have been doing for the people for the last 20 years. Weare only wasting our time unless the Minister gets the Custom House officials on the move.

As a member of a local authority, giving my time voluntarily, I attend council meetings every month. On Friday I have to attend a meeting of district engineers which will probably last from 3 p.m. to 6 p.m. These people only laugh at us. We get nowhere because there is nobody at the head. If there is not a good captain on the ship, things are bound to go wrong. I am afraid that is the position in the Custom House to-day. It has changed since this Government came back. The wheels of progress have stopped. When the late Mr. Murphy and Deputy Keyes were there, the housing drive went full steam ahead. I do not blame the present Minister because it is probably the Minister for Finance who is holding things up. It is very easy to blame somebody but somebody is slowing up housing in rural as well as urban areas.

In Stillorgan, swanky houses with garages are being built. Who are they for? Are they for the workers of Dublin? The price of these houses is £2,550. All along the Stillorgan Road down to Cabinteely there are houses for sale. At the same time there are families living in one room. It is a disgrace to any Government that that should be allowed to continue. There is no use in the Minister for Health talking about a health scheme if the people are not properly housed. In the city and towns there is overcrowding. Deputy Allen had the cheek to say that housing is solved as far as urban areas are concerned.

I ask the Minister to let us go on with our schemes and to let me know to-morrow that he has sanctioned the schemes to provide relief work for the unemployed during the Christmas period. Let us know before we hold our next meeting that sanction has been given to the Bohreen Hill scheme. Let us get on with the work before all the tradesmen have left the country. If such schemes are sanctioned there will be no need for the unemployed to march in the city and no need for the unemployed to line up at the Garda barracks in towns and villages. There is work to be done.

Over the past couple of years thousands have left this country. We cannot get any records. The Taoiseach says they have no records of emigration. People are leaving the country every day and every week. In Wexford every Saturday night one sees crowds going to the station en route to England, because they cannot get a living in their own country, despite all we hear about the progress that has been made under the Fianna Fáil. Government and other Governments since the establishment of the State. The working-class people are struggling under the high cost of living. The poor were never as badly off as they are to-day no matter what the Taoiseach may say about children's allowances and other social services. A working man does not want social services; he wants employment and good wages. Therein lies prosperity.

When one asks a question in the Dáil one is told that there are only so many men unemployed. They give you only those in receipt of assistance. They seem to think that men in receipt of national health insurance are working, because they have 50/- a week. I was given a figure of 34 unemployed when I asked a question about the town of Enniscorthy. That figure represents those in receipt of assistance. There are over 600 unemployed, including men and girls in receipt of national health insurance.

The country becomes poorer with emigration. If there are not enough people in the country with adequate purchasing power the shops are not needed. The butcher and the baker lose and, finally, the local authority loses in the rents for their houses.

I have been a member of a local authority since 1934. I have seen different councils, different Ministers and different Governments. We are not progressing as we should. The people are as badly off to-day as they were when John Bull was here. In fact they are worse off. The problem of providing employment is a matter for the Government. If a Labour Government were in power I would say the same. The Government have a duty to perform.

They must take responsibility. It is their duty to provide work. Thequestion of money does not arise. If war broke out to-morrow there would be plenty of money. The Government had £7,000,000 during the emergency to keep the Army. Where is the £7,000,000 that should be available for housing?

I hope the Minister will note what I have said. I have said it in all sincerity. I am a worker. I went through the mill. I know that the people are in a bad way to-day. There is no use in a Fianna Fáil supporter trying to defend the Minister or the Government. The country is affected by unemployment. The country is in a bad way with unemployment and if something is not done quickly you will have what is happening, unfortunately, in Dublin City and elsewhere— robberies and unemployed marchers. That is a sad thing to have to see in this country where a native Government has been in existence now for 30 years.

Much has been said, and much conviction carried with it, covering a great review of the many aspects of local government, to which I have been listening for the last four hours. I come from an almost completely rural community where the valuation of land is relatively high and where we have that part of the industry which is the fundamental part, the dairying industry, in my County of Limerick. Last September, the Taoiseach truthfully told the country that the country was staggering under a heavy load of taxation. That was true then. It is equally true now. It was intolerable to the extent that 3,000,000 people have to find £2,000,000 a week, and that was confirmed by two Ministers. The Minister for Justice, speaking shortly afterwards at Longford, said that they had reached the limits of taxation on the people, and the Minister for Finance said that it was giving the Government very grave concern. He also said a thing to which I take exception, and to which I intend to direct the attention of the Minister for Local Government to-night.

He said that taxation rests lightly on the farmers. I am afraid that thatmust have acted as an inspiration to the Minister for Local Government when he, as I might say, inflicted the means and the cause of additional taxation on a community who must bear their relative part of £2,000,000 a week as well as nearly £25,000,000 for local taxation.

I am not going to repeat much of the argument that has been adduced here to-day, but I am going to confine myself to a line of thought that has not yet been touched very much and which is a part of the Minister's Administration. It embraces moneys that are enshrined in his Budget. That is, the question of grants. I have gone to some trouble to get some kind of convincing data that will stand criticism in trying to show precisely what are the terms of his submission to the county councils and the subsequent reactions upon the general ratepayers. Due to the intricacies of the taxation system the man in the street and several other people think that the rates on farmers are not as high as they ought to be, but they are forgetful of the fact, and they are ignorantly unaware of it, that the farmers pay very considerable moneys in high taxation for county services. I am now 38 years uninterruptedly a member of a county council and a district council, and I remember that we maintained public services, and maintained them reasonably well, at 5/6 in the £. To-day, after an agitation in which a party came in, representing an agricultural community of 200 people, and pointed out to us their economic difficulties and the hardships under which they had to manage, we tried to meet them and to keep the rates within the ambit of their income, and the rates stand to-day at 25/9 in the £. That is, in a relatively few short years they have gone up from 5/6 to 25/9. The farmers are charged with not shouldering their full responsibility of the national debt, but their critics forget, or are blissfully ignorant of the fact, they they pay double moneys in local taxation, and they are unaware of the small part that they get in the question of distributive justice.

Now this question to which I said I would devote my time speaking to-nightis a matter of very grave concern to the ratepaying community—the amount of agricultural grant payable to each county every year and the total reliefs given to land holders. Now take the new innovation submitted by the Minister to all county councils. What does it really mean? I wonder how many have examined and seen it in its real perspective? How many know even in the public bodies what shall its reactions be upon the ratepaying community, who, whatever about this, must meet the rate and the budget that we prepared last March? This change has operated very seriously against some county councils. There is no doubt about that, which I hope to prove later. Other county councils may not benefit except very lightly. Now if such were to happen it would mean that the amount provided for agricultural grant in this year's Budget would not be spent, and what was saved at the expense of the farmers and the rural community would ultimately go to balance the Budget at the end of the year, and that would be estimated at approximately anything from £300,000 to £500,000. It may not go quite up to the one, but it would, anyway, be between the one and the other. I think there should be ascertained for each county the profit of the loans under this particular head specifically, and I did take steps to try to find that information, and I shall submit it now under an authoritative signature, not mine, that may be accepted by the Minister for Local Government. They say in a letter that if you employ a man at £13 or £17 for a year you save £13 or £17. Would anyone except a convinced fool employ a man so that he might earn £13 or £17 for a man for whom he had no work?

I cannot really agree that in order to gain £13 or £17 a year I should pay £4 or £4 10s. a week to a man, even if I am lucky enough to find work for him. Mind you it is difficult sometimes to keep a number of men in continuous employment, but I have often myself tried to keep a man or two going rather than turn them out in the slack period, when the work was not there. I would not consider thatthat would be Christian ethics or justice.

I heard Deputy Allen a while ago ask where the money was to come from. Where did the £10,000,000 come from that was given, as stated here by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to nationalise the decadent C.I.E.? Every Minister, including the Taoiseach, the Minister for Local Government, and other Ministers of this and other Governments have time and again pointed out to us that the basis of our whole economy is agriculture. We are told, according to the Central Statistics, that about 60 per cent. of the people of this country derive their living mainly from the land. What, therefore, is the problem that faces us, if 60 per cent. of the people who derive their living from the land are in a state of penury or want, or if they are not in a position to extract the maximum production from the land? We have been told by various Ministers: "Go on and extract more from the land. If you have a 400-gallon cow try to increase her yield to 900 gallons. Increase the fertility of the soil and the nutrition of the grass." In the same breath they tell us that we shall have to pay £4 more per ton for the fertilisers that are essential to bring about that in creased state of fertility in the land

I have here a statement from the secretary of the Limerick County Council, to which his signature is affixed.

What does it say?

I shall read it:—

"In connection with your phone call on Saturday last concerning the basis of relief of rates on agricultural land I give hereunder the information you seek.

(1) Relief granted in 1953-54, on the basis of distribution now proposed, £202,541."

That is when the Minister's proposal becomes law.

"(2) relief that would have been granted for 1953-54 had the basis of distribution remained unaltered, £224,750."

That would mean that, outside and beyond the budget for which we struck the maximum rate last March, there must be collected this year owing to this innovation in the agricultural grant £22,074.

Is that on the £13 a year allowance or on the £17 allowance?

It would have been on the £13.

I was thinking so.

The difference will be very little when you work it out.

I should like to get the real thing.

The number of ratepayers entitled to an abatement according to this statement is 5,784. Of those 2,136 will benefit by the changed basis of distribution. If you subtract those who will benefit from those who shall not, there are 3,648 farmers to whom no benefit whatever will come.

I promised that I would confine myself literally to that point which is very important but I should like to appeal to the Minister to do something in regard to the continuation in operation of the Local Authorities (Works) Act. Irrespective of Party— and I have heard people of different Parties appraising it—it is recognised in my county as having been of incalculable value. I did hear the Minister say somewhere that silting up will go on and that there was no provision made to clear the continued silting that must naturally go on.

In the case of the River Maigue, a very considerable river, the Minister's predecessor in office, outside the normal commitments under the Act, gave a grant of £11,000 to clear the river. We were told at the time by the Department that, under the normal procedure, it would have taken about 20 years before operations under the Arterial Drainage Act would reach rivers such as the Maigue, the Deel and the Feale, which run through my county and which are all of reasonablylarge proportions. Sometimes in the winter months the waters of these rivers attain a dangerous velocity and thousands of acres of the adjacent land are rendered absolutely unproductive. On the Adare side, land contiguous to the river was rendered absolutely unproductive to the extent of about 15,000 acres. We put these facts before the Minister. I may say that further to the west a great priest, Father Killane, working in co-operation with the whole community of farmers, and with great drive and initiative, succeeded in clearing a considerable amount of the obstructions, apart from blasting the rocks. I invited the Minister to come down and he did so. He saw the position for himself at Adare. He saw all these rocky islands that had been formed over a period of 100 years or more, on which there were big ash and elm trees growing. They were right in the centre of the river so that when the volume of the mountain stream hit them it was divided into two parts, flooding to the right and the left magnificent fertile plains. All these have been cleared and there is a normal flow now. For the last three years whole valleys are giving the maximum results. They have a splendid alluvial soil and the streams no longer pour over them. The labour content of this work was very great. There was whole-time employment, the work was reproductive and the benefits are there to be seen to-day.

In 1950, the then Government gave £175,000, and in 1951, £122,000, and that has been cut down to a miserable sum. I can tell the Minister the sum is so small to-day that even work that had been begun and was well in hands remains unfinished for the want of just a little more money to complete a great job with beneficent results to the landowners in the area. In 1952-53, employment was given to only 1,840 people, as compared with nearly 5,000 in 1951-52 and nearly 14,000 in March, 1950.

It is a rather calamitous thing and one which is a matter for serious concern that from 1952 to 1953 22,000 rural workers went off the land. Since the advent of national Government here, while each Government in turn did much and a good advance wasmade and great work done in the provision of housing and other social services, if you look at the position to-day honestly and dispassionately will you tell me that it is one for complacency with 60,000 looking for work and 22,000 off the land? As Dr. McDevitt said, in five years 80,000 have gone from the land.

Last February, the Taoiseach bewailed the depopulation of rural Ireland. What is being done for the farmers? There are factories manufacturing fertilisers. There is one of them in Wicklow. Could not that factory be sudsidised or protected? They have all the ingredients necessary for the making of fertilisers. That would be doing something practical to help the farming community. We have advanced very much in my county. I think it is one of the best counties in Ireland. Already we have built 6,015 rural cottages and about 800 houses in small villages, and the work goes on. That is something that any council could be proud of.

Then they are not all gone off the land yet.

The surprising thing is that a couple of people came to me on Sunday night who are leaving these new houses and going away from the land because they have no work. One man said he had seven in family. Somebody has pointed out that the rents are prohibitive in the towns,— 10/- per week or £26 per year. Except where you have a factory giving employment the people are irregularly employed. They are only employed for one or two days a week. One person came to me and said that he had been working for ten weeks. His wife produced his unemployment insurance card with ten stamps on it and said, "We will get nothing with that, we should have 26 stamps." What good would £1 per week be to a man with a wife and children? These people have to try to find the rent and are dealt with very drastically if they do not pay it. They have to pay 10/- per week and are only working irregularly. Something should be done to bring the rents more into conformity with the wages.

As to the £17 per man employed to be paid out of the agricultural rate relief grant, supposing the Minister and I occupied similar rated holdings and he employed a man and got his £17 while I worked on the land myself for 12 hours every day and a couple of hours on Sunday and got nothing, where is the equity and justice of that?

I could not imagine the Deputy working a farm of equal size to the same extent as I did mine with the help of a workman.

We will forget that you are a Minister and I am a Deputy and say that we are two farmers living close to one another. One employs a man and gets £17. The other works himself for 12 hours every day but gets nothing while the one who employs a man gets £17.

Why should he not? I would give him £25 if I could.

I hope the points I have raised, particularly about the grant to the agricultural community, will get attention and that the adjustments necessary will be made.

We are discussing the administration of the Department of Local Government, which covers a very wide field of activity. Various speakers have emphasised certain particular aspects which concern them and completely neglected others. I have heard Deputy O'Leary attempting to tell the House what happens in the City of Dublin. I would refrain from attempting to tell the House what happens in Wexford or any other area of which I have no intimate knowledge. But I have some knowledge of what happens in the local authority in the City of Dublin.

We in the City of Dublin have very close contact with the Department of Local Government. We have a considerable amount of work to do which is entirely under its supervision and control. Our activities are subject to its consent, but a vast number of our activities, with which the Department is concerned, could never have taken place if we had not, in the firstinstance, its goodwill, and in particular, of course, its financial assistance.

Take housing. Some people say that this Government is not doing all that it should do with regard to housing, that in fact policy has been reversed, and that the speed which existed some few years ago in an attempt to deal with the completion of housing schemes has lessened. I can assure the House that, as far as the City of Dublin is concerned—I think every member of our local authority will admit the truth of what I say, no matter what Party he belongs to—our housing drive is being proceeded with to the maximum output possible, taking all factors into account. One has to have not only the sites acquired but one has to develop them. The building of the houses has to go on at a certain rate, and as the houses are built the facilities required in regard to them, such as street lighting and the provision of sewerage services, have to be attended to.

Housing in the City of Dublin remains under a direct order from Local Government as a priority operation. It is regarded as an emergency, and the City of Dublin is acting with regard to the housing of its citizens in an emergency way. It regards it as a priority operation. I do not think anyone can doubt that the best that could be done is being done. Whether or not our output of houses, plus flats, will mean accommodation for 2,500 or 3,000 families per year or thereabouts, the facts are as I have stated them. Everyone, as far as I know in the Dublin Corporation, realises that everything humanly possible is being done to keep up the maximum output.

It is true that, when in 1932 a new policy was designed to cope with the housing needs, we had, as far as I can remember, 18,000 families living in single rooms in tenement houses, the families consisting of as many as eight and ten people and sometimes more. Since 1932, well over 20,000 houses have been built. One has to take into account that, within that period, there were several war years when it was impossible to deal with housingbecause of the shortage of materials to build them. But since the end of the war, and from the time materials became available, from the moment that it was possible to get back to the speed of erecting houses at the rate that obtained up to 1939, the Department of Local Government sat on the neck of the Dublin Corporation and said: "Get on with this housing."

The cost of housing was dealt with by Deputy Sweetman. He read to the House an extract from some cross-channel journal which sought to explain why it was that house-building in England to-day was three to four times more costly than it was in pre-war days. He then went on to discuss the increase in the cost of housing here as compared with pre-war years. Almost the same conditions developed here as in England, and almost the same causes show why housing here became dearer. Wages went up considerably, the cost of materials went up considerably, the working hours are different, and consequently the cost of housing is dearer. But, in order that this situation should be met to some extent, the Government have given not only substantial grants, over and above what the local authority itself gives towards the building of houses, but in the case of money which has to be raised for the purpose of financing housing, the State subsidises very heavily the cost of interest charges.

We all may have grievances and quarrels with the Department from time to time about delays and so forth, but, at least, let us be reasonable and admit publicly the big things which the State is doing in order to help and bring about the alleviation which it wants in connection with housing. If we acquire blocks of houses for demolition in order to replace them by other forms of building, we are recouped two-thirds of the interest charges, and, in the case of ordinary housing, we are recouped one-third of whatever the rate of interest is at which we borrow the money.

I think that if one examines the amount that falls on the State, one will find that it is a very big burden, so much so that it was regarded withgreat criticism by the inter-Party Government—that is on the question of what one should call good national finance in debating whether it was above the line or below the line. The fact remains that the Government regards, as we do, the erection of these houses as a good national asset. It is not wasted money.

The building of houses to house our people properly is not a waste of money, and the contribution made by the State is not wasted either. As someone has said, when it comes to the point where we can say that we have satisfactorily dealt with this problem and, generally speaking, have housed all our people who need to be housed, then from the point of view of general health it will be much easier to follow that up in the health services by trying to get better health conditions for our people.

I am not going to deal at great length with housing except to say that we in the Dublin Corporation are doing our best. We disagree amongst ourselves as to whether we should acquire a site or maybe as to whether we should continue to go out as far as we have gone from the centre of the city in the matter of building or as to whether or not we should go in for the building of flats of a new type. Consideration is now being given as to whether we could not more economically build seven, eight or nine storey flats instead of the type we have been building—four storey flats. These things will be examined. They will be considered and vetted by the Department of Local Government and ultimately we will come down to agreement on something, but meanwhile building is proceeding both as regards houses and the provision of flats. I believe that we will see the end of the housing situation as we know it—the bad conditions which we knew some years ago—in some five, six or seven years.

Deputy O'Leary talked of the building of houses as an industry, but I have said on several occasions here, and I say it again to the Labour Benches in particular, that while housing is necessary and while large-scale housing schemes are indulged in all overthe country and there is good employment for those engaged in them, we have to think beyond the present and the immediate situation, and we have to recognise that the time will come when the building of houses at the rate we are doing it now will drop very considerably. I think Deputy Davin, who is here, will agree with me when I point to an area very close to him in the town of Tullow, where the housing needs have been met. The housing needs have also been met in Bagenalstown, and I am told that within a very short period of time the housing needs of Carlow will have been met.

What does that mean? It means, in-effect, that if we accept house building as an industry, in the sense of an industry for the purpose of giving employment, that that industry has ceased in those towns and the same will apply to Dublin. Now is the time to realise, if we admit that we are proceeding at a reasonably good speed, that we will build, say, 14,000 to 18,000 houses in Dublin, bringing us to the position in which we shall have to build down in that particular operation. We should now begin to consider schemes and plans that will absorb these very people who are now working in the housing industry.

In Dublin, I am glad to say we are all thinking of these things. It does not matter to what Party a member of Dublin Corporation belongs in this House, and it does not matter how hard one hits the other here, but when it comes to a meeting of Dublin Corporation and planning for the welfare of its citizens, then the Dublin corporators, strange to say, forget personalities and try to hammer out the best design and the best means of dealing with these things. When we are behind closed doors and have not got the Press giving us headlines for this, that or the other, we sit down and do our work in a sensible, business like manner.

In Dublin, we are now considering the building, very soon, of civic offices. We need them, and it will not be wasted money. I hope that the Dublin citizens and ratepayers will not be encouraged by people in this House to regard the improvement of their city by the building of bridges across theLiffey, and by the building of civic offices, in the same light as some people have tried to get the people to regard the Government's attempt to deal with such a scheme as Dublin Castle, which will give considerable employment over a long number of years in producing something which will be an asset to the nation. I am sure Deputy Blowick will consider whatever happens in Dublin as being unnecessary.

What makes you think that?

Dublin Castle is not unnecessary, but I say we in Dublin in our local authority think and plan in accordance with what we think is in the best interests of our citizens and for the benefit of the city as a whole. The Minister for Local Government, through his Department, recently notified Dublin Corporation that he had earmarked a sum of £1,600,000 to be spent on roads in our area. That was a 100 per cent. grant, with not one penny to be contributed to it from the rates. The Minister made a condition that the money should be spent within five years. We must not be longer than that. We will give employment in the spending of that money, but of course we must realise we cannot dig up every street and the up traffic until the money is spent. We have to plan the spending of that money in a reasonable way, getting down to it as quickly as possible, giving employment as fast as we can, and to as many as we can, on that job; and for five years we know that as a result of that message from the Department we can plan to employ some 300 men permanently for the purpose of dealing with the roads in the City of Dublin.

In addition to that, members of the corporation had been thinking for a considerable time how they could contribute over and above the normal activities of the corporation towards giving some help as the local authority in getting some of the men off the labour exchanges. We set up a special works committee at therequest of the Taoiseach to consider what could be done, and this particular committee on behalf of the corporation went to work immediately to get something done. Immediately it got some 400 people in employment on what we call short-term schemes. That committee is having quite a lot of arguments and going backwards and forwards to the Minister. They are probably the bane of his life at times but at least we got agreement that we did not have to spend money under this special works scheme in the sense of a relief scheme. We were not going to be allowed to dig holes and fill them up again. We were to utilise these operations from the point of view of improving the amenities of the City, and in doing works we could not normally do out of the ratepayers' money. Notwithstanding the fact that everything we are doing or attempting to do in that way will be for the improvement of the City of Dublin and for the benefit of its citizens who will benefit in many other ways—even the business people—we will get an 80 per cent. grant towards that work.

In addition, on this special works operation we are ourselves insisting that the maximum amount of money spent must go in wages. We are not dealing with schemes where we have to buy machinery or to pay heavy charges for materials used in that particular work. We are therefore trying to average it, so that between 50 and 60 per cent. of the money spent will be spent on wages. We do not know how long this operation of the special works committee will be necessary but at least those of us who are on that committee are not thinking in terms of a matter that will be solved in six months of a year. We are thinking in terms of whatever number of years may be necessary, and at the present moment the Department has for consideration, for vetting and sanctioning—if they like—a number of schemes. It was mentioned here earlier in the debate that we have sent in proposals estimated to cost something like £430,000 which will take so many months to do.

I am mentioning this because I have heard a number of speakers speak oflocal government as if the Department had set itself up to stop everything that local authorities wanted to do. They spoke as if the Department had a number of officials who wanted to slow everything down and ultimately stop it so that local authorities could do nothing. Our experience in Dublin, as I am saying, is quite the reverse. There are many things we want to do that they will not let us do. Sometimes, after a lot of discussion, we find a compromise, but, generally speaking, not only are we encouraged to go ahead on these schemes, we are actually directed to go ahead with all possible speed.

And you are getting all the money you want.

We have no quarrel whatsoever with regard to the money. We are getting all the money we are entitled to get under the various Acts in connection with housing and we are building the houses as fast as we can.

Who ever did get all the money they wanted?

I wanted to help the Minister. I know the Minister for Finance has a firm hand behind you.

As far as the City of Dublin is concerned, we are getting vast sums of money in our housing activities by way of grants and subsidies and we are not stopped from going ahead with the work. I heard Deputy Sweetman say that he had made an examination of housing in Canada. Now, first of all, Canada has not got the sort of housing problem we have. Secondly, there are two types of houses in Canada—the wet house and the dry house. The wet house is a stone-built house made to suit all kinds of weather, including the kind of weather we have here; the dry house is made of timber and it is erected on concrete stumps; it has not even got a foundation. Yet, comparisons are attempted here between that type of house in Canada where there is an entirely different climate, and the houses we build here to suit our particular climate.

Design can always be improved. Attemptcan always be made to do better than has been done in the past from the point of view of utility, but I do not think we can set for ourselves as a headline in building the type of house that is built to suit the type of climate they have in Canada. Remember, there are extremes of climate there. In parts it is as hot as Africa and in other parts you have the frozen North. We have our own climatic conditions. Our main worry is damp. We have all kinds of problems. As we increase the number of houses we have to increase the facilities and the amenities. We have to make water available. We have to have a reservoir capable of servicing the particular houses. We have to have sanitation and sewerage. At the moment we are engaged on an extension of our sewerage system on the north side. These things cannot be done by waving a wand. I heard Deputy O'Leary talk about unnecessary officials. He said engineers are not necessary and that they should be got rid of.

He did not say that.

What did he say?

He said there are too many of them.

He said there are too many in Wexford. Our trouble is that we cannot design and plan these difficult technical schemes without the assistance of these essential professional men who ensure that the work we are doing will be a satisfactory job. I do not think anybody wants us to build houses on faulty foundations or houses that are badly designed and that will only have a life of five or ten years. Any house built by the corporation or under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act must have a life of at least 60, 70 or 80 years so that there will be some return over a period of years from the building of them.

I heard Deputy Sweetman talking about the terms and conditions upon which people can raise money in Canada in order to build houses, but he did not tell the House that there is no such thing as a Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act in Canada. Thewhite-collar worker there cannot go to the local authority and get a loan in order to build a house. I cannot understand where the comparison lies or what the examination has achieved.

In parts of America I have seen houses that would never pass our local authorities. Experienced Americans who have come here have admitted that the care and control exercised in our housing operations at least ensure that we will have reasonably good houses and reasonably good value for the money. It is no good taking the line that house building can continue at its present rate for all time. When we have sufficient houses to meet our needs and when only the normal amount will be necessary to meet the natural growth in the population those of our people who are engaged in this work will have to be diverted into other operations. That is why we will be coming to the Minister from the Dublin Corporation with a scheme for one to two bridges across the Liffey for the purpose of relieving traffic congestion in the city. Traffic has changed considerably over the last 30 years and as a result of investigations we have made we believe that a new bridge across the Liffey will help to relieve some of the present congestion. We may have to widen the Metal Bridge. When we come to investigate the cost we will have to go once more to the Minister.

You will be welcome.

We will explain to him that under the Act 90 per cent. of the cost must be borne by the City of Dublin but, notwithstanding that, we will ask him to make available to us out of the new fund which has been created a substantial grant to enable us to do the job as quickly and as cheaply as we possibly can. As the Minister says, I am sure we will be welcome, and I am equally sure that we will not come away empty-handed.

Dublin will, of course, get it all.

In the Dublin Corporation we work together—I include Deputy Byrne in that—for the benefit of the area over which we exercisecontrol. If other local authorities would take a leaf out of our book and do the same they might be surprised at how much they would get from this Minister for Local Government. There is no use going in and kicking up a row.

He is decent if he has the money.

He can be very obstinate at times, and at times, very generous. Whatever he gives us, it is he who will have to fight the Minister for Finance and not us. There has been a good deal of talk about the cost of housing because of the very heavy interest charges.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again.
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