Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 28 Apr 1955

Vol. 150 No. 4

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27—Agriculture (Resumed).

When I was speaking on the Estimate last evening I had no intention of resuming this evening and, consequently, I may not have gone into the detailed examination of the Estimate as closely as I would wish. I dealt only superficially with many of the points raised by the Minister in his introductory speech. There were some points that I did not touch on at all.

In concluding his speech the Minister referred to my action in permitting the Friesian bull to be introduced to the insemination stations. It was as a result of a decision arrived at by the Livestock Consultative Council that a Friesian bull would be admitted to one of the stations on the condition that the semen would only issue to farmers for Friesian cows. I think that was the provision made at the time. If I was to blame on that occasion for permitting a Friesian into the insemination stations, from what I have heard during the past few weeks the Minister is not completely blameless because I understand that permission has now been given or is about to be given to include the Ayrshire and the Jersey in the insemination stations, again, I understand, on the same conditions. If I did damage to the Shorthorn breed, the Minister is following the example that I set. What was good sauce for the goose is still good sauce for the gander, and the Minister is not completely blameless.

The Minister, I am sure, believes that his decision will not damage the Shorthorn breed or the foundation stock of the country. I have and had the same belief that the introduction of the Friesian, provided, of course, that the semen would be used for Friesian cows and Friesian cows only, would not damage the foundation stock. Like the Minister and like our predecessors in the Department of Agriculture, I believe that the Shorthorn cow should be maintained as the foundation stock in this country. I believe that there is no other cow yet on hand or in sight to take her place.

When I referred to the Friesian cow yesterday evening I stated that we have no proof as regards her ability to produce milk under the same conditions as the Shorthorn has been producing milk in this country; we have no proof as regards her production of beef or its quality. I would like to see an experiment carried out to prove to the people who advocate the introduction of the Friesian cow that she is not comparable with our Shorthorn.

We have as good Shorthorns in this country as you will find in any part of the world. There are cows—there are some of them in Glasnevin—producing up to 1,500 gallons of milk. I know we have Friesians in this country that produce possibly about the same. We know that we have a good strain of Shorthorns. We may have a good strain of Friesians. But there should be an experiment carried out in order to prove conclusively that one is outstanding, more suitable to the country, because our economy is based on mixed farming. Mixed farming should be the basis of our agriculture and in the Shorthorn breed we have as good a strain in this country as there is in any other country.

Possibly the same thing applies to our Friesians. I am not too sure about it. It may and we may have people who may claim that that is the case but I, for one, would like to see that experiment carried out whereby we can prove conclusively to the people of the country: "Here is an experiment carried out under the auspices of the Department of Agriculture. We know what this animal can produce in the way of milk, how much it has cost to produce a gallon of milk, the value of her calf at a month old, a week old, a year old, when it came into the store age and when it was finished for beef."

We want to clear our minds on that question because there are people in this country who do not believe yet that we can produce cattle, horses, or anything else as good as can be produced across the water. That mentality is here. We must get rid of it.

I have heard people talk about the Friesian cow. I have heard them talk about the Ayrshire. I have heard them talk about the Landrace pig and many other things. According to them, anything produced here could not be as good as what is produced elsewhere. It is in the Minister's power to do it. As far as our foundation stock is concerned it is in his hands to prove, once and for all, that the dairy Shorthorn should be maintained as the foundation stock of our cattle, and to tell the people, as he has done and as his predecessors in office have done, that, as far as the Department and the Ministers were concerned, they believed that the dairy Shorthorn should be maintained as the foundation stock of our cattle. There is no equivocation about it nor there should not be. It is a question of proving it and of convincing the people in the country that it is so.

I often think over this matter. I have been through the country. I have seen our cows in many counties. I believe that they are not kept as they should be kept, that if they were kept and fed better there would not be any question about their yield of milk. I do know that the people who are engaged in dairying and who have gone to the trouble and expense of bringing in Friesian cattle are in a different category from the general body of farmers, that these people probably feed their cattle better than the general body and that it is for that reason that the claims they put forward have some substance. If the Shorthorn cow was as well fed as many of the Friesians are fed she would milk equally as much as the Friesians. There has been no change, mind, and it is wrong to think that the introduction of the Friesian has in any way damaged the reputation of the Shorthorn.

It has not. But our policy as regards our exports of cattle must be based on a firm foundation. I believe that our exports of cattle should be brought up not by 100,000, 200,000 or 300,000 but by 1,000,000 cattle. We have 9,000,000 of our 12,000,000 acres of land under grass. We are feeding at the present time 4,000,000 cattle on that 9,000,000 acres. We could carry more but it is wrong to think that we can produce another 1,000,000 cattle from grass and grass alone and even if we could it would be bad policy to do so. We are in a bad position even at the present time in that our exports of cattle are confined to eight or nine months of the year because we are exporting our cattle to the British market at a time when that market is flooded with cattle by the English and Scottish producers. There are three or four months of the year during which we could export an equal number of cattle as we do, say, in July.

Walk our crops off the land?

We should have more tillage and it would benefit our export trade. Another 1,000,000 acres of tillage would enable us to export another 1,000,000 cattle each year and it is only on that basis that we can hope to build up our exports.

Hear, hear!

It is foolish contending that in any year we have a guarantee that we can carry cattle from the month of October to the month of February in as good a condition as they were in October.

Hear, hear!

There are some late growing years when you can do it but generally speaking over the last 20 or 30 years there is a period when we are keeping our cattle through the winter and feeding them on beef steak. You need only go through the country and see on a cold wet morning cattle bunched around the hedges. We can see them in the morning after a wet night when a late frost has come on in the morning. We can see the cattle with the water freezing on them. They are losing pounds of beef every night that that happens. We need a proper system of feeding in order to produce more cattle.

The Munster system.

One more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough.

That is true and I shall deal with that aspect of the matter. Based on tillage we can build up our cattle exports, our store cattle population and our beef. The principle we should follow here is not to have so many outliers as we have.

Outliers in the winter.

What should be recommended is the wintering of cattle in the yards, that there should be more straw in the yards, more farmyard manure and more hand-fed cattle. That is the policy we should follow.

Hear, hear! One more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough.

That is all right. The Minister has used that slogan quite often. I wonder does the Minister know where it originated and when. I could tell him.

The late Mr. Hogan.

Yes. He was told it in Carlow. It was a Carlow man gave it to him in 1926 when he went down there about the first beet factory that was erected. That slogan was given him by a Carlow farmer. That is the policy that is foremost with a Carlow man—one more cow, another sow and another acre under the plough. The late Mr. Hogan was told that and he did not believe that policy.

At least we are agreed on one thing now — that that is the right policy.

It is very well to talk of that policy but we must have an end in view when we say to the farmer: "Have another acre under the plough." What is the ultimate end there for the farmer who is unable to produce those cattle to use up the produce of the extra acre? It is no use telling a farmer in the traditional tillage areas to produce additional corn to feed to the cattle and walk them out if it is not the traditional system of farming there. What would the West Cork people do? How would they grow the amount of corn necessary?

Ground limestone is helping them.

It is one of the richest pig-producing counties in the country. And what would the farmers of Leinster do—in Kildare, portions of Laois, Carlow, Kilkenny, Wexford? In these traditional tillage counties where would they dispose of their crops or where would they keep the stock they would need to finish off the corn they were growing? We must think in these terms. I do know this, and I have often said it, that the price of our barley is dependent on what we get for our beef and bacon and poultry and eggs.

Hear, hear!

Our policy must be based on that. We must have the basis.

Hear, hear!

And in trying to find that basis provision must be made by whoever is charged with the responsibility for agriculture to see that the persons who produce that foodstuff is paid a price that will cover their cost of production and leave a margin of profit. He is charged with that responsibility and the only way in which he can ensure that the farmer gets that is by seeing that the produce that is turned out goes into a market where he gets a remunerative price. What does a Minister do in order to ensure that? Let us take pigs for instance. How does he approach it? His approach should be to produce bacon that will qualify for top price—the highest possible price that will ensure a margin of profit for the feeder. That is the Minister's responsibility if he has the responsibility of going out into a foreign market. Here in this country at the present time we produce about 26,000 or 27,000 pigs per week. That is the number going into the factories.

Of these we consume between 18,000 and 19,000 and our export figures represent about one-third of the whole. Surely it should be possible for the Minister to insist on sending out a quality bacon that will get top price in a foreign country. We are not doing that at the moment. The home consumers will not permit us to do it. The home consumer in Holland and Denmark will permit its being done in these countries. Otherwise, the bacon that is now produced in Denmark and Holland would not have the same uniform quality any more than our own bacon has. The bacon going into the British market from Denmark and Holland is top quality. It is uniform. The two sides of bacon are as alike as two peas in a pod. There is no difference between them. There is not the difference of one lb. as between one side of bacon and another. That is not the case here because our consumers are not prepared to make the same sacrifices as the Danish people are prepared to make in order to help the Danish farmers build up an agricultural export market.

Our people are helped in their attitude by our politicians who have gone out of their way to condemn the farmers' attitude in looking for higher prices. Our farmers have not been looking for excessive prices. They are looking for prices which will enable them to produce and have a margin of profit for themselves. We have our politicians shouting from the housetops, particularly in the towns and cities, advising the people that the farmers are millionaires and that they are getting too much for their produce.

If we could restrain ourselves from doing that, we might move along much more smoothly. But our politicians, for their own selfish ends, are using the situation in order to benefit themselves. While that continues we will not make any progress. Our farmers could do equally well as farmers in any country in the world if their costs of production were not so high. The people living in the towns and cities do not seem to appreciate the handicap under which our farmers have to work.

That is the answer to many of the statements that have been made from the Minister's benches. The Minister stated in his opening speech that we were being priced out of the market. I doubt if we are. I believe we can produce bacon if we set about doing it in the right way. I believe we can produce it at a price which will enable us to sell it in the British market at a profit. I know the Danish price has fallen. The quality of our bacon for export may not be as good as the Danish bacon. There may be a preference for Danish bacon in Britain. If there is a preference and if our bacon is not as good, then it is our own fault.

Here I charge the Minister with doing damage by putting maize on the market again. The Minister, in an advertisement issued some time ago, stated that it is now permissible to purchase straight maize. It was not permissible when I was in office, and I had a perfectly good reason for withholding permission. If we are to compete with the Danes we must have quality bacon. Why have the Danes gone over to feeding with barley? The Danish ration is 40 per cent. maize, 40 per cent. barley, 10 per cent. fish meal and 10 per cent. wheat offals. Why can we not adopt the same ration? We have equally as good a strain in our large white. We have just as suitable a pig as the Landrace but we are not taking advantage of it. If straight maize is put on the market, the Minister's statement about being priced out is wrong; we will be driven out because of the inferior quality of our bacon, and for no other reason. That is the sum total of it.

What applies in the case of bacon applies equally in the case of butter. Here again we are up against a problem. We have here a cow which, some will tell us, is capable of producing 450 gallons, or possibly more, as she is fed at the moment. If she were fed a little better we could increase the yield from that cow by at least another 100 gallons. We should be able to get our farmers to realise that. That brings me back now to a scheme—I do not know what has become of it—in relation to demonstration plots and pilot farms. The people have to be educated. Our farmers have the old traditional system of feeding the cow on grass in the summer and on poor hay in the winter. That cow cannot give a high milk yield the following year. She cannot give an economic supply of milk, and something must be done about it. How can we bring that home to our farmers?

The parish plan.

The parish plan will not do these things. One cannot demonstrate unless one has the co-operation of the people in demonstrating.

That is the very point.

The only way you can get that co-operation is by taking over a pilot farm, running it in the same way as the farmer would run his, but with better technical advice.

If one can get five farmers in each parish to run their farms under the direction of the technical adviser, would that not be an even better way?

That is what we are doing.

That can be done, but that needs money.

We have got the money.

That is all very fine, but will it be done any better than under the other system where the local committee controls it?

Let the local committee do it too.

But the local committee will not be in control under the parish plan.

I can only answer for my own plan.

That is the Minister's plan, but it will be directed from the Department of Agriculture. If that plan was under the committee of agriculture and controlled by that committee, then I could see some sense in going out looking for demonstration plots and getting pilot farms and advertising the fact that there was a pilot farm in operation in such and such a district, and bringing the farmers there to see what is being done so that in that way one might educate them.

I hope to have five pilot farms.

The Minister, in my opinion, is tinkering with this serious problem.

Sure, I am doing the best I can.

The best the Minister can do is not enough. It has become urgently necessary to make a move now. If we lose the market it will be gone for good. It is urgently necessary to put some plan into operation and there is a plan which could be put into operation. We have to educate the farmers who hitherto have produced their pigs with potatoes and maize. Now, because of the high cost of fuel, and for other reasons, the potatoes are gone. The farmers will not use them. Why not substitute fodder beet? Professor Calder gave a lecture here at Ballsbridge in 1952. He said then that barley is the cornerstone of pig rations in most bacon-producing areas and before long that will perforce of circumstances become the position in Ireland also. If we are to retain our export we must have barley included in our pig ration.

We have 100,000 acres more barley this year than last year.

I am glad to hear the Minister say so. I believe there is room for a couple of hundred thousand acres more. When I was sitting on that side of the House I asked the farmers on every possible occasion to produce more barley and to import less maize. That was the cornerstone of all my policy. We should produce these commodities at home and use our own land for their production. Not merely is that good economic policy so far as the farmer is concerned but it will produce a product of which we need not be ashamed. Furthermore, even when there were fluctuations in the price of foreign feeding stuffs last year, we were able to send our pigs into the British market all last year, pay a reasonably good price to the farmer who produced the barley that fed them and a profitable price to the farmer who reared the pig.

The Minister or the Government has changed that. This is a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. The Minister for Finance was not satisfied or the Minister for Industry and Commerce was not satisfied that the bread subsidy should be so high and in seeking a victim they selected the farmers. The farmers have lost over £2,000,000 on the price of wheat. That will, in some way, reduce the bread subsidy but the Minister for Industry and Commerce went further than that when he permitted the millers to increase the price of pollard by £5 per ton in order that he could again reduce the bread subsidy.

Sure, it has gone down again, now.

It has not gone down to anything like what it was. I think the price at the present time—I am not too sure, possibly I have the prices here—the price of pollard is £24 10s. per ton. When we left office it was £20. That £4 10s. per ton will give some help to the Minister for Finance, but the increase of £4 10s. is going to take away the profits that the farmer is making out of his pigs. Is it any wonder that we are again travelling on the road that we travelled from 1949 to 1951 and that we are going downhill? The people who are sitting over on the opposite side of the House may laugh and scoff at this but let me give them the figures because they are very illuminating. It would be well that more stock would be taken of these figures by the people who sit behind the Minister and cheer him when he makes a speech on agriculture in this House. The January estimates of this year—the latest figures we have available—reveal that sows for breeding in January, 1955, numbered 85,000, but in January, 1954, 12 months ago, there were 100,000, a reduction of 15 per cent.

What would we feed them on?

Maybe the 95,000 tons of wheat that neither the Minister for Industry and Commerce nor the Minister for Agriculture know anything about. Probably they could be fed on that. Any questions Deputy O'Leary likes to put to me I will try to answer——

Sure, our bacon factory was closed in Enniscorthy at one time until Deputy Dillon came along to open it.

That fall of 15 per cent. in the number of sows from January, 1954, until January, 1955—are we to congratulate ourselves on that performance? Is that an indication that we are on the upward trend, that stagnation has not hit agriculture, that worse than stagnation has not hit it at the present time and that we are not going downhill? Speaking here yesterday I pointed out to the people in this House that it took us two years to recover from 1950-1951. That is quite true.

You will take a long time to recover now.

Deputies may laugh at these statements of mine which, perhaps, get under their skin, but it is well worth while searing them with a red-hot iron if we are able to put them back on the right road so that agriculture could be put back to the good condition in which it was. The Minister for Lands is laughing at the idea but agriculture in this country as we know it is the basic industry.

Why did you not do more about it, then?

The record of Fianna Fáil as regards agriculture is well known.

Hear, hear!

I will quote these figures again because it is well worth while putting them on record. These things cannot be said often enough. If we are to follow the policy that was pursued in this country from 1948 to 1951, then somebody will have to clear up the mess that Fianna Fáil had to clear up in 1951.

You will not be asked to clear it up.

I have given you the figures prepared under the Coalition Government in a Government office and, I am sure, approved by that Government. These are the figures that have been issued to the people, the latest figures available. In the case of other pigs—three months old and upwards—we had in 1955, 351,100; and in the previous year we had 354,000. That shows that the older pigs are there and that we are starting on the downward trend and that it is time it was arrested because the next figure is very illuminating. It is this: in 1955, we had 370,500 pigs of under three months, but last year in the month of January we had 432,900, a drop of 14.4 per cent. Does that indicate the upward trend that we have been told about? Does that indicate that we are going to hold our place in the foreign markets?

The Minister for Lands will be very pleased, I am sure, when he sees the exports dropping because last year, when I made a speech similar to the one that was made by the Minister exalting ourselves on the increase in our exports, Deputy Blowick, as he then was, came along and said: "Is it any wonder that exports have gone up when you have been starving the people at home? That is the reason for it."

Precisely that: that is what you did. That is why the people threw you out and left you over there where you cannot do any more damage.

Does it not show the depths to which some people can descend when a statement like that comes from a responsible individual such as the Minister for Lands?

That is the way you increased your exports.

He made that statement even though I was able to tell him that we never consumed as much butter in the country as we were consuming at that time and that there was never before as much bacon or as much bread consumed in this country.

Was that why you decided to raise it?

Deputy Walsh is entitled to speak and should be allowed to speak. If other Deputies wish to contribute to the debate they can do so later.

That is true, but is Deputy Walsh entitled to make the same point more than three times?

I have not done so.

I am only asking is the Deputy entitled to make the same point three times?

The Minister for Lands said we were starving the people. It is well worth repeating, coming from a responsible person like him.

I am sitting with respectful attention into your third hour. I am starving for my tea but I will remain until you are finished.

I would hate to think I was the cause of any inconvenience to the Minister. I will not stand between him and his tea.

The Minister will get his tea earlier if he does not interrupt the Deputy.

I heard the Minister yesterday evening introduce certain figures. He talked about stagnation. I do not believe there should be any stagnation in agriculture but the indications are bad. The only thing we can rely on, I am sure, are the figures that are published over a period of six months. We have the January figures, estimated figures admittedly, and we have the June figures. The January figures reveal a situation that is not very encouraging, to say the least of it. Let me take cattle. There is a boom in cattle at the present time.

The Deputy will be put out of the Fianna Fáil Party if he is not careful.

The Minister for Lands should not open his mouth when we are talking about exports. He thought we had not enough at home, that we were starving.

I was warning the Deputy that he would be put out of the Fianna Fáil Party for the statement he has just made.

We were starving the people.

Thank God the British market is gone. That was your cry.

The Ballybricken pig buyers.

The Deputy would not be fit to clean their boots.

I knew I would draw that remark from Deputy Lynch. The Ballybricken pig buyers. Let me refer for a couple of minutes to the cattle situation. The milch cow, of course, cannot be too easily got rid of in 12 months; the heifers are coming in and it takes a little while as it took, say, in 1951 to restore them. It also takes a short while for the numbers to decline, with the result that we have in January, 1955, 1,179,300, an increase of 15,000 over last year, 1.3 per cent. increase. Heifers in-calf in 1955 are 125,300 but in 1954 we had 145,100. That shows a decrease of 13.7 per cent. in in-calf heifers. The figure for bulls is 16,800; last year it was 17,900. Now we are coming to the very significant one: young cattle, 2,661,600 in 1955 and in January, 1954, 2,678,600, a decrease of 6 per cent., that is after 12 months.

Of Coalition administration. After 12 months of Coalition administration we have to record that the agricultural commodities on which the Coalition Minister has set his feet are declining, a sad commentary on the administration. The Minister has set his feet on our exports of live stock to the British market but here we must record that the number he has for export has declined——

The Deputy must realise it takes nine months——

Order! Deputy Walsh is in possession.

The number of live stock he has for export has declined in 12 months. We have to record again during that period a complete change as far as the agricultural policy of the country is concerned. I refer to tillage. Gone is that guaranteed market for wheat.

The racketeers.

The ranchers.

Who are the people who are racketeers in the growing of wheat? I do not happen to know. I was not available at the time that discussion was on but I would like to find the person that was able to come forward and talk about racketeers in wheat-growing. I would like to find them and I would like to know what percentage of the people of the country who grew wheat, not merely in 1954, but in any of the years before that, could be described as racketeers. There are people in this country who grew 1,000 acres of wheat during the war period. Would that be information for the members of this House? It was done voluntarily.

Was the Minister aware that during the last year when he was Minister for Agriculture one man who had no stake in the country drew £18,000 in subsidy for the wheat he grew here and brought that out of the country?

Where did this man get the subsidy? He produced an article, sold it in the market at a price that was available for everybody else. I want to know where that subsidy came from?

From the small farmer and the working man of this country.

This man sold a commodity for a price that was available to every person in this country, even though he was a black man. If the Minister's statement is correct, he came in here, tilled his land and I suppose he paid a price for it to somebody. The Minister for Lands has already advertised, I am sure, something in the neighbourhood of 500 acres of conacre this year.

Not to the ranchers.

He has sold it to people who grew 40 and 50 acres of wheat last year.

He has not.

Name one of them.

If he goes down to the Annally estate in Kilkenny he will find out who is purchasing it.

I will look that up.

The Minister will find many farmers who grew that quantity of wheat last year in that area—they were farmers, not racketeers.

They were not farmers, anyhow.

This thing about racketeers does not carry any weight with me.

You backed them up manfully.

We have people who grew that acreage of wheat in the past. However, that is getting away from the point. The Government, by its action in reducing the price of wheat by 12/6 a barrel, has taken the heart out of the individual farmer. The request to the industrious, energetic young farmer, as seen by the attitude of the Government, is: "Produce a surplus" and then the Government's remedy for the surplus is to reduce his price. The incentive to produce more is gone, no matter what may be said from the platforms or in the House. The incentive is gone, the inducement is gone. If it goes in one crop, it will go in others.

We have the sons and second sons of farmers, anxious to work, who set out to get machinery and took conacre to make a livelihood out of it. We know very well we will have to continue conacre. We know of the widow with a family, unable to manage the farm; we know of the unfortunate old people who may be unable to manage it themselves—the alternative these people have is to let it in conacre. We know that system must be maintained. These young farmers invested their capital in machinery—or they borrowed money and invested it—and after one or two years, what happened? The profit they were making was taken from them—12/6 per barrel or £2,000,000, taken out of the pockets of the wheat producers. The incentive is being taken away. If the incentive goes in tillage, it will disappear also in other phases of agriculture.

The Minister has been shouting about increased production, that unless we have increased production industrialisation cannot succeed and may come to a stop. Is this helping to build up the enthusiasm our farmers should have at present and that I must say we had established before Fianna Fáil went out of office? It was taken away with a wave of the hand in one effort. I could criticise the Minister, for instance, because last July he succumbed to the demands that were made to reduce the price of butter.

Do you disagree with that action?

I do and if I were over there I would disagree with it, because I had in the stores here in Dublin, at the time the outcry took place, the finest butter in the world, offered to the people of the City of Dublin at 3/10 a lb. and they refused to buy it.

It was equally as good as any that could be produced in the world. What was the reason? It was unspreadable. Do they forget that our own May and June production is put into cold storage and when handed out to the people of Dublin after four or five months it is as unspreadable as New Zealand butter?

If I were forced in the past at any time to reduce the price of butter, I certainly would not operate it as a consumer subsidy or handle it as such. The Minister is handling this subsidy as a consumer subsidy and there is nothing to prevent a Minister in the future who is supporting the consumers, saying that he has given this subsidy in order to enable the farmer to get this price for his milk. That would be the attitude taken up by some Minister who would be opposed to this subsidy, to wipe it out—say the Minister for Finance—if he did not want to give it any longer. The Minister for Agriculture would be hard pressed to establish the fact that it was a consumer subsidy, that it was not a producer subsidy.

In the end, if at any time that subsidy has to go, the consuming public, because of the greater number of votes they have, will succeed in establishing that as a producer subsidy —which it is not. For that reason, I certainly would not handle it as Minister for Agriculture. If the administration was to be carried out by the Department of Agriculture, there was a way in which it could be done. It could be done through the Stabilisation Fund. They could recoup themselves through that. It certainly would not appear in my Estimates if I were Minister for Agriculture. I blame the Minister for accepting it.

On the subsidisation of milk, I referred yesterday to the costings. There is no one at present—I do not mind who it is—but could tell us how much it costs to produce a gallon of milk. Let us have these costings produced and let the people in the towns and cities see for themselves what it is costing farmers to produce that milk. The farmers are entitled to a livelihood as well as anyone else.

Is not that the fourth time you said that?

I mentioned costings for the first time this evening—the Costings Committee.

That is the fourth time.

It was inadvertently I referred to the costings, so, but let them be produced and then the people will know where they stand. I am not going to refer to it again. The Minister made a mistake in putting a subsidy on butter and not on chocolate crumb.

You said that three times.

That is the first time I mentioned it this evening. I think the Minister made a mistake in doing that.

That is the fourth time.

It did not get proper examination and that is the reason for it. The figures were available there for anybody. It was a new industry we were building up. We could have waited with our butter and built up this industry. We exported about £9,000,000 worth in 1953. We could have maintained that. The figures reveal that this year it is down considerably. It is down because of the delivery charges.

Britain does not want it.

That is not the reason. It is easy to get into the British market with chocolate crumb. It is a free market and there is no difficulty. What prohibited us from going in was the £3 5s. per ton duty and the delivery charge of £4.

And the impact of sugar costs.

The sugar costs were cheaper than Britain, 10/- a cwt. cheaper. Milk for chocolate crumb gives a higher price to the creamery.

That is the fourth time.

I am saying it again. It is well worth repeating. It gives a higher price and that is the line that the Minister should have followed, the line that will bring the most money in to the farmers. It is his duty to examine these questions. That is what he is there for and that is why he is being paid a high salary.

What did the Deputy say? Paying me what?

I think more than what the Minister is worth.

This House thought otherwise last June.

I have dealt with these matters. I should like to know what the future policy in relation to agriculture will be. There is no use in saying to us: "We must concentrate on the export of beef to the exclusion of everything else." Our policy has not been that. We did everything we possibly could to build up a beef export market. However, we need to base it on tillage. I believe that if it is based on tillage we shall provide more work for our people, more money for our farmers, more stock for export and an increase not merely in our exports but in agricultural production generally.

The only way in which we can carry more cattle in this country is by producing better grasses. Provision has been made in the Department for that. A new section was set up to deal exclusively with seeds. We want better grasses. We can get better grasses by using more of the plough, more lime, more fertilisers. That is the line we should be following. Here is where we are up against the snag; there is a snag some place. We want more cattle because there is a market for our beef and for our stores. Britain needs about 200,000 to 250,000 tons of meat. We supply about 20 per cent. of her fresh meat trade. If the prices we are getting now are good, we can attribute that to our proximity to Britain because we, and no other people, can get into her fresh meat market. The British have a surplus of chilled and frozen meat at the present time, but the housewife and the consumer in Britain prefer fresh meat. Because of our proximity to Britain, our cattle, sent in by a Scotch or English farmer, are entitled to go into the fresh meat market. We shall always have that advantage.

What provision are we going to make in the country to get in with our 200,000 tons of meat? I said there was a snag. There is. We cannot have cattle without cows. If we increase our stock of cows from the 1,250,000 that we have, what will we do with the milk? I have heard wiseacres talk about putting a calf on a cow and say that it is good farming economy.

Or four or five.

If we were able to get them. Unfortunately, a cow will have only one calf at a time. If it is the economical way of doing things, every farmer in the country will be putting his calf on his cow and there will be no calves left for Deputy Hughes or myself. They will not be coming from County Limerick or West Cork. What can we do? Even with a bad cow, milking 450 gallons at the 1/6 a gallon that the well-managed creamery can pay at the present time, it would be rather expensive to have that amount of milk going to one calf instead of to four. That is the snag we have to face. We have to examine the question of getting into the milk and butter markets of Britain, whether it be through chocolate crumb or through butter. We must ask ourselves whether we are going to follow that policy or whether we will produce our requirements of milk here and introduce beef cattle as well. That is the alternative, if we want to build up our cattle population. However, we must know the road we are going to travel.

We have been preaching the gospel of more and more production from the land. If farmers who have taken our advice to use as much lime and as much fertiliser as they can, continue to do so, the position in a few years' time will be that we shall not have sufficient live stock to eat the grass. Therefore, we must improve and continue to increase our live-stock population. That is a matter that the Government, and the Minister for Agriculture in particular, must consider. They must know what line we are going to follow.

It is very easy to say that we must increase our cattle population but increasing our cattle population also means increasing our cow population or our heifer population. If we are going to have a proper economy, then it is a matter of working out a plan that will be economical and profitable to the people of the country. With regard to the day when we can capture that market for 200,000 tons of meat that is there at our doorstep, now is the time to act if we want it, because other countries are looking for it. A question that must be considered is how long will the British continue to pay high prices for fresh beef. Maybe, in time, they will acquire a taste for chilled beef. If that day ever arrives, then we are sunk.

Hear, hear! "Sunk" is the word.

Now is the time for the Minister for Agriculture to set about preparing a plan, to formulate a policy and to educate the people of this country to follow the line he has in mind so that we will be able to increase production. As regards other features of agriculture, we must be concerned about our tillage acreage. When speaking last night, I mentioned that the Minister is going to subsidise feeding barley next year.

On a point of order. Is it not true that, under the rules of order, if a Deputy mentioned a matter last night he ought not mention it again to-day?

The Minister always mentions everything ten times.

The Minister need not be afraid of it.

Do the rules of order not prescribe——

The Minister never kept the rules of order.

I am asking the Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

You cannot repeat a good thing often enough.

There are rules of order.

But you cannot repeat a good thing often enough.

Repetition is not allowed in the House, and neither are interruptions.

I do not think it is an interruption to direct your attention, Sir, to the fact that the Deputy is now declaring his intention of repeating what he said last night.

No. I mentioned it last night. I might elaborate on it tonight.

There are no hard feelings—I just mentioned it.

None in the world. That would not ruffle my hair at all. If the Minister is not satisfied, I will change the theme of the argument until he settles down. There are a lot of things I can talk about.

You are telling me.

I could talk, for instance, about the Minister's statement yesterday about exports, the exports he made so much noise about; and— what was worse than making noise— his attributing of this great expansion in agriculture to the Coalition Government. I could talk a lot about that. It might be of interest to the Minister to know that, in 1951, we had no exports of pork. Not a pound of pork did we export in that year, after three years of the Coalition, and even with the much talked of pig agreement of May, 1951.

That is the fifth time you have said that.

The Chair is not aware that the Deputy has said that before.

Is it not grossly disorderly to repeat interruptions?

Do not the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and Deputies know that that is the fifth time Deputy Walsh has said that?

And he will repeat it a sixth time.

It is the tenth time the Minister has said it.

Every time the Minister stands up and challenges my statement, I will repeat it when he sits down. If he will sit down and give me an opportunity of elaborating on my statement, there will be no repetition. Otherwise, I will repeat it every time.

Whether it is in order or not?

It is perfectly in order, if there are no interruptions.

Deputy Walsh should be allowed to make his speech.

I have already mentioned——

Well, now—I appeal to Caesar.

——that we exported no pork in 1951. There will be no repetition. Even though we had three years of the Coalition Government from 1948 to 1951, not a pound of pork was exported, but in 1952 we started, and, after 12 months, we exported 335,500 cwt. In 1948, the first year in which the Coalition assumed office, the Minister exported six cwt. of bacon.

In 1947, you had it under the counter.

Three pigs. In 1953, we exported 115,412 cwt.

You have said a mouthful.

There was a big difference in the trend of things.

A mighty difference.

The trend was upwards. While Fianna Fáil were in office, there was an upward trend in agricultural production and in agricultural prices, but we have now come back to the policy which the 1948 Coalition followed and which gave us a reduction of 500,000 acres of land under the plough in three years. It is amazing that there should be such a collapse in three years that even our cattle population was beginning to do down. I have quoted the figures already. They were on the downward trend in 1951. Pigs had almost disappeared and now, unfortunately for the country, we are to have a repetition of the policy of 1948 to 1951. Where is this going to end for our cities, our towns and our villages? What is to become of our industry, if we are going to impoverish the farming community?

Go back to 1945 and 1946, and talk sense.

Deputy Fagan interjects a remark about 1945 and 1946.

The figures you have given are not good, in my opinion. I do not believe them.

The Deputy talks about figures. I present him with figures issued by his own Government. Does he not approve of them? Does he not accept them as being the truth?

I do, but what about 1945 and 1946?

The figures are there for the Deputy, if he wishes to go into them. They indicate a downward trend at the moment. It might be information for the Deputy—he has not been in the House very long—to learn that we have less cattle in 1955 than we had in 1954.

Did the Deputy say that Deputy Fagan was not long in the House?

He has just come in. According to the figures produced by the Statistics Office, the January estimate indicates a decrease in the number of cattle.

Tell us about 1945 and 1946.

After 11 short months, we see the cash crop, the only cash crop the farmers could say they have a guarantee for, wiped away, and we see the price of feeding stuffs wiping our pig production out of the home and foreign markets, and at present prices for maize, barley, pollard and bran the pig will be as scarce as a Red Indian on the shores of Manhattan in a few years' time. We will not have them. Who is going to keep pigs? Our price in 1954 was 252/- a cwt., with maize, barley at £27 a ton. To-day pig prices are 214/- a cwt., with maize, barley, if the barley were available, £30 a ton.

That is the sixth time you have said that.

It is worth repeating.

And the Minister does not like it.

Deputy Walsh's contribution was not so good. He lost £250,000 on 36,000 tons of barley.

Would you like to get the figures?

Would you come out into the open with them?

You will? So will I. That is an issue and I will challenge you on it—as at 31st May, 1954. You produce your figures and I will produce mine outside this House.

What Deputy Donegan objects to is the farmer getting 48/-for barley.

The Deputy has a greater interest in the farmers of Louth than Deputy Aiken.

The Deputy is objecting because they got 48/- for their barley.

Some of the Deputies in this House seem to be labouring under a misconception as regards our commitments to the wheat agreement. Speaking last year—I think it was on the wheat prices motion—the Minister said on that occasion——

What is the reference, please?

I am quoting from Volume 147, column 1516. In reply to Deputy Moher, the Minister said:—

"You will be very welcome. Fianna Fáil fixed 82/6 a barrel for wheat bushelling 63 lb. and over. What is the result of that? Do not let us forget that at the same time that Fianna Fáil fixed that price for Irish wheat they signed the International Wheat Agreement which binds this Government now throughout this year and next year to accept delivery of 270,000 tons of wheat whenever anyone wants to tender that quantity of wheat to us at the minimum price of one dollar 55 f.o.b. Port Arthur for No. 1 Manitoba wheat. That liability attaches to me now. Between now and the 31st July any person in the International Wheat Agreement who desires can compel this country to accept this wheat and pay for it by virtue of the International Wheat Agreement."

The Minister was not correct in that statement. The Minister spoke of No. 1 Manitoba. He was not compelled to buy No. I Manitoba wheat at any time. Neither has he purchased No. 1 in the last 12 months.

I never said that I was obliged to purchase No. 1 Manitoba. Read it again. Read it slowly, and you will grasp it clearly.

It has become a feature of the front bench for the Ministers to deny their own statements.

Read it slowly, and you will grasp it clearly.

I will read it for the Minister again. There is no ambiguity about it at all:—

"You will be very welcome. Fianna Fáil fixed 82/6..."

You should start lower down.

Very well. I will read the whole sentence, or paragraph, if the Minister wishes:—

"Do not let us forget that at the same time that Fianna Fáil fixed that price for Irish wheat they signed the International Wheat Agreement which binds this Government now throughout this year and next year to accept delivery of 270,000 tons of wheat..."

Whoa there!

"... at the minimum price of one dollar 55 f.o.b. Port Arthur for No. 1 Manitoba wheat."

Exactly.

Let me proceed:—

"That liability attaches to me now. Between now and the 31st July any person in the International Wheat Agreement who desires can compel this country to accept this wheat... "

No, no. Read back. Do not be silly.

No. 1 Manitoba.

Do not be silly.

The Minister said No. 1 Manitoba. The Minister did not buy No. 1 Manitoba; he bought cheaper wheat than that.

It does not say that.

He bought cheaper wheat than that.

That makes the burden worse.

The Minister could not afford to give the Irish farmer the same price as he paid for Australian wheat that was equally as good, and used, possibly, for the same purpose as the Australian wheat. Wheat was delivered to the mills last year which was rejected as being non-millable. In some of the things I have looked through somebody questioned that wheat which contained 30 per cent. moisture was unmillable. It was no such thing. But it was these unfortunate farmers who had to take it home and sell it at prices from 35/-a barrel to £2. I know where a farmer was offered £100 for 100 barrels, and yet the Government had to go to Australia to buy wheat from the Australians which could have been provided by the Irish farmer. Was that good policy?

The Minister, I understand, issued licences for the export of wheat last year at less than £2 per barrel. It went across the Border, and we are going to the furthest ends of the earth to bring in animal feeding stuffs from £27 to over £30 per ton. Is it any wonder our farmers have become disheartened? Is it any wonder that their incentive to produce is gone? Is it any wonder that we are going to run into a slump, that we are going to run into a period where production in agriculture is going to go down? We had built it up. The efforts of three years have now been brought to naught. It may be of interest to some of the people in the House, and to the people of the country, to know what the exact position was as far as agriculture was concerned on the 2nd June, 1954, as compared with the 1st June, 1951. Our cattle numbers in 1954 were 20,351 higher in June, 1953, than in June, 1951.

Hear, hear!

Sheep were up by 214,000

Hear, hear!

Pigs were up by 223,000 and poultry by 274,000. That was the period when Fianna Fáil were in office. We have been accused, possibly, by some people of stagnation in agriculture. That is the record. Let us hope that when the Coalition Government is finished by the people, and when the clamouring from outside will be sufficiently strong to put them off the benches, they will be able to come back to this House and repeat what I am going to repeat: as far as Fianna Fáil were concerned that they could do it in keeping with the progress made under their own Administration. Our wheat area was 72,000 acres higher in 1953 than in 1951, barley by 21,000 acres, sugar beet by 5,429 acres, the total tillage being up by over 35,000 acres. Our agricultural exports were £20,000,000 higher in June, 1953, than in June, 1951, an increase of 34 per cent. Yesterday, we heard the Minister talking about the increase since 1948 but I have shown the increase from 1951 to 1953.

The number of instructors in agriculture increased by 45 per cent. Land reclamation was accelerated during that period. In 1951-54, we created a record, one which will not be surpassed or equalled this year. We had 100,000 acres of land under the land reclamation scheme. That will not be done this year. The sum of £122,000 was transferred to another section of the Department. More than seven times as much lime was applied to the land last year than in 1951. More money was provided for farm buildings and for running water to the homes of farmers. We spent £100,000 in 12 months as compared with the £4,500 spent during the last year of the Coalition Administration. We gave better credit facilities to the farmer. We initiated schemes in the Department because, as I said last night, we wanted to make credit available to our people. That has been taken away from them again. That was the record of the Fianna Fáil Government while they were in office.

We have now started on the downward trend in agriculture. It is all right for the Minister to talk about being priced out of the markets, but there is a remedy for these things. It should be within the scope of the Government to find these remedies. They are there. They were there in 1951, 1952, 1953 and 1954. They are still there if only the Government would look for them.

When speaking yesterday the Minister said he was going to have much destructive criticism from this side of the House. Let us then for a few moments give him something that is constructive. Agriculture needs many things at the present time and it will take more than five years to carry the work out. It will take the lifetime of any Government and even a longer period to do these things. I hope that when the Minister relinquishes office some progress can be shown for the term he spent as Minister for Agriculture. I have here——

Deputy Allen asks you to take your time. Do not be afraid.

Afraid of what?

I am in no hurry—no hurry in the world.

Afraid of what?

I was only wondering.

Surely the Minister is not suggesting that Deputy Walsh is afraid of the Minister?

I would be long sorry to think he was.

I would be, too.

The Deputy is trying to introduce a note of geniality into the proceedings. He would choke if he tried to do that too often.

Deputy Walsh should be allowed to continue his speech.

I was waiting for the conversation to finish.

We had to cover up your embarrassment.

Thanks. I am not a bit embarrassed. I do not get embarrassed as easily as all that.

If the Deputy had a neck like the Minister's he would not be embarrassed.

Some time before I left office, I was preparing schemes to benefit agriculture under the National Development Fund. It is well worth while recording the schemes we had in mind at that time and which we consider would be of immense value to agriculture. I admit they would cost a considerable sum of money but each one of the schemes is well worth following up.

We wanted advisory and demonstration work carried out. We wanted more buildings and equipment for Department schools and private agricultural schools. There is no necessity for me to dwell on the necessity for these things. If we are going to educate the youth of our country we must make preparations in our schools for the pupils. Consequently, it is necessary that greater provision be made in regard to the Department's schools and the private agricultural schools. Then there was the live-stock progeny testing station. We had already made provision in that case. I think it was approved. As a matter of fact, approval had been given on the 2nd June to some of the schemes I am going to mention but for some reason or another—I do not know why—they were rejected.

The progeny testing station for cattle has been placed in abeyance notwithstanding its importance to the country at the present time. There were grants for university research, control stations for poultry and eggs, establishment of a fish farm, credit at reduced rates of interest mainly for fertilisers. The schemes included also expansion of veterinary services, reclamation of marginal land and improvement of hill grazing, improved services under the farm buildings scheme and farm water supplies, disposal of sewage at creameries, heating of the Gaeltacht glasshouses, grants for factories for fancy cheeses, provision of facilities for growing onions, grants and loans to machinery contractors for lime and manure distributors, storage facilities for seed and ware potatoes, poultry development in Connemara and the provision of facilities for the production of foundation stocks of seed.

We had these schemes. There is plenty of work for the Minister for Agriculture. If he wants to increase agricultural production in the country it is by these methods it will be done. These are fundamental to increased production. It is up to the Minister to use the men in his Department, who are the finest body of men in any Department in this State, to put the flesh on the bones that are there. If these schemes are gone ahead with and utilised in the proper way they will yield good dividends.

Many of them are of the utmost importance and urgency at the present time. I would advise the Minister to get cracking on some of these schemes and not allow himself to be bulldozed by his colleagues on the ministerial benches.

Does the Deputy remember the Gresham Hotel conference? Was there not great bulldozing there?

There is no bulldozing as far as we are concerned. When a Fianna Fáil Government comes into this House there is unanimity on ministerial benches. There is no bulldozing. We believe in the well-being of the nation. We are of one mind on it and we know that it is only by having unanimity of outlook among Ministers that the country can succeed. It was because of that that we succeeded from 1951 to 1954 in repairing the damage that was created from 1948 to 1951. It was only in that way it was done. I regret to say that the same pattern is being followed in agriculture now as was followed then. I hope some speaker on the opposite benches has the courage—he will not be a farmer—to repudiate the statements I have made regarding agriculture at the present time. If any farmer does repudiate the statement, he is no credit to the agricultural community.

Before tendering my own contribution to this debate I would like to deal with a few remarks of the ex-Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Walsh. In the course of an interjection by me which, I suppose, like all interjections, was disorderly, I stated that Deputy Walsh, when he guaranteed a price of 48/- a barrel for feeding barley, succeeded in losing somewhere between £220,000 and £225,000 on a quantity of barley approximating to 36,000 tons and which, when examined, was found to have cost the Minister many more pounds per ton than the price which he paid for it because of excess moisture content. At that stage Deputy Aiken intervened to say: "I suppose Deputy Donegan objected to the farmers of County Louth getting 48/-a barrel for their feeding barley."

I am proud to say that, this year, as my contribution to the Minister's effort in introducing a contract system, I have succeeded in getting one firm at least to sign contracts for a figure exactly 1/6 less—46/6 of a minimum for 8,000 barrels of feeding barley in County Louth, and I am also quite proud to say that I think I have done more for the farmers of Louth in the very short time I have been here than Deputy Aiken has done during his whole period of office.

Do not praise yourself too soon.

I go so far as to say that the only occasion on which I heard Deputy Aiken discuss agriculture I heard him mention wheat in hand stacks in County Louth. I have been looking at it for 25 years, and I never saw it in a hand stack and neither did anybody else.

You must never be out on the land.

Not in hand stacks. In approaching this Estimate it is wise to consider the amount of money that is being voted—nearly £5,000,000. If we consider the number of males employed on the land we find that, if we dispensed with the Minister and the whole Department, and had a skeleton staff to distribute this money through the offices of the Department of Social Welfare, who would know these people who are employed on the land, all we could afford by direct subsidy would be about £10 per head. We have heard many suggestions from the opposite benches with regard to direct subsidy. All that the direct subsidy can give the farming population of this country is £10 per head per year. That is all it can provide.

If we are to stimulate and encourage agricultural production, one means by which we can do it is by the stimulation of reproduction, by the introduction of ground limestone to the land which, for an expenditure of £1, will give the farmer £3, by the introduction of all the other schemes which the present Minister for Agriculture initiated and which the Opposition now decry or, if they do not decry it, they try to jump on the bandwagon and take credit for it. There is one other way, that is by the education of men's minds. There we have the parish plan.

Before I discuss either the parish plan or ground limestone I would like to discuss corn, because in County Louth we have an economy in which the production of corn is uppermost. We have this year a decline in the wheat acreage of approximately 70,000 acres and we have an increase in the barley and oats acreage, which leaves us with a greater tillage acreage than we have had before.

I want to praise the Minister for Agriculture and to point out that there are six, or seven or eight counties in Ireland which, in my view, definitely subscribe to his view that the only policy for agriculture in this country is one more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough, but that these counties subscribe to it in a different way from that which is generally understood. The counties to which I refer are those which invariably produce more corn and more grain than they could use—Louth, Wexford, Carlow, parts of Tipperary, parts of Cork and you know the rest.

We now have a decrease in the acreage under wheat. I am pleased to observe from the figures supplied by the Department of Agriculture for deliveries to and mill intake in respect of the 1953 harvest—which I presume is the only one we should take, last year's season being so wet—that 7.34 barrels per statute acre were delivered to the mills. If we have to-day 400,000 acres of wheat—the Estimate of the Department of Agriculture is that we have from 370,000 to 400,000— we will have 354,000 tons of wheat to mill next harvest from Irish farms. If the figure is 370,000 we will still have more wheat next harvest than Fianna Fáil wanted when they issued their instructions through their various Ministries on January 17th of last year. Their figure was 300,000 tons and we have still got more. In addition, we have more oats and more barley and it is inevitable that a great quantity of barley and oats must be marketed.

The Minister has introduced the contract system. The contract system, if it can be implemented in full in the years to come, is the ideal answer for the internal usage of our grain. Over the last ten years we have imported maize and milo-maize to the value of approximately £5,000,000 per year. There is not the slightest reason why that £5,000,000 cannot be put into the pockets of the Irish farmers who increase tillage and subscribe to the policy of one more cow, one more sow, one more acre under the plough.

The greatest contribution towards the advancement of this idea of internal usage was made by the present Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon, when he introduced, in 1951, his Grain Storage Loans Bill. As a result, we have to-day, for an expenditure, including the amount in this year's Estimate, of £1,100,000, grain storage for 100,000 tons more than we had at the end of the war. Many thousands of tons of that grain storage can be put to the very excellent use of storing barley which can supplant our imports of maize.

Our barley trade can be improved but there is only one way in which the Minister can do it. He has subscribed towards it very fully by the introduction of the contract system. At the moment the system does not embrace all our barley, but we hope that will be possible in the years to come. A contract system in malt and barley is possible because one firm buys three-quarters of our entire output. Many firms buy maize. What is wrong with a firm in Monaghan about which I can speak using up to 20 tons of maize per day, which is approximately 6,000 tons per year, making an arrangement, if overdrafts could be guaranteed, with a firm in Ardee which can store 60,000 barrels of grain, to supply 6,000 tons of feeding barley during the year? The difficulties in the way of such an arrangement are that the overdraft must inevitably be guaranteed.

Otherwise we hand over to men who are at the top of their business and these men will be left with the monopoly and with the right to say what we want. If the Minister can guarantee the overdraft and suggest a means as to how such an arrangement can be implemented, there is no reason why that maize should come from Dublin port but from Louth, having been produced in Monaghan which at the moment uses much more than it produces. I know that there are difficulties, but no man can tell what the price of maize will be in the months to come. This 60,000 tons of maize is but one little economy; there could be hundreds of these economies, certainly tens of them. There would be a certain gamble because of the uncertainty as to whether maize in the world market would drop or rise in the following month. That is a problem which must be met either by arrangement with the trade or by the trade taking up a contract system. If the Minister induces the trade to take up a contract system he will have made a contribution to agriculture which will live long after him.

The Minister is to introduce a Bill in the very near future called the Seed Production Bill. I think it is long overdue and, while speaking on the Estimate for Agriculture, I think it is not out of order to suggest that when introducing the Bill he should refer to the delay and say that he will get for the farmer the extra profit which is his due. All over the world a system has been introduced in places where the geographical position of areas means that they are suitable for the production of seed—where, in a peninsula, pollination cannot take place. The same applies to where mountain ranges occur. I can think of one such area which would suit the production of corn seeds—the Coolea Peninsula— where we have 470 farmers with average holdings of ten statute acres. These farmers do not use the combine harvesters because their fields are too small. They have not got economic holdings. They are excellent men who farm in the traditional manner and produce grain of high quality which they market for seed. From this area could come all the seed that this country needs. From it could come pedigree seed of a very high quality.

Speaking very seriously, I believe that this Seed Production Bill may mean one of the biggest things in agriculture we have had so far. The present Minister is the first Minister for Agriculture who did make the farmers realise by his publicity campaign the value of the use of fertilisers and of ground limestone. Before he became Minister there was no ground limestone and a week ago the Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy Flanagan, was able to make a statement that 810,000 tons of ground limestone were used last year. That is a very happy position. It is a still happier position to realise that we have 49 plants this year capable of producing 1,500,000 tons of ground limestone and that our output per acre should improve proportionately. We are not a rich nation. We have to spend here at the moment £10 per male employed on the land per year. Can you get any male employee who is satisfied with a potential increase in his income of £10? The only way we can better that is by the use of ground limestone, by the eradication of bovine tuberculosis and by participation in all the other such schemes introduced by the Minister. A nitrogen factory is to be built. This factory should not be centralised in Dublin but should be established in some central position within easy reach of the grain growing counties.

We have an awful lot to do yet. I notice in the Irish Farmers' Journal of January 14th, 1955, an article stating that the Dutch Government has built a pilot plant to make potash from seawater. That may seem far-flung to attempt but it gives us an idea of the potential that is there and suggests that we must follow up these potentials in all parts of the world. But the first and last law the Minister for Agriculture must follow is that we have not got the money to give a direct subsidy for every person engaged in agriculture. And when we do subsidise such products as ground limestone and fertilisers we must ensure that when we spend a pound we may get £3 back. Our wealth is in the land and in the land alone.

With regard to pigs and pig progeny testing, on Wednesday, 20th April, 1955, I addressed a question to the Minister for Agriculture asking him to state the comparative consumption of meals per lb. of live weight gain of the Large White and Landrace breed of pigs. I could not get a list of the type of pigs generally used in this country but I am concerned that the type used should compare favourably with any pig in any part of the world, and I want the Minister to say that we are on our way to getting it as quickly as possible. I have been very interested in this matter and in the Irish Farmers' Journal of Saturday, 19th February, 1955, there is a report of a letter addressed by Professor Helmar Clausen, director of pig progeny testing in Denmark, to a British farming paper. Dr. Clausen stated that there are only two pedigree Large White herds left in Denmark and said that the Large White pig in Britain could be brought up to the level of the Danish Landrace by seven years' progeny testing. We are now to have a progeny testing station and we hope that the results from it and the stock which will eventually emerge from it will improve two things—our rate of conversion and the consumption per lb. of meal.

Doctor Clausen is recognised as the expert on the continent on pig progeny testing and we shall see what he had to say, as reported in the paper mentioned. Under the heading of Landrace conversion Doctor Clausen states:

"There are only two pedigree Large White herds left in Denmark. Although the Large White has had the same progeny testing facilities as the Landrace for the past 50 years, the carcase quality from the pedigree Large White herds has been lower than the carcase quality of all commercial pigs in Denmark for the past ten years."

Doctor Clausen emphasises that there is very little relationship between show ring judging and commercial qualities in pigs. Examination of live pigs has, however, some part to play in such matters as determining the number of teats on an animal, determining the soundness of the visual parts of the reproductory organs and in getting an idea of the constitution of the pig. He goes on to say that in Copenhagen Zoo they found a wild pig and in seven years they succeeded in bringing that pig up to standard by crossing him with a Landrace to the point where the pig had the same conversion rate as the Landrace which had been bred over 50 years before.

His opinion is that the Large White will not give the same quick results. In an issue of the Irish Farmers' Journal of Saturday November 21st, 1953, there is a table of consumption of food per lb. of live-weight gain in pigs in Denmark through the years. In 1909-1910 a lb. of pig meat was produced for every 3.77 lb. of meals consumed; in 1919-1921 that figure was down to 3.59; in 1929-1930 it was down to 3.39; in 1939-40 it was down to 3.22; and in 1951-1952 it was down to 3.05. Approximately four years ago—I cannot say the exact year, but it was either 1950 or 1951—I heard Professor Senior read a paper to the Statistical Society in which he stated that in the Albert College the rate of conversion was 1 lb. of pig meat to every 3.8 lb. of meal fed. Now the comparison there with 1951-1952 is 3.05. That may seem small, but it really means that to get the same amount of pig meat the Irish farmer has to feed one ton of meal for every 16¼ cwt. that the Danish farmer has to feed.

I understand that pig production has reached a stage where, if one goes in for pig production, one does not think of 20 or 40 pigs but one thinks in terms of 100, 200 or 1,000 pigs and one computes one's profit at the rate of £1 or 10/- per pig. If the Danish and the Dutch farmer are in the happy position that they have only got to feed 16 cwt. of meal for every ton we feed, is it not true they can cut our price on the British market?

It is true that the very serious veterinary objections which the Minister mentioned in his reply to my question are there. The British Ministry excluded the Landrace. As I said, I hold no brief for the Landrace. The British excluded the Landrace for a period because one pig in a particular shipment was found to be suffering from rhinitis. After a period they allowed them in and there has been no trouble since. I think with very, very careful supervision foundation stocks from any part of the world could be brought in here.

A very natural sequence of events followed on the prohibition of the Landrace from England. There was no prohibition in the Channel Islands and astute farmers in the Channel Islands built up herds of Landrace waiting for the time when the restriction on their import to Britain would cease and they could cash in. If it is the case that veterinary objections preclude us from taking in any pig from any part of the world, be it Large White, Landrace or anything else, which could be tested here and might possibly prove to be of better value than the pig we have, could we not bring a foundation stock to some island off the coast in order to carry out testing; that stock could be kept there in quarantine for any period of time, years if necessary? I make that suggestion to the Minister. I think possibly the Department of Agriculture, particularly the veterinary section of it, is a little bit stultified. Possibly the veterinary officers of the Department like to play safe; but if the farmers are going to be forced out of pig production, they cannot afford to play safe. I think extreme measures are possibly necessary and the Minister should turn the problem over in his mind and examine it very, very carefully.

Yesterday the Minister referred to a letter of Deputy de Valera's on the parish plan in which Deputy de Valera said that he had nothing against the parish plan. Why, then, did he not implement that plan from 1951 to 1954? Why was it jettisoned? The cheapest commodity in the world to-day is knowledge and education. The cheapest commodity that can be bought is knowledge. If we have to acquire knowledge in the hard field of experience we dissipate our lives and finances in doing so. If we can get it by contact with those who are experts, then we are fortunate indeed.

The unit in this country will always be the parish. If for every three parishes there is one expert available to the farming community, surely we will have made a step forward. I could not care less whether these experts are attached to the Department of Agriculture or to the county committees. Whatever they are attached to, their knowledge will be passed on without bias. Anybody who tries to come between the parish plan and the Irish farmer will be crushed inevitably. I believe the plan will be successful. I appeal to everyone not to detract in any way from what is at the present moment only a blueprint. Mistakes will be made. It will be the duty of the Deputies here to tell the Minister of those mistakes in order to have them rectified. We cannot tell the Minister in advance what mistakes will be made since he has more knowledge at his disposal than we have.

I said at the outset that the only way in which we can stimulate agriculture is by subsidy and encouragement in connection with those things which reproduce themselves. I note in the Estimates a figure of £2,900,000 for land reclamation. There never would have been land reclamation, notwithstanding Marshall Aid, had Deputy James Dillon not been Minister for Agriculture in the years 1948-1951 because there is not the slightest shadow of a doubt that, had the Fianna Fáil Government been in office, Deputy Lemass would have collared all that for industry and commerce. Fortunately Marshall Aid was injected into agriculture and, as a result, we are more prosperous to-day than we would otherwise have been.

Any sane, thinking man knows that what I say is true. The lime subsidy this year will cost £600,000. According to the Parliamentary Secretary's figure, it will probably cost more. I hope it will cost twice as much. No one is responsible for that lime subsidy but Deputy James Dillon, Minister for Agriculture. As far back as the 1930's the Fianna Fáil Party had the advantage of experiments in the use of ground limestone. For 17 years they sat, stagnant, in their benches and refused to give the Irish farmers anything except the price of a calf skin.

The present Minister has been maligned in the last hour by the Opposition. He has been described as the Minister for Grass. An attempt was made by his predecessor to show that we are more interested in the production of cattle through grass rather than from corn. Why then did the present Opposition when they were in Government not put through this House the Grain Storage (Loans) Act, which was passed by the inter-Party Government in 1951, and which gave the Irish farmer an opportunity of marketing his grain. You did not do it because you had no interest in anything but votes and subsidies. Since that Grain Storage Loans Act was introduced, a figure of £1,100,000 has been injected into it and that means that there is 100,000 tons more storage for Irish grain than there was at the end of the war and at the end of 17 years of your administration. If that is the Minister for Grass I would like to hear the reason why he is Minister for Grass. If he wants 100,000 tons more of Irish grain, then surely he is Minister for Corn and Minister for the Irish farmer.

I should like to congratulate the Minister on his very opportune and— shall we say?—certainly delayed beginning of the eradication of bovine tuberculosis scheme. We are behind in this matter. The countries of Canada, America, Holland and of England are far ahead. This is a country which is producing quality beef. We must, therefore, work for the English market and if we do not we must go to the wall. The bovine tuberculosis scheme will certainly prove again that the Minister for Agriculture is the only man who can put Ireland on its feet.

With regard to cattle, I heard the previous Minister for Agriculture state that Britain needed from 200,000 to 250,000 tons of beef per year. The figure Mr. W.A. Smith, a famous agriculturist, gives is 275,000 tons of beef as the requirement of the British market. Irish-bred beef is getting a premium for quality and Irish beef must, therefore, rely on quality. We are getting a quality price for a quality product, and if we are, we must put it up. Therefore, the prudent choice of the Minister for Agriculture, as mentioned in his statement yesterday, that we must all place our confidence in the Shorthorn cow is indeed most certainly a wise one. I, like the Minister, have a couple of Friesians and I, like the Minister, would like Deputy Moher to come along and buy the bull calves.

If we are to export quality beef— and here again I may get derisive howls from the Fianna Fáil Benches— I would like to ask the Minister for Agriculture to impress on the Minister for Lands that the fattening lands of County Meath are one of the most valuable assets that we have. Every factory in this country has a finishing shop. It would be as silly for a boot factory to close its finishing shop and sell all its production as seconds as it would be for us to divide or dissipate or in any other way touch the fattening lands of Meath and Kildare. They must be there to fatten cattle that cannot be fattened on the land. I can tell of a farmer in County Louth who has one field of 11 acres and it is worth more to that farmer than half his farm —and he has a very extensive farm— because every beast that passes through his hands goes through that field at some time. In that field the grass grows for a month longer in the autumn and comes a month earlier in the spring. That is an asset, and there are many of those assets. I would appeal to the Minister to make representations in any way he likes to the Minister for Lands to make sure that these are not touched.

With the end of the bulk-buying period, the British housewife, as I said, has her choice. I believe, in the trade, that if it were possible for the prices to be available to be announced in November for the following year instead of March it would give the farmer—who is really buying ahead when he buys his stores—a very great guarantee of profit. Our production of beef is something I cannot compare with the production in England and Scotland, but I would imagine we are quite a sizable producer for the British market and perhaps it would be possible for the Minister to make representations also to the British Minister of Food that the prices should be announced months earlier if that is possible.

I am proud to stand behind the Minister for Agriculture, and that is because I know why he places his faith in the land of Ireland—because his family has suffered for the land of Ireland. I know that not two miles from where I live the present Minister for Agriculture's father was arrested and apprehended for telling the farmers that they were paying too high a rent and that they could not leave their land in the autumn better than they found it in the spring if they continued to do so. The best way out was not to pay their rents and see what would happen.

The late John Dillon received six months in Dundalk jail for that speech and I am proud to say in my parish there were 20 men to walk 20 miles behind the jail cart to the town of Dundalk and 20 men to meet him outside the jail when he came out after six months. I know then why the Minister for Agriculture places all his faith in the land, because it is only from the land of this country we get reproduction and multiplication of our assets and finances. I would like to ask him to redouble his efforts for the land of Ireland and if he does, then, surely he will redouble his efforts for all the people of this country.

I want to preface my remarks by saying that unlike Deputy Donegan, I do not want to be a cheer-boy of the Minister for Agriculture or any ex-Minister and any views which I put to the House are views which I have studied and am convinced are correct. I want to say at the outset and I want to remind every farmer Deputy on the opposite benches that, fundamentally, everything we have got here in the form of live stock has been imported from Great Britain and we have adopted the extraordinary notion that the best stud farm in the world is across the Channel. That is to my mind a dominating fallacy in everything that has been put forward not alone from the benches opposite but from some of my colleagues on the benches here. There is no unanimity. We should once and for all remove from our minds the fallacy that the best stud farm is the one in Great Britain. It has been proven to us within the past ten or 15 years that is not the case, but we still refuse to accept the evidence which has been so plentifully offered to us.

We have a habit here of importing an alien and wrapping the green flag round it, putting it into a shrine and then going down on our knees and worshipping it as the best in the world. That is the mistake I think that is being made. We in this country if we did not suffer from that inherent inferiority complex would or should examine everything objectively and see where we should go to find what by facts and figures is. or has been proven to be, the best in anything in the form of live stock that we would import to improve our foundation stock in this country.

Before I go into anything in detail I would like generally to refer to the statements made by the Minister in his opening speech. In regard to the particular note on which he opened, he did not give me the impression that 42 inches of rainfall was an advantage to us. He seemed to think that those people who had half that rainfall were in an advantageous position. I hope that I did not interpret his statement incorrectly but if I am correct he seemed to imply that there was a definite disadvantage in our having here an average rainfall of 42 inches. The very opposite, of course, is the case.

Did he not say that other countries would be glad to have the same?

I may have interpreted him incorrectly. However, I can discuss the matter from the angle that we agree that 42 inches of rainfall on an average is a decided advantage. Thinking in terms of grass we must think also in terms of grass as a commodity when measured against the uses made of it and the advantages that our competitors have in the same field. I maintain that with that 42 inches of rainfall we have an advantage over the New Zealander. The New Zealander may have a milder winter and he may be able to reduce labour costs by avoiding the housing of cattle in winter. But let us not forget that in a country where such enormous strides have been made in the production of grass, and that in a scientific way, the New Zealander is exposed to one serious impediment that would not naturally affect us.

The New Zealander is subjected to recurrent droughts, a calamity in many instances because you can well realise that treating grass as they do, as a crop, and not as a gift from God or an accident of nature as we do, to them grass is a highly scientific crop and a comparatively expensive one. In a drought they are apt to lose very considerably in having their swards turned into a brown turf. That is one of the technical advantages which we would have, had we given down through the years the attention to grass that the New Zealanders have given. Then again we have the technical advantage that their main market is something like 14,000 miles away while ours is within 50 or 60 miles. These are advantages which we could use from the competitive angle and if we adopted the same technique as they have in the matter of grass production we could outbid them at any time.

Then you have people who say the natural fertility of the soil in New Zealand is greater than the general fertility of the soil of Ireland. That in itself is an absolute fallacy and anybody who has read Dr. Holmes's report on conditions in New Zealand will readily realise that we have here again a decided advantage over the New Zealander. In his report here in 1948 he summarised the matter in one sentence when he said: "The best land in the country is growing physically as little as it is possible for it to do under an Irish sky." I believe in that one sentence he summarised the position here. He summarised basically and fundamentally the snag from which we suffer, the big impediment which has kept us out of the competitive world in so many fields.

Before I leave making the comparison between this country and New Zealand let me quote what he said in his book on New Zealand soils.

What is the Deputy quoting from?

I am quoting an extract from a report in 1948 on New Zealand soils by Dr. Holmes. It is an excerpt which I used at column 998, Volume 146, of the Official Debates of 1st July, 1954:—

"The soils for the most part are poor, light sands or gravels or stiff clay, deficient in lime and phosphate. Their fertile seeming surface is due to hard toil and scientific treatment by which the farmers have sought to improve them."

Therefore, we can see that not all the advantages are on the side of the New Zealander. We can see we have climatic and physical advantages and proximity to the main market which are major factors from the competitive angle as between ourselves and the New Zealanders but we suffer from having failed to develop their techniques in the production of grass and in the testing of soil developed a good many years ago.

We have not yet scratched the surface. Actually in this State facilities for the development of the technique of grass production are very limited. Somebody from the opposite side may say to me: "Did you ever hear of Johnstown Castle?" Of course, I did, but that is only scratching the surface of the problem. It is a very wide problem, one which requires regional examination and what might be suitable at Johnstown may not be suitable generally in the country. The problem requires a very exhaustive study which has not been made so far, with the result that we are in this disadvantageous position in the matter of competing with any grass product on the English market.

Besides the enormous exports of dairy products, the New Zealanders have developed the technique of allowing sheep as followers on their cattle and cow grazing lands and it might surprise Deputies opposite to know that last year they exported to Great Britain some 12,000,000 sheep carcases in addition to the enormous amount of dairy products exported from that country.

Our Department of Agriculture might examine the potentialities for the increased export of mutton to Great Britain. Our seasons are opposite to those of New Zealand—their summer season, in which they might export the bulk of their mutton, is opposite to ours, so we might come in to fill a substantial gap which remains in the imports of mutton from New Zealand to the British market.

On their sheep farms they carry something like eight ewes and their lambs to the acre. In an experiment recently in three mixed farms, the following interesting figures were produced. The three mixed farms in that recent experiment produced as follows per acre per year. No. 1, a mixed farm, produced 142 lb. of lamb and 110 lb. of beef, giving a total meat output per acre of 259 lb. On the second farm, they produced 215 lb. of lamb and 44 lb. of beef, giving a total output of 259 lb. of meat per acre. On the third farm, which was exclusively a sheep farm, they produced 254 lb. of mutton. One of the striking features of that table is the resemblance between the gross output in each of the three tests—you have 259 lb. each on the farms where beef and mutton were carried as mixed live stock, and where sheep were carried exclusively you have 254 lb., just a variation of 5 lb. In addition to that, on the first two farms there were 43 lb. and 61 lb. of wool, respectively, and 80 lb. on the farm that was exclusively a sheep farm.

Is it not a bad country to make a comparison with?

In what way?

We have so different a climate and every other condition is different.

We have the advantage in climate. When I started off I prefaced my remarks, before making comparisons, by giving to the House the advantages which we have over the New Zealander. I will summarise them again. First of all, there are the repeated droughts which have, in a number of seasons, created devastation amongst their scientifically produced grasses. We are not subject to that. Another disadvantage is the distance they are from their main market —14,000 miles. We have this market here on our doorstep. All the advantages are on our side, if we were to adopt methods as scientific and as progressive as they have. Again, the inherent fertility of Irish soil is far superior to that of New Zealand. Most of the New Zealand wool and mutton is produced on the farms on the foothills. We have done nothing whatever to develop our marginal land from a scientific angle to produce mutton and wool.

They have much milder winters. They have not to house their stock at all in New Zealand.

I mentioned that point. That is one of their advantages. All they do in the winter is strap a rope on each of their animals and allow them to roam around. That is the only disadvantage we have, if we were to develop a technique that would put us on a competitive comparison with them.

The Minister when speaking yesterday gave what I consider a rather belated warning on the position that we face in regard to the competitive market in England. We need not have waited until yesterday to realise that ultimately we would have to face competition and that the easy going of the post-war period was bound to end. It ended long ago in the matter of dairy products. Every Deputy is aware that there was a time when we could sell all the cheese we could produce here, when we could sell all the milk powder we could produce; but for quite a long time we are out, out because we failed to compete, when normal conditions began to return and normal channels of supply were resumed in England. We were there merely to supply a pro tem need and when normal conditions returned we had to gather up our impedimenta and clear out. I have said here before that if you fail to compete in one dairy product you fail to compete in every one, you are out for all the others.

Were the New Zealand farmers subjected to the tyranny of Irish landlordism, which was the worst in the world?

I would love to sit down outside this House and have an historical review with Deputy Madden, but I am afraid the Ceann Comhairle would not permit me to develop that particular thesis now. We are out for cheese and for powdered milk and we are threatened in the chocolate crumb market. The British at the moment are producing something like 400,000,000 gallons of milk surplus to their normal liquid requirements. Within the past year and a half they have erected five large chocolate crumb factories. They have purchased on the island of Anglesey a particular creamery with an annual intake of 6,000,000 gallons. They are compelled to sell any milk in excess of their liquid requirements at 1/8 a gallon and you can be certain they will produce from that milk the product which is the most profitable—and that product we know to be chocolate crumb. They will not produce butter, because generally—there may be times when it is not—butter is one of the most depressed products into which you can manufacture milk.

There was an appeal by the Minister to farmers to reduce the cost of production. That was the appeal, but there is a question which we all can answer. I believe the Irish farmer is as ingenious and as hard-working as any farmer in the world, but he is entitled to ask one thing: "Give us the competitive tools and we will do it." He is entitled to ask that. That is the only way he can do it. If he has not got a conversion unit comparable with out competitors, then do not blame him if he is not able to compete.

In my speech on this Estimate last year I was subjected to what one might call an inquisition by the Minister for Agriculture. I am glad to say that, in his reply, he was gracious enough to pay me a tribute, for if I had expounded a certain thesis I was prepared to defend it. So far as agriculture is concerned, I have not the slightest intention of being a cheer boy to any particular individual in this House. When I come here I propose to say what I believe to be true.

I think that if we had from all sides of the House the same approach we might, together, do something that would fundamentally change the structure of Irish agriculture. We might do something that would return us to that competitive place in the dairying world which we held many years ago and from which we are now hurled. I would never be the one to come here and preach defeatism and say that there is no road back. I will have the honour to disagree with some of the statements made by the Minister for Agriculture before I sit down—not because I am speaking from this side of the House but because I believe that some of the statements he made are a fallacy and a heresy.

When we speak of grass one of the points one must put to oneself is, of course, that if we produce more grass we must have something to eat it. If we adopt the grass technique it should be co-ordinated with the development of and the increase in our live stock. There would be no use in our introducing an improved grass technique without, at the same time, increasing the number of animals we could set out on it.

The Minister and other Deputies have spoken about extending the beef industry, about going in and taking that red meat deficit which is there for the taking in Great Britain. Do we not know that we cannot have an extended beef industry without, at the same time, having an extended dairying industry? Does the one thing not hinge on the other? If we have, roughly, 1,250,000 cows, and if we can produce the maximum number of calves from this 1,250,000 cows do we not know that is the limit and that we cannot have an increased beef industry without an extended dairying industry? If we follow the general pattern which is being set in this country of the grazier in the flatlands and the midlands waiting for the calf as the by-product of the dairying industry then we cannot have an extended beef industry with-cut having an extended dairying industry. The one thing hinges on the other and if you argue anything else then you are arguing in terms that are contradictory.

I do not know whether the Minister repeated it in this House but recently he made a speech in which he suggested that it would be wise for us to suckle some of our calves to dairy cows. With that, again, I thoroughly disagree. Remember, if the small farmer in the South took the Minister's advice and decided to suckle some of his calves under his dairy cows it would automatically reduce the number of calves going into the grazing areas. Do Deputies not see what would happen? There is no use in our talking about introducing a better grass technique if, for instance, the farmers in my area of east Cork decided to put four or five cows on their holdings to be suckled by calves. It would automatically reduce the number of calves going out of the dairying areas and that would be reflected in the number of stores available to the grazing areas.

If the Minister said: "If you want to increase the number of live stock, if you want to increase our gross output in beef, then my advice to the people on the grazing lands is to suckle the pure beef calf under the pure beef cow," they would not do it. A farmer in the North Dublin area once said to me: "You could not do that on my land. My land is too good. I would not waste my land doing a thing like that. Anyway, I cannot. Young cattle under a year old do not thrive there." A question which posed itself to me immediately in regard to that particular farmer's statement was whether, despite all his praise of his land, the land was suffering from mineral deficiency. We know that animals under a certain age will not survive on lands that are deficient in minerals.

We also know that animals beyond a certain age will thrive on lands where there are certain mineral deficiencies. I submit that the Minister's suggestion was prompted by the statement I made from these benches last year that any Minister for Agriculture would regard an excess of dairy products as something radioactive in his Department. The Minister did not want any fissionable material in his Department. I submit he made the suggestion in the hope that a certain amount of milk would be consumed in the dairying areas in producing that type of calf.

There is another reason why I should nail such a suggestion on the spot. You cannot have a beef economy based on small farmers. You can only have a mixed farming and dairying economy on the small farm and the reasonably comparative figures between the income per acre from milk and beef—these are approximations which could be worked out much more closely, but it will be found that I am not far wrong—are that milk will give roughly £33 per acre and beef, even at to-day's high prices, an average of something like £18 per acre. That is why the small man cannot survive as a beef rancher. You cannot survive as a beef rancher unless you have the broad acres.

Yesterday the only intervention I made was when the Minister was enunciating some of his live-stock theories. He did ask me whether I do this and whether I do that, and I made a promise then that, when I came to speak, I would deal with the interjection I made in a detailed and exhaustive way and in a far more satisfactory way than I could deal with it by way of interjection or interruption during the Minister's speech. I want to say that the Minister is one of the greatest live-stock heretics in the country, and he is a wilful heretic, in that he enunciates a belief without producing any concrete evidence to prove it. If I were to get up on this side, I could "blah" back in the very same way and we would still get nowhere. I do not know who would be impressed in the end, but the Minister's rhetorical ability might come out on top. Stripped of his rhetorical gymnastics, however, the only way I can endeavour to compete with him——

I thought there would be a sting in the tail of that.

——is by producing factual evidence. I heard the Minister in University College, Dublin a year ago last December, getting away with what I deemed to be red murder. To the person who thinks in terms not of rhetoric but of mathematics, it was red murder, and 500 or 600 students at the back cheered him to the echo. He made one glowing statement after another about dairy Shorthorns and about the brown boots, navy blue suits and fedora hats of the farmers' sons. He was cheered to the echo.

Nach raibh an ceart agam?

He sent them roving through the country, not in Prefects but in A.40's and Somersets and he left the hall amidst the applause of the audience. I hand it to the Minister, not so much as a person who came in to argue factually, but as a performer, and I said, when speaking about it the following day, that if James Dillon was never Minister for Agriculture, he could find a place any day on the stage.

Stripped of all the rhetoric and all the rhetorical gymnastics, his speech yesterday might be summarised as saying to poor old Cait Ni Houlihan: "Keep on the black." That is the substance of what he said. Gone are the days of that second flood. We will drown them in eggs, he said; we will smother them with bacon; and we will choke them with butter.

I do not recollect ever saying any such thing.

I often heard you say I said it.

The worst of it is that the thing has recoiled like a boomerang on us and to-day the farmers are in the unfortunate position that they find themselves plastered with eggs, scalded in bacon fat and floating in butter fat. That is the position we find ourselves in to-day. The Minister was entitled to his little political frolic, but one of the things with which I disagree is that, on such an important Estimate — the foremost Minister in this country, no matter what place convention gives him in the Cabinet, is the Minister for Agriculture, because he is the Minister who directs the country's basic industry and the Minister on whose success or failure the whole economic structure of the country survives or crumbles—the Minister should come in here and use the occasion of the making of his statement on such an important matter as the Estimate for his Department as a political score-off on his opponents. It is bad form. For that reason, I do not want to do or say anything which I have already condemned, but I do want to say that, in making his comparison, the Minister cited the worst weather year in a half century. He quoted the year 1948, but he forgot one thing, that Irish agriculture had gone through a telling time——

Sixteen years of Fianna Fáil.

——between 1939 and 1945. He forgot to mention that the farmers had dissipated the only real wealth they owned, the accumulated fertility of their soil.

Hear, hear!

They dissipated that fertility in feeding the non-agricultural sections of our community. Everyone will agree that, in the main, they unselfishly and magnanimously dissipated that reserve to provide food for the non-agricultural sections and to make us the best-fed people in Europe. If, in 1948, we did not have the production figures which we could have this year or last year, the main and fundamental reason was that we had dissipated the accumulated reserves in our soil for the common good.

When the Minister referred to breeds I was confused by his statement and I will possibly clear my rather impregnable cranium when I have an opportunity of reading his speech in the Official Report. But one of the things that we need never be afraid of, no matter what our foundation stock is, is the Hereford or Aberdeen Angus, because these are two breeds that continually colour mark, and you cannot mongrelise those two breeds. We have to accept the idea that our farmers are mature and intelligent, and we cannot make statements implying that the use of the Aberdeen Angus and Hereford bulls would ruin our foundation stock. Any farmer has the means available to him of preserving the foundation stock, no matter what that stock is, because if there are Friesians in some of our artificial insemination stations, there are always Shorthorn bulls there.

I do not claim that I am an authority, but I do claim that I have normal powers of observation. My association with farmers and farming is such as to make me believe that the farmers are intelligent enough not to be treated by people who look down their noses and speak about them as if they were subnormal or imbeciles. Any dairy farmer in this country will do one thing if he is wise, he will produce his own replacements, because it is the only guarantee he has against his stock being completely wiped out by the scourge of abortion. You show me any farmer who has made a habit of going to the fairs and purchasing his replacements. One of the things you can be certain of is that he will do it until he has been taught his lesson, and he will be scourged off the face of the earth by that awful disease, contagious abortion.

Let us assume that our dairy farmers are intelligent enough to produce, no matter what their foundation stock is, their own replacements. The facilities are available now at the artificial insemination stations. There is no use in trying to confuse the issue, and talking about mongrelising a breed by the use of Aberdeen Angus and Hereford bulls, because we have the advantage that they are breeds that colour mark.

Let me issue one warning to the Minister: the greatest crime ever committed against the foundation stock of this country, and which is still being perpetuated, was the introduction of the Scotch beef bull. That wretched animal ruined our dairy herds because that was one breed which did not colour mark. We had unscrupulous individuals in this country who brought these Scotch beef bulls into the dairying areas, mated them with Shorthorns and went to the fairs and sold their progeny in-calf to honest-to-god dairymen. That is a breed of cattle that the Minister should outlaw. That is one breed which has done most damage to the foundation stock, to the Irish dairy Shorthorn. I say these things from my own experience.

When Deputy Smith was Minister for Agriculture, I wrote a letter to him pointing out the danger and the devastation created by this Scotch beef bull in the dairying areas.

I am sure you got a very civil reply.

I did. I can at least claim that I was partly responsible for the withdrawal of the Scotch beef bulls from the dairying areas, but one of the first actions of the present Minister for Agriculture, when he went into office, was to sign a document on the dotted line for the return of the Scotch beef bull. He now talks about mongrelising breeds. Let us be clear on that, let us agree on that, let us not listen to the vested interests. If we have an interest in preserving the dairy Shorthorn stock, let us get rid of the Scotch beef bull.

When I spoke on the Minister's Estimate last year I spoke at considerable length. I produced a considerable amount of data, and made available, and placed on the record, the comparative yields and the comparative features of certain breeds of cattle. I am not going to be tempted to repeat the same thing in my contribution this year. I emphasise that I made available to the record and to this House a wealth of data discrediting in the main, the shorthorn cow as a dairy animal. To-night, in this House, I am going to produce conclusive evidence, apart from the very loose statements and blah which will discredit the dairy shorthorn even as a beef animal. When I have done that, we will have got rid of this phantom, once and for all. I have discredited it in last year's report. I would like anyone who should examine what I am going to say now, to examine it against the background of what I said last year, otherwise I might be tempted to repeat what I said last year, and subject the House to what might be an endurance test. I have not the slightest intention of doing that. I thoroughly disagree with all this howling and shouting and clamour about the dual purpose Shorthorn. The Minister there is a heretic amongst heathens, and a proselytiser amongst believers.

I give my views without reference to anybody, but I must, in speaking in this debate, address myself to the opening speech of the Minister. I propose to give my views, and to produce facts and figures to substantiate them. I will not try to get away with it, because I am not such a good performer as to get away with oratorical blah. Where I fail in my rhetorical set up I have to fall back, to supplement it, by my knowledge of mathematics.

You are doing nicely.

When I was speaking last year, I set out to prove that we had not or could not get in England a Shorthorn blood that we could ever hope would put us in the position of producing a competitive dairy cow. I can only repeat a table which I gave on that particular occasion. It was a report of the progeny tested by the British Milk Marketing Board. The number of pedigree bulls surveyed in the case of the Friesian breed was 3,281; bulls whose daughters averaged over 350 lb. of butter fat, 621, or 19 per cent. ; bulls whose daughters averaged over 400 lb. of butter fat, 141, or 4.9 per cent. Dairy Shorthorns: numbers of bulls surveyed, 2,140; number of bulls whose daughters averaged over 350 lb. of butter fat, 23, or 1 per cent.: number of daughters with average of 400 lb. butter fat, 2, or .01 per cent. Jersey: 962 bulls producing 159 daughters with an average of over 350 lb. butter fat, or 16.5 per cent. ; and with daughters over 400 lb. of butter fat, 65 or 6.7 per cent.

These figures would seem to prove that even in England, the fount of our supply of dairy Shorthorn bulls, there is not available a bull which would put us on a competitive basis or give us a cow that would be competitive from the dairy angle. Last year, I argued and produced data to show the superiority of the Dutch Friesian. I specifically and intentionally mentioned the words "Dutch Friesian" because we know that the British Friesian was developed without any reference to contour. We know that they thought only in terms of producing the maximum amount of milk. We know that they ended up with an animal that carried a very high maintenance which was a loose, badly shaped, ramshackle cow.

We know that to improve that breed they started some years ago by importing into Great Britain a number of Dutch Friesian bulls with certain genetical features that might in the main be used to repair the defects that are general in the Friesian breed in England.

Yesterday, the Minister spoke about the Friesians in England and used a phrase which I cannot recollect. I do not know the phrase but if the Minister gives it to me I will repeat it. I do not know what the Minister called them. In any event it was not very complimentary. Deputy Donegan, being the cheer boy of the Minister, said he had a few more Friesian bullocks which he staggered and straddled around the place. All those statements are loose statements. The Minister referred me to the cattle people. Why should I go to the vested interests to look for confirmation or denial of anything when you have facts produced without prejudice to any breed, facts which are produced and correlated on the performance and merit of the respective breeds tried out.

In my contribution to this debate last year I produced ample evidence to prove the superiority of the Friesian as a milker. I will now produce some evidence to prove the superiority of the Friesian as a store animal. The Minister is aware and any person who has made a study of the subject or who has gone after the facts will be aware that there are two outstanding surveys. There is nothing in this country that the Irish Department of Agriculture can produce by way of substantiation or refutation of any statement which is being made by any particular individual in regard to the beef qualities of any particular breed. Nothing has been done.

Yet we have responsible people going about the country—I am sure there are people who have done so on this side of the House as well—heretics amongst the heathens and proselytisers amongst the believers. That is the position.

Deputy Walsh can put that in his pipe and smoke it.

So can the Minister for Agriculture.

Deputy Walsh did not expect it but I expected it.

Deputy Walsh is entitled to his view but there seems to be on that side of the House a kind of inferiority complex about the infallibility of certain people on this side of the House. Immediately you pin-point a defect on that side of the House they say: "There is such a fellow on the other side." I am not concerned one way or another with that. I am concerned with producing facts and I welcome the opportunity of coming to this House to place on record some of the facts in refutation and repudiation of the blah we have been listening to.

I know there are people in my own Party whose outlook is purely parochial. It is no use for me to try to get the man in Kildare, Meath or Westmeath to accept my view but there are none so blind as those who will not see. There is no cure for invincible blindness. Those people will refuse to accepts facts and figures. They will accept the blah of the Minister for Agriculture. If he goes into any of those places and puts up another one of his performances it will be accepted in the main but where has it got us? As a performer, the Minister will be given the laurels but where has it got us? It has got us nowhere.

The Minister came in yesterday and quoted facts and figures. He quoted one figure after another. Plus, plus, plus. That is what we got. Remember that there is an O.E.E.C. report published recently. The accepted figure for the physical volume of our increase is something around 8 per cent. There is an O.E.E.C. report published recently which puts the average increase, even amongst the devastated countries in Europe, at 30 per cent. So I ask, have we any reason, have we any right, to be complacent? We have not. There is no use in any of us putting up stage shows or counter-shows. We will have to face the facts and we will have to do something fundamental to alter it.

What would you have us do?

Will the Minister allow me to proceed? By the time I have finished I hope I will have completed the picture to his satisfaction. I would remind the Minister that I am only a freshman in this House.

Go away out of that. You are a seasoned old practitioner.

I suffer from all the disabilities and disadvantages of not having taken the pulse of this House. I suffer from all the disadvantages of a new Deputy speaking in this House. Yet I have, and when I first came in here I did have, to face an inquisition by the Minister.

And sailed through it with your colours flying and your drums beating.

The Minister stated that he had invited in here Dr. John Hammond. I am terribly sorry that 25 years ago, poor and all as we were, we did not buy him in here. If we had we would be in a very different position from what we are to-day. When he does come, he will produce facts and figures and he will not accept blah. You will get facts and figures. I had the most extraordinary privilege of listening to Dr. Hammond on one particular occasion when he was invited by the dairy Shorthorn breeders. I do not know who invited him but, whoever did, committed a shocking faux pas, because for two hours he produced one chart after another, one set of figures after another, at the Dairy Shorthorn Breeders' Congress, and everything he produced was most devastating as far as the dairy Shorthorn was concerned.

On the same day I had two contrary experiences. I will never forget it. I listened to an economist talking on costings as a price-fixing medium and, having spoken for two hours and having subjected us all to the most shocking endurance test, he concluded by saying that if costings are to be used as a price-fixing medium then the price must be fixed at the lowest price on the costings index; otherwise you will put 50 per cent. of the people concerned in producing the particular commodity out of business. When he said that I turned to a newspaper reporter who was sitting beside me and said to him: "Will you head that ‘Premium on Inefficiency'?"

Dr. Hammond, as far back as 1946, made a statement which has echoed and re-echoed. I think I quoted it in this House last year. He said: "A cow, to be dual purpose to-day"— remember, that was in 1946—"must produce 1,000 gallons and at the same time a reasonably good steer." I doubt if he has altered his views since. I do not anticipate what his report to the Minister will be but I would like to know what the Minister's reaction will be when he will say to him, "A cow, to be a dual purpose to-day, must produce 1,000 gallons of milk and at the same time a reasonably good steer."

One of the things we do know is that there is not Shorthorn blood available which will give us that 1,000 gallons and at the same time a good steer. That is one of the things we know.

What was a dropped calf worth in 1946?

If the Minister wants to cavil we will have to go somewhere else. I want to proceed and to complete my speech before 10.30.

What hurry is on you?

I have set myself the formidable task of arguing the superiority of the Friesian bullock over the dual purpose Shorthorn.

Formidable is the word.

Wait now one minute. I am not going to use, by way of reply, some statement that I cannot substantiate. There are available, we know, two surveys which long ago discredited the dairy Shorthorn as a superior store. I spoke on this subject last year. I am not concerned about the milk yield any more because on that occasion I produced facts and figures to substantiate my arguments. The figures are available for anybody who wants to make a serious study of tests carried out over an extended period on various breeds of cattle. One of those tests has been going on for six years and is now almost completed and when the Minister meets Dr. Hammond let him ask him about the Brookes and Vincent survey which has been conducted on quite a number of cattle of different breeds under the supervision of somebody who is above question and above approach, namely, Dr. Hammond himself. Those figures are devastating as far as the dairy Shorthorn is concerned.

I would bring the survey into the House and I would attempt to analyse it if it were not for the difficulty of handling figures in a debate. One would need a blackboard and to produce charts and classifications. For that reason I avoided using the Brookes and Vincent Survey. The tests are carried out on varying planes of nutrition, a factor which would make it too complicated to use it for the purpose for which I would love to use it. There is also available something that is slightly easier to handle, that is, the results of a survey made on an experimental farm at Malton in Yorkshire.

That survey will stultify the Minister and will explode his cock-sureness about the dual-purpose Shorthorn as a milk animal and, in the main, as a beef animal. And that is all I am concerned with when speaking on this Estimate because I do not want to repeat or reiterate arguments I put forward in regard to comparative yields of different breeds of cattle from the dairying angle. Let me give the reference. The experiments were conducted in the experimental station in Malton in Yorkshire and a summary of the report is available to anybody who would go to the trouble of looking it up in the Survey of the British Association of Animal Production, 1954. You will get the survey in that. In the main, here are the comparative figures and I shall try, for the purpose of the record, to give them under different headings.

First of all, there is the breed or cross of cow. Then, No. 1 on the survey is the calf. No. 2 is the cost of feeding. No. 3, the cost of finishing on grass. No. 4 is the average income produced, and No. 5 gives the profit. I think myself that for the purpose of this debate this is a very comprehensive survey. In the case of the dairy Shorthorn calf we have first of all the price at £6 7s. 6d.

I beg your pardon.

£6 7s. 6d. I am quoting from the survey.

When was it made?

The Minister has not been listening.

What year was it made?

I shall have to go back again.

Roughly speaking.

The survey was published in the Survey of the British Society of Animal Production of 1954 so that you can assume that this survey goes on year after year.

So that these figures would probably relate to 1953 or early 1954?

Probably, or even before then. For the purpose of the survey, 12 of each of the breeds or crosses which I shall name were picked at random and were costed. I shall quote only the figures given and these, in the main, are relative. It does not matter what the cost is for the purpose of the survey, provided the costs of the calves are relative. Will the Minister agree there?

I should prefer to listen with attention to what the Deputy has to say.

For the purpose of the survey, if the price of the different breeds or crosses are relative it will not fundamentally alter the findings of the survey. The cost of the dairy Shorthorn calf was £6 7s. 6d. The cost of its feeding was £63 16s. 4d. The cost of finishing on grass was £2 15s. 4d. The average income produced was £76 15s. 10½d., and the profit was £4 0s. 11½d. That is item No 1.

The next taken was the Friesian. The cost of the calf was £4 10s. 10d, so you see the relative cost remains the same. The cost of feeding was the same at £63 16s. 4d. The cost of finishing on grass was also the same at £2 15s. 4d. The average income produced was £89 10s. 0½d. The profit was £18 7s. 6½d. Does that shake the Minister? In the case of the pure Hereford the cost of the calf was £6 13s. 10d. The cost of feeding was the same but there was a slight variation in the cost of finishing on grass which in this case was £2 13s. 10d The average income produced was £86 13s. 11½d. and the profit was £13 9s. 11½d.

In the case of the Hereford Shorthorn cross, and this is coming very near home, the cost of the calf was £6 8s. 8d. Feeding cost £63 16s. 4d. the same as in the other cases, finishing on grass was £2 15s. 4d., the average income produced was £88 6s. 8d. and the profit was reckoned at £15 6s. 4d. The Hereford Friesian cross calf cost £5 7s. 4d. The feeding cost £63 16s. 4d., the cost of finishing on grass was £2 13s. 8d., the average income produced was £88 6s. 4d. and the profit was £16 9s. 0d.

Twelve animals in each breed were taken and the conclusive result was that the Friesian brought a profit of £14 6s. 7d. more than the dairy Shorthorn. Make it up. Now here is a further table which should be of interest.

Might I interrupt the Deputy to ask if his thesis is that the Friesian is the ideal dual-purpose cow?

The Dutch Friesian. I argued last year that the Dutch Friesian cow was a superior animal to the Shorthorn as a milk animal. Now I am pursuing the other prong of the fork in quality and I am pursuing it by way of figures and saying that the Friesian—and this is not the Dutch Friesian—is a superior animal as a dual-purpose animal——

And it is no longer maintained that it is impossible to find milk and beef in the one hide.

That has been a bone of contention for years.

And the Deputy now abandons that thesis.

And a number of people much more competent than you or I and better informed on genetics have been in violent collision on the question of whether a cow should be a pure dairy animal or——

The Deputy is now proceeding to prove that the Friesian is a dual-purpose cow.

I am not. Dr. Hammond in 1946, put forward a theory about the dual-purpose animal. The dairy cow, I would argue, is the 1,600 or 1,800 gallon cow, and I would be very slow to say that that rim-racker would produce good stores. If you study even the first-class dairy Shorthorn, one of the things you suspect immediately and one of the things of which you are afraid is whether or not that animal will produce a good store. Here you have not alone my word for it, but you have the facts and figures produced by an impartial examining body.

There is one factor into which the survey is only examining at the moment, and that is grading. Grading is an important factor but, remember, we have the figures of profit, and those are much more conclusive than any new statements made as against one breed or another. I have here a table showing average weights and ages at maturity.

The Deputy will, I hope, excuse me if I interrupt. What is the Deputy trying to prove? I want to understand his argument. Is he arguing in favour of the Friesian? Is his argument that, by and large, the Friesian is the nearest approach there is to a dual-purpose cow?

The Friesian is one breed, and I will produce evidence to prove this, which is superior to the dairy Shorthorn as a dual-purpose cow, as distinct from a purely dairy animal.

It is possible, then, to get a dual-purpose cow, and the Friesian is the best?

Yes, and the figures I am producing are good enough, I think, to clinch the argument. Next year, if the Minister and I are still above the ground, I will not have the slightest hesitation in coming in here and producing all the available data I can get to show the merits of the Red Dane as a dual-purpose cow. One of the things I have noticed when examining the available statistics is that the Red Dane has a lower food consumption than the Friesian; that is a factor which will have to be considered in arguing the respective merits of any of the big breeds as dual purpose animals.

I will give the table now. The average age and weights at time of maturity were: dairy Shorthorn, 2 years 235 days, 10½ cwt.; Friesian, 2 years 317 days, 12½ cwt.; Hereford— that is pure Hereford—2 years 273 days, 11¼ cwt. One will notice that in the actual maturing time there is only a variation of weeks. Observe the variation in weight. The Hereford Shorthorn, at 2 years 280 days, weighs 11½ cwt.; the Hereford Friesian cross, 2 years 273 days, 11¾ cwt. I would not be so rash in the light of statistics of that kind, resulting from an experiment carried out over a considerable period, and with 12 animals out of each category at a time, as to shout too loudly about breeds. If one wants to boost the dual-purpose Shorthorn, why is a set of figures not produced to confirm or repudiate the statistics I have given? Surely we are as competent to carry out a test here as the people across the water.

What do those figures prove?

Must I go into that again? I think the Minister is indulging in harassing tactics.

I am honestly asking the Deputy to give me his judgment, in a single phrase. What do those figures prove?

I did not anticipate the question, but I have compiled some data. I listened to the Minister here last evening. One of the disadvantages of coming into the debate too soon after the Minister has spoken is that one does not have time to analyse the Minister's speech.

What thesis do these statistics prove?

This is merely an extension of the speech I made last year on the Minister's Estimate. On that occasion I dealt exclusively with the comparative merits of different breeds from the purely dairying angle. To complete the other prong in connection with duality, I come in now to substantiate my thesis and I argue that the Friesian, particularly the Dutch Friesian, is a superior milk animal as compared with the dairy Shorthorn.

I want to explode the fallacy in relation to the superiority of the Shorthorn and to put forward facts and figures which show that the Friesian store is superior to the dual purpose Shorthorn store.

Therefore, the Friesian is the best dual-purpose cow.

I accept that; she is the best dual-purpose cow.

That is the Deputy's argument.

Those are the facts.

The Friesian is a superior dual-purpose cow?

Yes. I challenge the Minister in his reply to produce evidence on behalf of the Shorthorn. Let him try to get it in this country; he will not get it, because it is not there. The Minister cannot wave a wand and find the evidence. There is no data available. There is a figure down in the Albert College of something over 700 gallons for 63 cows. One of the features of the Albert College is that the culling rate has been very high. It has never been known for a Shorthorn heifer to be sold out of the place because the culling rate is so high. The butter fat is something like 3.6 per cent. If one goes back on the figures one will find that the average yields are on the decline. I never consider places like the Albert College for comparison purposes because from a commercial angle they are absolutely useless. I quoted Goldsmith on a previous occasion here; he said:

"The robes which wrapped their limbs in silken sloth,

Have robbed the neighbouring fields of half their growth."

That paints the picture so far as places like the Albert College, and some other places in the country, are concerned. I do not believe you can get the same efficiency in a State-controlled institution that you get in a unit run for a different purpose and on different lines, and the figures obtainable from such places are, therefore, quite useless. I got a hold of this survey and I was not satisfied, for I knew that in coming to this House I would probably be under fire from every experienced parliamentarian.

I went to the trouble, not alone of examining the survey but of working out all possible deductions from the survey. I went as far as to analyse the live weight gain per day in that survey and here are the figures, which are irrefutable. First is the Friesian on top with a live weight gain per day of 1.34 lb. Now talk of rim-rackers or whatever you choose to call them with a live weight gain of 1.34 lb. a day! No. 2—you had a Hereford Friesian cross second on the list at 1.3 lb. per day. No. 3—you had a Hereford-Shorthorn cross—and that should be of particular interest to us—third on the list at 1.27 lb. live weight gain per day. These are all average weights obtained from each of the crosses of the breeds picked at random; they were randomised for the purposes of the survey and the average figure for 12 of each of the classes or breeds or crosses surveyed was taken.

You had as No. 3 the Hereford-Shorthorn cross at 1.27 lb. per day, and No. 4, a pure Hereford, at 1.25 lb. per day. Last on the list—No. 5—you have the dairy Shorthorn at 1.1 lb. per day. These figures are not mine; they are figures of the survey and are absolutely irrefutable, and in two or three years' time we will have from that very same station not alone this data, but we will have also the gradings of the animals, because that, at the moment, is a further addition to this survey.

I have produced this survey as an answer to all the loose talk and blah which we have been hearing down through the years. In this country we make statements and we have not a fact or a figure to support these statements which are repeated and parroted everywhere. I think Grange is in operation as an A.I. centre for five years—and I am not at all happy about our A.I. centres. Grange has been in operation for a considerable length of time and, by now, if the business was organised as it should be organised, we should have available a considerable amount of data on bulls, but we have not a figure from them. We are no better than we were with the Shorthorn bulls which were licensed at beauty contests at the cross-roads. As far as I can see, the amount of data available is so small that the most we can say of A.I. stations is that we have changed the tactics and have been using them for the purpose of mechanised mating. That is what has been going on. We have so little data available from them.

We are aware that something has been done down at Grange by way of trying to prove some bulls and——

Why did you not prove them at Mitchelstown?

I am as much concerned about Mitchelstown as anyone, because I was one of the pioneers in bringing an A.I. station to Mitchelstown and when the first one was opened, remember A.I. had not the benediction of the Irish Department of Agriculture at the time, and when the Minister for Agriculture came into office in 1948, it did not have his benediction.

Was not Ballyclough the first one?

Ballyclough was not opened by the Department of Agriculture at all. The spade work of A.I. was done in this country by the Irish Agricultural Society. I do not want to misquote facts, but the Minister will admit that he was not in favour of A.I. when he came into office.

What progeny-testing had you done in Mitchelstown?

I shall come to that, too, and I can produce here figures from my own herd, which show that they have done something in Mitchelstown that they have not done at Grange.

When the Minister came into office in 1948 remember A.I. had not the benediction of the Irish Department of Agriculture. They would not touch the thing. It was dynamite and when the station was opened at Ballyclough there was a hush-hush about it and such talk about the business that was going on behind the high walls that the farmers passing by blessed themselves with their left hands. That was the kind of prejudice we had to face.

Would the Deputy tell me what is the significance of blessing yourself with your left hand?

I remember on one occasion speaking to an audience of farmers on what I had learned by studying A.I. in countries where it had been long since developed, and when the meeting was over a school-teacher came over to me and said: "Look here, we want no bolshevism in this country". He also said: "I shall have you reported to the Professor of Moral Theology at Maynooth". I went home with the fear that I was going to be put on the pyre and burned at the stake.

When the Minister came into office in 1948, he was not then a believer in A.I. and only became a convert when he went to America and saw A.I. demonstrated everywhere he went. It was only then he started things moving in Merrion Street. Then what happened? I shall tell the whole story. One thing happened that I had always hoped for—that the big societies in this country would do something to help the small societies. That was something I had always hoped for. At Mitchelstown we did develop our A.I. station and I am glad, despite all the abuse that was hurled at me at the time, that I was one of the people who was associated with the station at the outset.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, May 4th, 1955.
Barr
Roinn