Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 24 May 1955

Vol. 150 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Vote 27—Agriculture (Resumed).

The Minister stated that he was wearying of listening to people who deem themselves qualified to speak on agriculture pin-pointing the things that should not have been done. If that denotes a change of mentality on the part of the Minister himself, it is very welcome indeed for, as far as he was concerned, when Fianna Fáil were the Government, in that respect he could be termed the arch offender. If he is repentant now, it might be as well to follow that advice.

The Minister gave us advice on a number of things and he also issued warnings. He told us, of course, of the value of the market at out door, that it was inexhaustible as far as cattle, sheep, beef, mutton, pigs and bacon and butter were concerned. Nobody disputes the fact that the British market is very important.

It has never been questioned.

It has never been questioned by anybody in Fianna Fáil.

Your leader is blushing over there.

There is no occasion for my leader to blush at all.

He does not often do it.

If the British market——

"Is gone for ever, thanks be to God."

——was lost at any time it was because of the action of certain people within this country in taking up the stand they did when Fianna Fáil were making a national fight. I do not like to be going back over these things or referring to them at all.

So I observe.

I would like that we should deal with this question of the Department of Agriculture and its activities and agriculture generally in a very serious-minded way. There is no subject that demands more serious attention from the members of this House and from the general public than the whole question of agriculture and how its interests can best be served.

As I said, the Minister advised us about the importance of the British market. He also told us that certain steps would have to be taken if our farmers were to retain their position in that market. He told us that we would have to lower our own production costs, that we were fast passing out of the seller's market and that the day of world scarcities was gone. We realise, of course, that to a great extent the day of world scarcities is gone. We also realise the importance of the market for our live stock, particularly cattle and sheep, but when it comes to the question of pigs and butter, which the Minister mentioned, I do not think we are on ground quite as firm or as solid.

The British market, as the Minister well knows, even for cattle and sheep, has, like the weather, its variations, over which no Minister in this country has any control. There is a boom period now. I expect that members of Fine Gael would assert to their supporters down the country that the boom that we have had from about the 5th January of this year to the present time was brought about because of the policy operated by the Minister but we all know that when controls were taken off, last July, the price of live stock for some reason or other dropped and there was a gradual drop in the price of cattle and sheep from July until about the date I have mentioned in January. If you met Fine Gael people at a fair during that time and pointed out that the prices were decreasing, the reply you got back was: "Sure, they were too dear altogether. It was easy to know that the prices could not last. Were we not better off when the prices were lower and we had some stability in prices?" I would agree with their point of view, that the recent fluctuations in the prices of our live stock are not at all very encouraging, nor in the long run very helpful. If we could avoid that—however, I think that is a matter over which we have no control.

The Minister made a statement here when he was referring to some statements by Deputy Childers, as reported in Volume 150, column 533:—

"I agree that value unsupported by volume can be illusory, but volume unsupported by value can be catastrophic."

That is the big difficulty that the Minister or any other Minister must face when he exhorts the farmers to increase production. If he can give us the key to the solution of the whole question, we will be all the more agreeable to lend our ear to the Minister's advice as regards increased production.

I know that he was listening to Deputy Egan here on last Wednesday, telling how a lecturer came from Dublin to his constituency and in the course of his lecture advised an increase in production in order to increase income. Apparently he did not go into it in very much detail: no lecturer could in the space of time at his disposal. When he had gone, after the lecture, an old man in the gathering said: "Oh, yes, it is all very well to tell us to expand production, but what has been our experience in the past? No sooner have we a surplus than the price drops and leaves us in the position that it is not profitable to continue producing to the extent that we were."

Is he any relation of the Deputy's, by any chance?

The old man.

No. That has been the position in respect of wheat, oats and every other crop produced by the farmers. I have experience over a long number of years. While I am not in any way decrying the benefits of the British market, if we were to place our sole dependence on any outside market and neglect our home market, that would be a very foolish policy for the country.

I can throw my mind back to the year 1913. At that time there was a great outbreak of foot and mouth disease and cattle were being slaughtered wholesale. No compensation was being given then to the owners, but immediately a war broke out seemingly the foot and mouth disease vanished overnight. I can come along to 1921 and I know that in the years 1919 on to September of 1921, at a very particular time when relations between this country and the British were very strained—we had no trade agreements then nor anyone to speak on our behalf; in fact they would not be listened to—we got very fine prices, highly inflated prices. As far as the value of money is concerned in relation to present values, the prices were nearly as good then as they are even now.

What happened then? For some reason or another, to suit British economy the prices were cut by half overnight. Everyone knows that. The farmers who had gone to the lending agencies and the banks found that the cattle they had purchased the previous March and April for £50 and £60 were reduced to £30 and £25 the following September. Such things happened and such things could happen again, but it is unlikely, I suppose, for some time to come that anything like that is going to happen. I would be very sorry: it would be a great set-back to us if it did.

While it is desirable to increase production in every way so that we will have produce for the export market, at the same time I would like some of the theorists and economists to explain in some detailed way how a position could be brought about whereby volume and value would keep in step with each other. In the home market volume and value can be adjusted, but when it is in an outside market over which we have no control it is not just so easy to do that. I would like the Minister, when he is replying, to tell us if he can how it is proposed to do that, how if we step up production of pigs, bacon, butter and eggs for sale on the outside market, when that market becomes saturated with the produce of other countries, at the same time the value will bear some relation to the reduction in the price brought about by volume.

Some people say, I suppose, that the farmers must be a dense lot if they do not see the point—is it not quite easy to understand that the more they produce the better return and the greater income they will have? The farmers know that quite well, but the farmer's point is that if he increases production on a falling market he is not recouped for the extra labour and the extra risk involved in producing that extra volume.

It is not the farmers alone who have that point of view. I read fairly recently, in the course of the past few days, where a prominent member of a trade union pointed out that there was increased industrial production but that those employed in the industries did not get their fair share of the benefit of it. When a trade union spokeman makes a statement like that, it is no wonder that the farmers, with the experience they have had, would be chary also in increasing production beyond a certain point. They would be glad to do so if they thought that their position would not become worsened very much by doing so.

When the Minister advises the farmers to lower their production costs, saying that they are fast passing out of the seller's market and that the world scarcities no longer exist, we know that that is very sound advice to which nearly anyone could subscribe. But, although the Minister may have changed his attitude and is, I think, a much more normal person now than he was from 1948 to 1951, his advice and caution will not be nearly as impressive as it would be had he not been so reckless and so silly in some of the statements he made during that period. If he doubts me, I will quote what he said at the time he came into this House defending the trade agreement he made in 1948. He knew well, I am sure, he was in the Parliament of the nation and was talking to public representatives. At column 2251, Volume 112, of the Official Debates of the 5th August, 1948, he said:—

"I particularly want to say this. In a light-hearted moment on the occasion of my visit to London I declared that we were perfectly content with the arrangements made with Mr. Smith in regard to eggs and I said: ‘Give us the facilities and we will drown you with eggs'."

What he said to the British people in a light-hearted or in a swelled-headed moment was not so bad but he went on with this addendum to the members of this House.

"This had the astonishing result that some solicitous merchants and poultry-keepers over there bombarded the Department of Agriculture with queries and said that this disturber from Ireland was going to destroy all the hens in England and what would they do if the English people were to be drowned in that way with Irish eggs?"

The Minister, I am glad to note, is in a different frame of mind now. After all, disillusionment and disappointment have a very salutary effect on many people. It is easy to have fine ideas and, without seeing any of the obstacles, to imagine that because you have charge of doing a particular thing you are capable of doing it. But the obstacles came and we have not drowned the British in eggs. The market is not a very economic one now but the Minister tells us that he still could regain the market for pigs, bacon and butter if we lowered our production costs.

I assume it would take some time to lower production costs. I would like the Minister to tell us what is the short cut to lowering them and how they could have been lowered during the past three or four years to any level below the existing level in view of the price that had to be paid for feeding stuffs and all the rest of it. If it is the intention to lower the price of feeding stuffs, is it the Irish farmer who will have to bear the first blast of that economic blizzard? I remember when a question was put down some two or three months ago by somebody relating to maize and its price, the Minister said in reply that if in any market in the world, anyone could get it cheaper than the price he had got it for that person had a free licence to go and get it. That is the position and in view of that I cannot see how we could lower production costs and I would like to know how we could lower them in the foreseeable future or what plans the Minister has in this regard.

As I said, the home market is not fully exploited. There are many essential requirements of our own people which have not yet been produced in this country or, if they have, they have not been produced in sufficient quantity to supply our needs. As well as catering for the export market and helping to gain every advantage possible there and to increase the volume of exports, we should pay more attention to the home market and see that everyday requirements which could be produced perhaps better on the small holdings in the West of Ireland than anywhere else are not neglected.

The theme of the discussion here hinged principally on the live-stock industry. We had various viewpoints expressed regarding the best breed of cattle for the production of beef or to sell as stores. Naturally enough, the dairying industry, being the foundation of the whole live-stock industry, also came into the debate. We had Deputy Moher, Deputy Corry and, I think, some other Deputies, advocating the Dutch Friesian for beef and the Friesian cow for milk. I am not in a position to contradict the opinions they expressed but I do believe it will be a considerable time before it is proved to the satisfaction of our farmers that the Dutch Friesian and the Friesian cow are the most suitable type for both the production of milk and beef.

My own opinion is that the Shorthorn is the best of our foundation stock and best serves the dual purpose of producing beef and milk. Then, of course, I do not come from a dairying area. I can only look at things from my own doorstep and in relation to my own district. However, as far as beef is concerned what suits County Galway, the greater part of the West and a considerable part of the Midlands is the Hereford-Shorthorn cross.

The Minister mentioned something about the Aberdeen Angus-Shorthorn cross. That strain may be suitable for certain parts of the country and perhaps to the entire country if we could get all our farmers to accept it but if I were to advocate that in my part of the country the first counter I would meet would be this: "Even if we did produce them where would you get a market for them?". No buyers come to our fairs in quest of the Aberdeen Angus. We would have to go to Sligo, Longford, Cavan or Leitrim to get rid of them.

A good deal has been mentioned in this debate about the necessity of having pure-bred bulls whether they be Shorthorn, Aberdeen Angus, Hereford or Friesian. That is a very important matter but it is an easier thing to have pure-bred bulls than to have a sufficient supply of good Shorthorn heifers. Something will have to be done to ensure that we will have a plentiful supply of Shorthorn heifers.

What would the Deputy say should be done?

That is a matter for the Deputy himself.

I do not mind the Minister's interruptions at all.

The Deputy should be allowed to make his own speech without any interruptions.

Mention has been made of the no-purpose cow as well as of the dual-purpose cow. There are more than 50 per cent. of the no-purpose cows coming to our fairs at the moment. You would be surprised why anybody ever dreamed of taking them to a bull because they are useful neither for the production of milk nor beef. All the good heifers are being sold off and there is no inducement whatever for those who produce them or purchase them at the year-and-a-half or two-year-old stage to hold them over because they can get as good a price, if not a better price, without taking any risk whatever by getting them in calf.

The Minister has a scheme under way in County Clare for the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. I would say that in County Clare we have the purest type of Shorthorn there is in any part of the country. I am speaking now in general terms and I imagine that in conjunction with the scheme on foot the farmers in County Clare could be induced to retain their good class heifers, the progeny of cows that had been inspected and certified. These heifers could be earmarked and the farmer could get a bounty, so that if a farmer had a good heifer calf from a Shorthorn bull and kept that calf until it was 20 months old, he would then get a suitable bounty. These heifers could then be sold at suitable centres supervised by the Department of Agriculture in County Clare.

That may be a difficult scheme, but I think it could be worked out. It might be asked what good would the scheme do except to give £5 per heifer calf to the farmer but at the moment you have buyers coming from the Midlands, Dublin or Leitrim purchasing these heifer calves and exporting them. I think there could be a curb put on that, too.

Unless something like that is done, as far as the West of Ireland and a considerable area of the Midlands is concerned, I fear that our live stock are going to deteriorate both as regards milch cows and stores. These are the real foundation of our production and the good Shorthorn heifers are being taken from us now because there is no inducement whatever to keep them and incur the risk that has to be incurred in putting them in calf.

A good deal of attention has been paid to certain aspects of our live stock but very little attention has been paid to a type of live stock of very great importance to the farmers in the West of Ireland, namely, sheep. The Galway Sheepbreeders' Association has done a considerable amount of very valuable work to improve the breed and keep the strain of a particular type of sheep pure, but I do not know that the Department has given this matter the consideration it deserves. While it may be possible to leave to the farmers the development of the sheep industry itself, there is a sideline of that industry which is very important. That is the question of wool and that question has been neglected by every Government. It has not, in my opinion, got the consideration that it should get.

We had a Bill introduced and enacted in this House in 1947 to ensure that those farmers who would brand their sheep with tar would be penalised, but what penalties have been inflicted ever since that Act was passed? A couple of years ago we had a clean wool campaign started all over the country and the newspapers and the radio were utilised in appealing to farmers to only use certain types of brands— washable paints. But what is the position appertaining to the purchase of wool? The position is that farmers can bring wool branded in five places with tar to merchants and they can get as good a price for it as the men who went to all the trouble to ensure that their wool was clean. There is no difference whatever and, in many cases, the man who brings his wool to the merchant with all kinds of dirt in it can get as good a price, pound for pound, as the man who went to the trouble to bring in the wool in a clean way.

The Minister can rub his hands over this thing but it is a very important matter. If there is an Act passed in this House to provide for clean wool, that Act should be implemented. This kind of thing should not be permitted and I must say that the farmers themselves are very remiss in regard to it.

Macra na Feirme last year did a very good job of work. They had sales in a great many centres in the West of Ireland and the wool was bought on grade. The farmers got a price in relation to the grade of wool they supplied and nobody could find any fault with that. I think that is the only way that wool should be allowed to be purchased—on grade—and every assistance should be given to Macra na Feirme, the National Farmers' Association or any other body of farmers who set out to put the wool industry on a proper basis and to give a fair price to those people who produce the best and the cleanest product. If something like that is not done, people will become careless and will say: "Why should we go to the trouble of branding our sheep with a special type of brand, while the people who use the old tar that we are warned against can get as good a price as we can get?"

I come now to another matter which was debated at some length here some time last November—the reduction in the wheat price. I had a motion down at that time, which was supported by others, asking the Minister to reconsider the price he had fixed. A discussion took place and a vote was taken, and the result was one which we knew was almost inevitable in view of the line-up. I am not blaming the Minister at all, however, for the reduction in the price of wheat, except to this extent, that he always told us of the great stand he made for the farmers, and was prepared to make for them, at meetings of the Government. I believe he would make the same stand and would fight for the farmers as regards the price of wheat also, but that he was overawed in the first place by the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Finance, and also by the Taoiseach himself, because the reduction in the price of wheat this year was unwarranted in any shape or form. There was no justification whatever for it other than that it was to be an indication to the people in the towns that the cost of living was being brought down. That, in my opinion, is what it was used for.

It has been argued here—and I wondered at Deputy Hughes mentioning it in the way he did—that the reduction in the price of wheat was aimed at cutting out the racketeers. Was there no other way to cut out the racketeers, if such existed, than reducing the price? The number of racketeers, if there were such, was, in my opinion, very small indeed, and it was quite easy to ascertain for what length of time they had been growing wheat and when they had come into it, and it was also quite easy to inform them that, in the coming year, they would not be permitted to grow 1,000 acres or 500 acres. That would have given as good a result in dealing with the racketeers, if such there were, as cutting the price of wheat all round.

Why should the general body of wheat growers be penalised because of a few? There was no justification for it and it would remind one of nothing less than a Black and Tan reprisal to visit on the decent, industrious hard-working body of farmers who have been in wheat production for years and years that infliction of a drastic cut after the worst harvest in years. We talk about mechanisation and how essential it is. Wheat growing was the foundation of mechanisation here and in the getting in of this big machinery.

Deputy Hughes tell us that the combines have come to stay and I have heard the same comment from farmers from the east and south in my own Party—that the combines have come to stay. The combines, however, are very costly machines, some of them costing in the region of £1,700 to £2,000, and it takes a considerable amount of profit out of any wheat crop or any cereal crop to make up the price of a combine in any one year.

He would not want to make it in one year.

While we advocate all that mechanisation, we must remember that, no matter what machinery or mechanisation a farmer gets into, even if he has the money laid aside and is capable of paying for it out of his reserves, he is a great many years working for the mechanisation manufacturers and their agents in this country. Many of the people who got into the combines and into the combine manure and seed distributor had to go either to the bank, getting their parents or their friends to secure them, or to the Agricultural Credit Corporation, and, as a result of the reduction in the price of wheat, many such people at present are in very grave financial difficulty. There is no question or doubt whatever about that and there was nothing so wrong with the whole business that it could not have been regulated in quite a different way than by a severe cut in price.

We are told that, so far as the small farmer is concerned, the better way of becoming mechanised is through co-operation. Co-operation is very useful, but in a great part of this country there is a very bad taste in the mouths of farmers, so far as co-operation is concerned. We had co-operation organised in this country in the years from 1917 on. It was organised in a very bad way: supervision was terribly bad and we had co-operative societies springing up and men appointed to take charge of them who had no experience whatever of the work entrusted to them. What is more, there was no audit of the accounts for two and three years when everything was upside down and a number of farmers were sold out as a result of co-operation at that time.

Nevertheless, the farmers to-day can benefit from that experience, and I believe that co-operation is a very good thing, but when it is suggested that we should have co-operation in the matter of mechanisation, my opinion is that it is all right up to a point. Individual farmers, however, a great many of them, require a number of implements which they cannot and will not utilise in a co-operative manner. They will use them, but very often a considerable amount of friction develops because one man wants a particular implement the same day as another or at the same hour. It is not so easy to get over that part of the difficulty, but I do believe that the heavy and costly machinery, which is required only for short periods or for special types of work, could be purchased on a co-operative basis.

We have the same thing regarding the purchase of seeds and fertilisers which would be quite useful, too, but I think the proper co-operation in that case would come by having the reputable local merchant the centre of such co-operative effort. After all, he has experience in the purchase and distribution of seeds and manures. He has his contacts. Now the farmers are an intelligent body and they are capable of looking around them to find out what prices are; and, if they put it to the local merchant to purchase their requirements for them and make them available to them at a reasonable price, I think that would be the best type of co-operation we could have.

In earlier years it was obviously the aim of the co-operative societies to put the local merchant out of existence. That was a very foolish idea and a very foolish ambition. The local merchant has as good a right to make a living as anybody else. If we throw our minds back to the past, local merchants sacrificed a good deal, as did their forebears, on behalf of the farmers of this country. I could not subscribe to anything that would put them out of business and I believe that co-operation can be brought about in a much better way along the lines I have suggested.

The land reclamation scheme is a good scheme. Very useful work is being done under it. I cannot understand, however, why we should have two schemes. If we have to have two schemes then they should be run on different lines from the present A and B scheme. I believe the A scheme should be confined to farmers under £15 or £20 valuation. In my opinion the A scheme was introduced with a view to getting the farmers to do the work themselves without the aid of machinery. Very little land reclamation can be carried out without machinery and the previous Minister, Deputy Walsh, increased the grant from £20 to £30 with that idea in mind. That was a satisfactory increase but it must be remembered that included in that sum was a sum of £5 for lime and fertilisers.

As far as the West of Ireland is concerned, £5 would not pay for the purchase and distribution of the necessary lime. A considerable amount of the land there, and this has been borne out by reports submitted from agricultural instructors and from those who tested the soil, requires not less than four tons per acre. Now four tons of lime will cost £4 8s. and that leaves only 12/- for fertilisers. It has also to be borne in mind that much of the land requires to be drained and it is not an easy matter to drain the land because there is no proper outfall. The natural incline to the point of the outfall has completely disappeared because of the activities of the Irish Land Commission. Roads have been made and fences have been erected; the natural incline for the water has been disturbed and it is not possible now to find any outfall for the water where some of that land is concerned.

Again, with regard to reclamation, unless land is rotivated or ploughed, well fertilised and a crop, or a number of crops, sown in it, it will not be properly reclaimed. Although the £30 grant may seem quite alluring to some people, farmers are shrewd enough to know that there will be a considerable amount of cost incurred afterwards. The lime alone will take the full £5; five cwt. or six cwt. of a proper artificial compound will cost another £5. If a cereal crop is sown that will cost another £5. If grasses are put in that will represent another £5. That makes a considerable total when it is all added up. As an initial outlay, it is beyond the capacity of many of the small farmers, and for that reason they cannot avail of the land reclamation scheme. I suggest that the grant be stepped up to £40 per acre at least in the West of Ireland in respect of holdings under £20 or under £15 valuation. If that is not done land reclamation will not make the progress in the West that we would all like it to make.

I am sure the Minister will tell me that farmers can get loans for fertilisers and that they need only pay down 10 per cent. for manures. Paying down 10 per cent. and then paying interest at 4 per cent., the total commitment would work out at anywhere from 12/- to 14/- per acre in addition to existing rent and rates. In all, it would represent an overhead of about 30/- per acre. That might be all right in a boom period but farmers will not always live in boom periods. We all know how happy the farmers were at one time to have their annuities halved.

Any improvement that can be made is a good thing, but farmers realise that every improvement has to be paid for and the time may come when it might not be so easy to pay for that improvement. Where the large farmer or the medium-sized farmer is concerned, the grants given are very useful. Such farmers have a better chance as compared with the small farmer because they have more capital; even if they have not got more capital, it is much easier for them to get credit. As far as the farmer with the £20 valuation is concerned, the grant should be increased to at least £40; otherwise, such farmers will not avail of the land reclamation scheme.

May I ask a question? When the Deputy advocates £40, does that imply that he thinks a total sum of £60 should be spent on the reclamation of each acre? The grant is two-thirds of the cost up to £60.

The grant works out of course in proportion to the estimated cost of the work carried out.

Two-thirds of the cost.

The maximum is £45 at the moment, but the maximum is scarcely ever reached, in my opinion. I would say, first of all, that if the maximum was £60, it is better, as far as the people who are to benefit and in whom I am interested, are concerned, that they would avail of the grant and would not have this obstacle in the way.

A Daniel come to judgment.

No, it is not a Daniel come to judgement. Remember, when it comes to a question of a £60 or £80 or £100 grant, there are not many of the £15 valuation farmers who avail of them. Let us have a return of those who did avail of them and it will be found that it was the big farmers in Leinster and Munster and other places who got the £60, £80 and £100 or unlimited grants in earlier years. It was not the small farmers in the West of Ireland.

I am agreeing.

If it was, why have we a special scheme for Connemara? The grants did not go to £60 or £80 or £100 and there were no unlimited grants in the scope of the scheme there. I am putting a suggestion to the Minister— I know he will find it difficult or any other Minister would find it difficult to put it across the Minister for Finance—but nevertheless when we talk so much about the people in the West of Ireland there should be some action. I noticed Deputies here on various occasions throwing magnificent bouquets at the Minister for Agriculture—they were quite free to do so— but I did not hear them advocating anything for the people they represented other than what was in existence already. Yet they were bound to know as far as the people they represent are concerned, that many of them are fearful of availing of the scheme because they know very well that if the grants appear good, at the same time if the grants remain as they are, the people will have to invest a considerable amount more, which many of them are unable to do.

I heard a Deputy in this House also during this debate saying that there was nothing being done for the small-holders in a particular county. Perhaps not all we desire is being done—everything has not been done anywhere much as we would desire to have it done—but that statement coming from any responsible Deputy is not very helpful. It is very harmful to have a feeling of suspicion between the small and the large farmers. It is true their economy is wholly different but nevertheless one hangs on the other.

We hear people saying that the small farmer is paying for the subsidy that is being paid on wheat and that it is only the big farmers who are benefiting by that. I believe that the small farmers too have benefited and benefited fairly well from the policy in the past, and that it would be to their interest, just as it would be to the interest of the big farmers, that the small farmers would be doing well as a result of the subsidy. I would not like to have the spirit engendered whereby they would distrust one another, with one feeling that the other was robbing him and taking everything away from him.

I think that is not a good feeling to encourage and I hope the farmers' organisations will have sense enough to come together and have an arrangement or an understanding between them whereby they would formulate what they think is the best policy for the whole agricultural community. That would make it very much easier, I am sure, for any Minister or Government if that happens.

Indeed it would. Now the Deputy talks sense.

It is not beyond the bounds of possibility. Farmers are a very enlightened section of the community and have recourse to the radio and Press now to a much greater extent than they had 20 or 30 years ago. They are becoming very much alive to what is best in their own interests.

I would like the Minister when replying to tell us the best way to reduce production costs, in the first place, and also to tell us how he proposes to stabilise volume and value. That is very important. If we could get either the Minister or somebody else in authority to tell us what plans they have for that I believe that the farmers of the country in general would be much more enthusiastic in going in for increased production in every way, but our experiences in the past have shown that the more the farmers produce— while they may get the same return in money—the more they feel they are not getting a return for the extra amount of work entailed and the extra risks that have been taken.

The Minister appears to have changed his attitude on this occasion and I am very pleased to know it. I was glad to see that during his statement he could not point out in one single line where there was any slowing down of any project, where there was any decrease or diminution in the production of live stock or of tillage during the term of office of his predecessor. I am sure if he could point a finger to that he would be only too delighted to do so. There was no diminution in the number—in fact there was a steep increase in many respects. In addition to that, there was a big increase in the area of tillage. The fact that we had an increase in live stock and at the same time an increase in the area under tillage refutes the notion that some people have that tillage is the enemy of live stock and that when we have increased tillage we are bound to have decreased numbers of live stock. That has not been the experience during the three years from 1951 to 1954.

I hope that progress continues. I hope that the Minister when he comes in here next year will show further progress and that there will be no diminution in either the numbers of live stock or in the acreage of tillage. If he can do that, he is justified in coming to this House and saying that he has done a good job of work, but it will take him all his time to do a better job of work than did his predecessor, Deputy Tom Walsh.

Having heard Deputy Beegan explain in detail his views on this Estimate, and having also heard many other Deputies, I still imagine that the question arises whether agriculture is to be treated as a national industry or a national charity. When we take into consideration the views that have been expressed by the Opposition for years back, and not just now, clamouring for increases in grants of all kinds, we realise the difficulties involved. Yet, I think it is more important for us, whether we are in opposition at any particular time or in a Party in Government in this House, to be prepared to face the problems before us. I suggest that that kind of attitude may, in itself, be more conducive to progress in presenting an over-all picture of agriculture rather than of adopting the old attitude, irrespective of what Party is in power, of clamouring for more and more.

Deputy Beegan mentioned wheat. I know that this is probably more a Party concern than an individual concern. It has been so for some months back. I am not blaming Deputy Beegan or his Party for believing that they are correct in that outlook. When we take the detailed views that have been expressed by Deputy Beegan and many other members of the House, it would be well for us to consider, I suggest, even in the case of wheat, the over-all picture. It is quite true that if we consider the figures in the memorandum submitted to us by the present Minister in relation not only to wheat but to barley and oats, we may get a different view of what the over-all picture is. I do not mind whether the accusation is correct or not in regard to the ranchers and profiteers in wheat growing. What I am more interested in is the actual production of root crops and cereals as part of an over-all balance in agriculture. If we take the figures submitted for the period from 1939 to 1954, we find that the wheat acreage increased greatly; the acreage under barley increased, but to a much lesser degree, while the acreage under oats decreased.

I have noticed that when members of the Opposition, whether it be Deputy Beegan, Deputy Corry or any other Deputy, speak of the big decline in regard to the acreage under wheat and the loss to the farmers, they have never related their remarks to what the actual position has been in the last year or so as regards the importation of oats and barley. Is it not right to say that if last harvest had been a really good one, if the weather had favoured us, we would have been in the extraordinary position of having probably to export wheat, in so far as we might not need all that would be available? In that event, where would we stand? We know that under the agreements which were made by Fianna Fáil some years ago, we could have been compelled to import a certain amount of wheat, notwithstanding the fact that we had a good harvest and an abundance of wheat to meet our own requirements. Where do we stand as regards oats? Is it not an extraordinary thing to have to admit that we went so far, from one extreme to the other, that we would have such an abundance of wheat that we would have to import oats? That was the policy of the Party opposite.

Members of the Opposition quite recently asked about the price of flake meal. Surely, when we speak of agriculture we cannot forget that more than wheat is grown in the country. Deputy Beegan referred to that, but I am afraid he rather glossed over it. We cannot forget that there is a big population of agriculturists in the country who were not gaining anything from the production of wheat, but who could have gained from the production of oats and barley. The tragedy is that it was the price factor prevailing during those years which forced many farmers, from the economic point of view, to go in for wheat growing as much as possible at the expense of such crops as barley and oats.

Would you blame them?

I blame Fianna Fáil for not having a balanced policy as regards agriculture.

You are there now and what are you going to do?

There is a point which Deputy Allen might look into. It is this, that we believe that it is not by wheat alone that the people will have to live. Deputy Allen might consider what the position has been in regard to potatoes. That is a very important problem for the people. The decrease in the acreage under potatoes has been very big.

The labourers will not grow them in their own plots.

The decrease in the area under potatoes was no less than 25,220 acres. We had the Party opposite clamouring for an increase in the acreage under wheat, and they were satisfied to see the acreage under the potato crop drop to such an extent that the people had to pay record prices for potatoes, irrespective of whether the Fianna Fáil Party or an inter-Party was in power. The people had to pay record prices for potatoes at a time when wheat had reached soaring prices and when Fianna Fáil could have been compelled, if they were in power, under the agreements which they had made themselves some few years ago, to import wheat.

As regards this problem of agriculture, we should consider it from a more realistic point of view. We should approach it perhaps more as individuals than as Party members and, above all, less as politicians. Where the Minister and the Department are concerned, it is true to say that if Deputies are prepared to examine the position with a completely detached mind, they will find that the services which are now being offered by the Department of Agriculture are providing advantages for the agricultural community which were never heard of some years ago. There may be no opposition as regards the operations of Merrion Street, but apparently there is opposition to dictatorship.

As regards the statements that have been submitted to us relating to the activities of the Department, we find 45 schemes listed. I suggest that each and every one of these is, in its own way, beneficial to the agricultural community. Of necessity, of course, they must also be of benefit to the whole country. I propose to refer to three which seem to me to be of outstanding merit. We all know of the advantages of the scheme for the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. Many members have spoken of its advantages. All of us should be prepared to say that that scheme alone can be of outstanding merit in what it can achieve for the country.

There is also the scheme for the pasteurisation of milk. I think we must all be prepared to say that, as the years pass, all these schemes, when put into operation by the Department of Agriculture, will be of immense advantage to the country. They will be an inducement to our agriculturists to realise what a source of self-help they can be not only to themselves but to the country as a whole. The agricultural community should be prepared to co-operate to the utmost in the operation of these schemes.

The third scheme which was praised by Deputy Beegan was the land rehabilitation project. We all know what value it has been to the country. I should like to draw the Minister's attention to the words which were spoken by himself when referring to this particular scheme. He said: "The bulk of the machinery previously operated by the Department has been disposed of." Is it not right to say that there one has what may be described as the whole of the Fianna Fáil calamity in relation to this particular scheme? That went on over the last three years.

Deputy Beegan referred to the importance of the small farmer. When he was speaking, did we not all realise that the tragedy was the selling of this machinery? That, in itself, meant that it was the large farmer who was going to gain by it when a contractor was given the control of such machinery.

We know well the losses that were sustained by the small landholder through the policy which was put into operation of selling that machinery. The losses sustained by the small farmer in that respect alone are immense. I sincerely hope that, when the working of this important project is again undertaken, the present Minister will have full control of it. I trust that, by the operation of this project by the State, the small farmer, the man who needs the most help, will get the help of the State and will not have to queue, and be at the end of the queue, while those who can buy the machinery will go into the larger land holdings in preference to going into smaller holdings.

I do not intend to enter into a discussion on milk supplies now except to say to Deputy Moher that, contrary to what he said in this House last week, he is not a lone voice when he speaks on that subject. There is a scattering of Deputies from all sides of the House who hold the same views as he holds in regard to milk supplies and I may say that the Deputies in question have held these views for a number of years past. I believe Deputy Moher knows my views in this matter and I will not change them. Having mentioned the subject so many times in other years, I feel it would be useless for me now to go into the whole question again except to say that I agree that, at the present time, the problem of milk supplies and of breeding is such that, even if we have tackled it, we have gone only a very short distance along the road towards achieving what we want in this country.

It may be said that we are inclined to be local in our views. Cork, Limerick and Tipperary can be regarded as dairy counties. If the agricultural system in these three counties is quite different from that pursued in the Midland counties then surely we are entitled to try to have this problem solved in a manner most beneficial to the people concerned? I believe that if more use were made of the Jersey cow and of the Friesian cow, in which I have been interested, it would be of benefit to the country. As I say, although we are approaching our goal we are approaching it very slowly.

About two years ago I drew attention to the fact that certain facilities were required at the Darrara station and I am glad to see from the report which I have here that these facilities were provided in the course of the past year.

Where we, in the southern counties, differ from the people in the Midlands is that we believe the only feasible way of dealing with agriculture in this country is to zone it. If we in the South believe in dairying and if the people in the Midlands believe in a different system then obviously something must eventually be done about the whole question.

In the South, we are not satisfied that the milk yield is as high as it should be. The milk yield must, of necessity, be directly related to prices. Take, for instance, the 400-gallon cow. The owner of such a cow will, of necessity, have to demand a much higher rate for the milk than, say, the owner of a 900-gallon cow. If cows give a good return it automatically follows that the farmer who owns them will not find them uneconomic.

The remarks made by Deputy Moylan as regards grass and silage are remarks which undoubtedly could be uttered by each one of us here. We hold the same views on that matter but, because they have already been expressed, I do not intend to open up that question again except to say that we are solidly behind such views— views coming, as it were, from the same county.

Deputy Beegan referred to cattle, sheep, pigs and poultry. I shall be very brief in my remarks in this connection and what I shall have to say is not simply a question of praising the present Government and of attacking previous Governments, because such an attitude will get us nowhere. I should like to refer to the figures which were submitted in the Minister's memorandum. Taking the average figures for the period 1934 to 1938 and comparing them with the 1954 figures, we see there is an increase of 12 per cent. in respect of cattle, an increase of 2 per cent. in respect of sheep and a decrease of about 19 per cent. in respect of poultry as compared with the average figures for the years 1934 to 1938. There is also a decrease to be noted in respect of pigs as against the average for the 1934 to 1938 period.

In view of mechanisation and in view of the advantages which I mentioned earlier that come from the Department through the various services, can we afford to be satisfied with an increase of 12 per cent. in cattle, of 2 per cent. in sheep and a decrease of 19 per cent. in poultry? Can we say that in the 20 years from 1934 to 1954 sufficient progress has been made on the basis of the figures submitted in the Minister's memorandum? There is not much point now in bewailing the mistakes of the past. Our task is to look forward so as to ensure that, 20 years hence, whatever Party or Parties may be in Government at that time will be able to show much more favourable percentage increases in respect of the period 1955-75 than we have been able to show in respect of the period 1934-54.

We realise the difficulties which had to be faced in the 1939-1945 period, which was a war period, but, under present conditions, we cannot be satisfied with a small increase in agricultural production and, no matter what Party may be in opposition, it is useless for one Party to play against the other where agriculture is concerned because, in my opinion, that is what has left agriculture in the unfortunate position in which it is to-day.

We heard Deputy Corry speaking in the course of this debate last week. As usual, he spoke of the poor old farmer. Deputy Corry's poor old farmer is still struggling to try to pay his rates. However, it struck me very forcibly that Deputy Corry was able to tell us that for every one tractor in 1952 there are ten now, and that for every one combine in 1952 there are 50 now. That shows that the individual is not as badly off as Deputy Corry makes him out to be. If that be true, may I suggest that we indulge in less self-pity, which gets people nowhere?

Sometimes we hear people in this House, and more outside it, complain and bemoan the danger of a welfare State. It is strange that these people turn on us severely in the matter of the danger of a welfare State when it comes to a question of certain social security or other advantages for certain sections of the community, but what is happening in regard to agriculture is that the farmer is being made the plaything of one large Party as against the other. Grants, in themselves, are helpful at times, but they are only temporary measures of relief and, if we continue with them, then it will be useless for us to say, at the end, that the money is being well spent in agriculture.

I consider that an important problem that must be posed and faced is that of credit facilities—loans where necessary. We know that this matter has been mentioned here year after year, but if we are to make the farmer entirely independent we cannot do it by giving him small grants. Neither can the farmer be made independent if he is played off by one political group against another. The real way to face up to this problem of giving the farmer a measure of security is by giving him loans at low rates of interest. He can then work out his own salvation in his own way and as I know the farmer, he is quite capable of doing that once given the encouragement.

It is a pity that from time to time we have Deputies coming in here and saying that grants which had already been £20 should be increased to £40. That could lead to the position where a Deputy could come in and say that a grant which is now value for £40 should be £80. I should like to say that any views I have expressed here have been for the benefit of agriculture because I realise that agriculture itself is of vital importance and because I believe it should be the number one national industry rather than the number one national charity.

While on the subject, I should like to draw the Minister's attention to one of its aspects—the question of flax growing. About 1949 or 1950 the Minister found himself bombarded from all angles in this House because he had offended certain gentlemen who came down here from the north-eastern counties and had tried to hold up to ransom the farmers growing flax. We made it quite clear at the time that we stood behind the Minister in his attitude and after the past three years we can see the tragedy that has been enacted in connection with flax growing.

In the past year, according to the figures available, there has been a reduction of 50 per cent. in the acreage under flax. What a loss! The large wheat growers may not be concerned with a man who loses on flax growing, but for those down in South-West and West Cork and in the counties around the Border, who could undoubtedly be making a very substantial profit on flax growing, it must be a severe blow to realise that they have been forced out of production because of the prices available.

The Minister mentioned two important points in connection with this question. One was the prospect of an increase of 1/- per stone and the second was the continuance of imports, for trial purposes, of continental varieties of flax. Flax is an important crop for the people concerned in its growth and I hope that before the Minister's present term of office expires the acreage under flax will be much more satisfactory than it is at the present moment.

Deputy Beegan did mention one matter in which I have been very interested and about which I am afraid we are completely at variance. That is his reference to the co-operative market. I could not at all agree with the views he expressed on that matter and I feel sure they were not the views of his Party. Obviously he has not been speaking as spokesman of his Party. I could not for a moment imagine putting the co-operative system on the basis he suggested and saying that on that basis it would be of most use to the farmers. There is no more sense in a co-operative market along the lines he mentioned than there would be down in O'Connell Street. We are interested in the question of a co-operative market and we realise that for the welfare of the farming community every step should be taken towards the achievement of a sound co-operative marketing system.

The other sections of the community have shown little interest in agriculture and naturally will not worry about this aspect of the farmers' problems and the irony of the whole thing is that it is people who are not directly concerned from a financial viewpoint who are advocating that the farmers should put into operation a co-operative marketing system. I agree that such a system would be of far greater help to the farming community than is generally realised at the moment. Already we have had a certain amount of co-operation by such organisations as Muintir na Tíre and Macra na Feirme. They have interested themselves in fostering among their members the important and desired form of co-operative movement—keeping politics out of it.

I agree to a certain extent with Deputy Beegan when he refers to this problem of export and export prices versus the home market, but I should like to say that it is not just now that I have changed to this view. I have held that view all the way through. We know we are very lucky at the present time to get exorbitantly high cattle prices on the British market but I, or any member of my Party, have never for a moment been an advocate of the point of view that we should concentrate on the export market and forget the home market. When all is said and done, the guaranteed home market, built up on the availability of supplies and the position of the general consumer to buy from the farmer, is the most healthy and most secure market we can have, coupled, of course, with the advantages of an export trade, but if we are prepared to concentrate on the export trade alone to the detriment of the home market we are not being fair to the agricultural community or to the general consumers throughout the country.

The consumers are directly concerned in it as ratepayers and taxpayers. Everyone must play his part in every scheme introduced for the benefit of the farming community, be it the land rehabilitation project or anything else because year after year we hear a considerable lot about the problems of the farmers. In connection with the land rehabilitation project, even when the work is done the farmer is still worrying about the liming of his land. After all, the land is his own. But what about the agricultural labourer? He must find work and it is essential for the farmer to realise that the agricultural labourers are an essential section of the community. The farmer must realise also that it would be unfair to the country as a whole if a Government continued to throw out everything on his behalf and take in very little.

We sincerely hope that, as a result of the advantages given by the Department of Agriculture under the present Minister, and the various schemes that are of advantage to no one but the agricultural community, the return will be of benefit to the farming community by way of earned profits. We also hope that, with increased production, the whole community, the consumer, the housewife and everyone else concerned, will not be left out in the cold.

There is one section above all that I could not conclude without mentioning, that is, the farm workers. I have listened to a good deal of the debate and have read the Dáil reports of the rest of it and I have not found any Deputy from the Opposition pointing out the problem in relation to farm workers. We hear of the tragedy and the calamity involved in the reduction in the price of wheat and the various problems besetting the farmers but, apparently, the problem besetting agricultural workers is to be put aside. We say that if there is to be prosperity and harmony in rural Ireland the farm workers must not be left out. We were with the Minister a few years ago when the farm workers got their charter of freedom and the right to a week's holiday. We cannot sit back now and say to them that they have all that they are going to get.

The cost of living affects the farm worker and his family just as much as it affects any other section. We of the Labour Party want to make it clear that in our co-operation with the other Parties in this inter-Party Government, while we are solidly behind them in any effort which will give prosperity to the agricultural community, under no circumstances can we afford or in no circumstances will we allow ourselves to be put in a position where the farm worker is forgotten.

While it is perfectly true that the debate on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture should occupy the attention of the House to a greater extent than any other Estimate that comes before us, one cannot but think from the speeches of Deputies on all sides of the House that most of them claim to be experts on all the aspects of our agricultural policy. I think that not even the Minister, Deputy Dillon, can claim to be an expert on all the aspects of our agricultural policy. I, therefore, propose to be brief and to draw the attention of the Minister in particular to the position of the bacon industry.

While it is true that in the past two months bacon has increased from £11 a cwt. to £13 10s. a cwt., there is something wrong. Indeed, it has often been described as a racket and a racket it is in the bacon industry. I am asking the Minister now to take active measures to see what is wrong.

We were told by the bacon curers two months ago that they had so many pigs on hands that they could not keep on killing. I know one factory in Cork that killed 2,000 pigs per week two months ago that killed 100 pigs last week. I would like to know, and I think it is the business of the Minister to find out, what became of all this bacon that these bacon factories produced two months ago, much of which was bought at top rate. Undoubtedly there is a racket.

I would urge the Minister to get over the difficulty by putting bacon curing on a co-operative basis. Deputy Desmond and Deputy Beegan referred to the co-operative basis, although they held different views, but I think they will both agree that in this case, where this racket is going on, there is only one hope and that is to put the industry on a co-operative basis.

The Minister would be well advised also to examine the way in which bacon factories grade pigs. We can read the reports of committees of agriculture all over the Twenty-Six Counties and they are at one in the belief that something should be done. The Minister, when concluding the debate, should give his views on this matter and should tell us and the farmers of the country now whether or not they should continue producing pigs and, if they should produce pigs, how they will be treated when they rear the pigs.

The bacon industry is one in which more labour is required than is required in any other agricultural activity. It is unfortunately true that over a number of years farmers and pig producers have been getting in and out of pigs according as the price rose or fell. While that state of affairs continues, we cannot hope for any future for the bacon industry. Therefore, I confidently appeal to the Minister to give his attention to this matter and, if at all possible, to make a statement when he is replying to the debate that will ease the mind of the bacon producers throughout the country.

Different opinions have been expressed on all sides and, as Deputy Desmond says, there are people on all sides of the House who agree with the view put forward by Deputy Moher regarding the type of cow that we should keep in this country. It is true that some people on the opposite side of the House and some people on this side of the House agree that the Friesian is the right type, while some Deputies on the opposite side of the House and some people on this side agree that the dual purpose Shorthorn is the right type. It is time that a definite attempt was made to decide what is the right type. The argument as to the right type has been going on in this House since the Livestock Breeding Act was introduced many years ago. We do not seem to have advanced in the right direction. The Minister would be well advised, if not to set up a committee, at least to get the opinions of the leading agriculturists on all sides of the House with regard to this matter, not in a political way but in a way that will be intended by all for the betterment of agriculture and the dairying industry.

I did say that it was not my intention to go into all aspects of the agricultural industry. I hope the Minister in his reply will give some detail as to what he proposes to do in regard to the two points I have mentioned in particular.

I heard the view put forward on one occasion that the solution, to a certain minor point, of the problem of agricultural production and the sale of agricultural produce was the abolition of the Department of Agriculture. I was astounded at the reception the expression of that opinion received from a number of people gathered together in a hall in my constituency. It expressed an attitude of mind that is prevalent amongst our people towards the activities of the Department and probably towards every Department of State. I feel that the person who made the statement did not mean to express that as a proper opinion but rather made the statement to draw the applause. He got it. There is no doubt about that.

If we could relate that expression of opinion to the difficulty that we find, generally speaking, throughout the country in obtaining the unqualified consent of all our farmers to avail of services placed at their disposal by the State through the Department of Agriculture, each and every member of this House would be contributing a great deal towards the solution of many problems that face agriculturists here. The Department of Agriculture deals with so many matters and has so many branches that it is impossible in any single speech here to deal with all its activities. The main point in this debate has been the discussion of our cattle breeding policy, land rehabilitation and increased production thereby, and a few incidental matters such as fruit-growing and—naturally from the Labour Party—the question of agricultural wages. Let me deal with that one first.

This Party in its time laid down a measure of goodwill between the agricultural worker and the farmer in what is known as the Agricultural Wages Board, wherein they could resolve their own disagreements with regard to wages and conditions of employment. That was followed by an Act by the present Minister and an Act subsequently by the Fianna Fáil Party in regard to holidays for agricultural workers. If any change is needed in that matter, I presume the present Government will meet the demand and make the change, so that the harmony that exists between the agricultural worker and the farmer may continue.

This is a matter that one cannot deal with by looking at it from one's own constituency point of view. It is all right in the case of the constituency I represent, where in the main you have large farmers in every type of production, with large incomes from their farms. Their farms are well mechanised, with proper outbuildings and so on. These people can give a better deal to the agricultural labourer than the family farmer on submarginal or marginal land.

When a Government comes to deal with agricultural wages, taking the broad view all over the country, it has to bear in mind the capacity of the farmer to meet his obligations in all aspects—to his family and to his home problems of all types as well as to his labourer. The same thing applies in regard to every other aspect of agricultural production on those farms. In dealing with the question of increased production, when asking the farmer to go into this line or that line, one must take into consideration not alone the type of land he had but his obligations to his own family and to his neighbours.

Let me turn now to the cattle-breeding policy. Since the State was established, the main Act under which our cattle-breeding policy is directed is that commonly known as the Hogan Act. It has carried on since then and the results have not proved satisfactory to the general body of opinion within the country. For a long number of years our people were engaged in the sale of butter in the British market, in the sale of dairy cattle and beef cattle. Time passed and we did not maintain our place on the British market as butter sellers; we were beaten out, we were priced out of the market, as the Minister has said, by our competitors from overseas. The same applies to other branches of agricultural production that I am not going to deal with in this speech.

It is a peculiar thing that the dairy herds of Britain, the Shorthorn dairy herds, including the Reading herd, were built out of Irish cattle purchased by commercial cattlemen from ordinary Irish shippers of Shorthorn cows. Our Department of Agriculture has gone over for a number of years to Britain to purchase the progeny of those cows. If we had the proper direction here in Ireland we could do the same thing, we could build a Shorthorn dairy herd even from the cattle we have. In England, of course, the large farmers in the dairying trade have contributed to solve the difficulty of the British Government. We are not so placed here, as we have not got large farmers with the best of land solely engaged in milk production or in pure-bred herds of dairy Shorthorns to facilitate the milk producers in their quest for the proper type of Shorthorn cows for their own herds. It follows that it must devolve upon the State to do something towards that end.

At the time the decision was taken by the Government—I think it was Deputy Dillon as Minister for Agriculture who took the decision—to establish the insemination station here, I felt that here we had a method by which, by the use of proven bulls, by the purchase of the best type of Shorthorn bull it was possible to get, we could provide our farmers with a first-class service. I remember mentioning at the time, regarding the Shorthorn heifers the progeny of these bulls, with the bull mated to the best possible type of Shorthorn cow that the farmer happened to possess at the time, that if that heifer calf were marked and the farmer advised to keep that heifer calf and feed it on and breed it down to milk when it came to maturity, we would be doing something to build up our Shorthorn cattle herds, the foundation stock which has served this country so well for a very long number of years.

I am a believer in the Shorthorn cow as the foundation stock of this country. I am firmly convinced that it is the best deal our people can get. I do not know how far the Department intend to follow up this matter of tracing down and keeping in touch with the heifer calves, the progeny of these bulls. The difficulty I see is that whenever beef prices soar, whenever you have a demand for beef above a certain fixed level, our farmers are inclined to put all their cattle into beef. They put the heifers into beef, they even put the cows into beef—they milk the cow a year and feed her into beef.

I have heard in the House and outside on the hustings all the talk about the destruction of our cattle here through the slaughter of calves in 1945, 1946 and 1947. If one examines that matter with an objective mind, one finds that in 1945 the war had just ended, there was a demand in Britain for meat and it had to be met. They could not get it anywhere else, as it was scarce all over the world. We were not giving so much for store cattle, they had not got the food to feed them through the winter—any more than we had at the time.

What happened? They said they would buy veal from us—veal—and the farmers in the South and West of Ireland were selling store cattle with a bit of flesh on them and they were being purchased at a higher price than the feeder was giving for them at the time, they were going into our factories and being killed and exported to Britain as veal. What is meant by the term "calf" in that statement? A beast that is under two years old, that has not got the two incisors, is a calf. If you look at the record for the export of cattle during the economic war period when the British were extracting a tariff on our cattle, it was less for the baby beef, for those with less than two teeth, and so much for ones two teeth, and so much for ones with over two teeth. We exported thousands of calves at that time. Not alone can it not be said that we slaughtered calves during that period but we exported calves. I have digressed a little in dealing with this matter but those cattle were paid for at a respectable price and they made in Britain 4/6 a lb. as veal.

I wonder what Minister for Agriculture or what Deputy in this House will object to a policy if we are going to get, through that policy, towards the production of early maturity meat and if we are going to increase our cattle production to the numbers to which it is intended to increase them to meet the charges that will flow from the amount of money that the State is investing in Irish land at the moment through the land rehabilitation scheme and all the other schemes. If we are going to get a return of the capital investment in capital and interest we must keep a great deal more cattle in this country than we are keeping at the present time. If we do proceed to keep them, we must sell a great deal of them as early maturity cattle; otherwise we will not be able to maintain them as they should be maintained over the winter months.

Why does the Deputy think that?

Unless the increased production on your land is to such an extent that you will have the food and the wherewithal to keep them, you will not be able to do it. You cannot depend upon the importation of cheap food into this country for cattle production and be enabled to sell them to Britain at prices that will pay you for purchasing food at such exorbitant prices. There are many well-placed and intelligent people who have studied this question of milk and butter production and who are of opinion that if we put our farmers in possession of a Friesian cow of equal capacity and equal conformity to enable them to compete with the Dutchman they will beat the Dutch or any other competitor in the British market to it in so far as price is concerned.

I do not doubt that statement; but let me be clear on that. It might be a sound proposition from the point of view of being able to compete with any other trader in the British market in the sale of butter if we had all Friesian cows in this country giving the milk capacity that a Friesian is capable of. However, what Government, what Party or people will take the risk of proceeding on a long-term policy in that regard? As my friend, Deputy Desmond, stated, we must look at this thing in a very realistic way. I would not care to advocate that this State should take that risk. It would take a long time to oust the Shorthorn cow from this State and to substitute each one of them by a Friesian. No sensible person would fool himself into the belief that if you had all that done the Danes would not do everything they possibly could to beat you in the British market still.

We have a market for meat in Britain. In regard to tinned meat, for which there was a market, it may be that that trade is not such a rosy proposition for the people engaged in it at the moment. It will not be always so. Every type of activity that will keep a bottom in the beef trade in normal times when beef trade inclined to be cheap is a definite asset to our country. At present, when this industry is passing through a difficult time, the Government should examine the matter and see if anything can be done. I know it is a difficult situation and I have no ready solution for it. I do not suppose it is a matter that can be dealt with by a simple consultation but there is no doubt that it is a young business and it is our belief that we should all be concerned, whether we are personally interested or not, in keeping that in operation as a sound and steady business within the country.

Would the Deputy not agree there is a change in demand for beef?

We know that. In regard to the insemination stations, with which I was dealing, the present Minister took exception to the introduction of the Hereford and Aberdeen Angus into those stations. I think there is room in the insemination stations for these bulls as well as the Shorthorns and it is only a question of our agricultural instructors and advisers, through the local committee or parish plan, or through the institute that is to be set up or by some other method, guiding our farmers as to how best to use them in the future. The emphasis in the future will be, in my opinion, on quality in so far as store and beef cattle are concerned. The best method of getting quality is to purchase bulls of the highest quality to ensure that the offspring will be such as to command the best possible price that can be obtained, that they will be easily fed and easily brought to maturity.

I have heard this old adage being used in the House and outside it very often, and the Minister used it: one more cow, one more sow, one more acre under the plough, as a basis or indication of agricultural policy. I cannot understand the meaning of it; I do not think it has any meaning. Let us take the phrase "one more cow." That certainly has no meaning. I believe the whole idea is to get greater production from the cow. If we get more milk from the Shorthorns that we have and feed them up to give more milk, we will be achieving something. It is all right to talk about one more cow but you eventually reach the number of cattle you require. There is a limitation to the number of cattle we can have. Do not let anyone think that you can have cattle ad lib. You have got to take the necessary steps to feed those cattle and keep them in good order.

The same thing applies in the case of the "one more sow." I heard the Minister for Agriculture in this House, when advising people about the pig and bacon industry, give the advice to the farmer to keep a sow and to make sure to grow enough on his own land to feed her and her offspring. That is the advice he gave and that also would be my statement, but all this thing is conditioned by the ability of our farmers to produce the food and the capability of the land to grow it. You cannot expect the same production from submarginal and marginal land as from other land. You must relate the type of animal to the land and you cannot expect submarginal land to feed the best cattle. The people living on that land must keep the type of cattle most suited to that land and do their best to improve the cattle.

Cannot you improve the land itself?

There are parts of Ireland where it just cannot be done. It is all right to talk of improving the land in County Meath and in the Midlands and there are parts in which you can improve it slightly, but not to the extent that you can increase production the same as you could do on fairly good land.

The same thing applies to "one more acre under the plough". You can plough only a certain amount of land in this country. You cannot over-plough to the extent that you will not have enough left for grazing and grass. It is true that all our grass land is not producing as much grass as it could. I have seen people in County Meath from over the water who have increased production to an enormous degree. It is astonishing to see the amount of cattle that they can feed on grass land.

I think that more emphasis should be laid by the Department of Agriculture on the education of our people in the limitations of what it is possible to get from the land. A well-known patriot, Thomas Davis, advised our people to educate themselves so that they might be free. Now that we have our freedom we should try to get our people to make use of the education available to them to get a greater degree of co-operation between our farmers and the instructors. If we could do that, I think we would go a long way towards an increase in the production of tillage crops, cattle and milk, which are so badly needed by the State. I do not think that can be done in a month or two months or in one year or in five years. It is a long-term business and it has taken a long time, even with the co-operation of Macra na Feirme and Muintir na Tíre, to induce our people to avail of the educational facilities available to them.

The matter of co-operation has been mentioned here and especially the question of co-operative marketing, but there is something more in this question of co-operation. We should deal with co-operative production. There is a lot in the statements and writings of Major General Costello. He is dealing now with the method of treating the submarginal land in the West of Ireland and he is advocating the policy of co-operative production. There are people who say that our farmers are undercapitalised and that all we have to do is to give them more money. In my opinion it is not money they need so much as machinery and housing; in many cases they need to replace the very houses they live in, the farm buildings and so on. It is these things that go to build up proper husbandry on a farm. If you could get that through co-operative endeavour and also deal with the output from the farms in a co-operative manner, it would be my idea of co-operation and co-operative endeavour.

I do not want to speak much longer on this Estimate. I do not want to deal with the minor matters that affect the County Meath, the constituency that I have the honour to represent. I will deal with these matters on another occassion.

I think it was Deputy Manley who stated here last week that representation in this House should be reduced by one-third. I think that if the speeches made by members of this House were also reduced by one-third, or perhaps by two-thirds, much better business would be done. This Estimate on Agriculture has taken quite a long time and various Deputies who have spoken from all sides of the House seem to differ in many ways as to the real agricultural policy we should pursue.

It seems to me that it should be quite easy to carry out a policy for the benefit of the farmers of this country. One of the first essentials is to ensure that the land of Ireland should be improved in all directions by the proper rotation of crops and proper seeding.

It also seems to me that the best type of live stock should be placed in the areas in which they would be the most suitable. For instance, there have been discussions from various points of view as to the best type of cow for this country and the majority seem to favour the dual purpose Shorthorn cow. There are areas in this country where that breed should not be allowed. Reference has been made to the Friesian and dual Shorthorn, but I have never yet heard much reference to the Kerry cow; but the Kerry cow is there. For instance, you have the Kerry cow in South Kerry and I will admit that it is the most suitable type of cow for the type of land we have there, but, at one stage, I think it was in 1930 or 1932, a regulation was made introducing into that area different types of bulls.

At the moment we have hardly a straight Kerry cow in the whole area. I hold that if we had a really good Kerry cow it would be the most satisfactory type from the point of view of milk production in that area. Now, so far as the production of cattle is concerned, Kerry cows should be mated to Shorthorn or Hereford bulls; when a Kerry cow is mated to a Kerry bull the farmers must keep the progeny for three or four years before they are fit for sale. The type of cattle produced by the mating of a Kerry cow to a Hereford or a Shorthorn bull would be the ideal type at the present moment because of the type of cattle required in England for the production of meat. These cattle would be small and rather lean and that is the kind required on the export market, and even on the home market. Fashions have changed in meat as in everything else. In the old days it was the large fat animal that was required; now it is the lean small animal.

In relation to the production of pigs, this would constitute a very useful industry in the part of the country from which I come if it could be carried out in a proper manner. The type of pig produced at the moment is the large fat pig. The bacon produced by this animal is not suitable for present-day needs. I think the Minister prefers the type of pig described as the large white. I have seen where experts have recommended the introduction of the landrace pig in order to improve our breed. It is thought that that pig would help us to hold the export market but the market varies so much, our farmers and cottiers do not like going into pig production at all.

I think the Minister stated that the landrace pig could not be introduced here because of the danger of introducing disease with it. Off the Kerry coast there is a large island now denuded of its human population. Why not intern landrace pigs on the Blasket Islands for six or 12 months, produce a certain number of them, certify them as free from disease and send them around the country to improve our stock? It may be said that Denmark, the home of the landrace, may not wish to export these animals. I understand there are numbers of them in Northern Ireland. Every day there is smuggling across the Border. Why not smuggle in some of these landrace pigs if we cannot get them otherwise?

The Minister will not agree.

With regard to the type of sheep in South Kerry, we have there a hardy breed known as the black-faced Scotch breed. Because of close breeding the sheep we have at present have become very small and they are known as what are called, I think, hog mouthed—the under jaw is much shorter than the upper. Experts hold this is because of close breeding. In order to improve the breed I suggest we should import rams from Scotland; it is from there the breed first came. Those rams should be made available to the farmers in the district. Near Killarney we have the Muckross estate and I suggest that some rams and some ewes from Scotland could be stationed there and their progeny given out to different farmers. Just like the lean beef and the lean pork, the type of mutton produced by these Kerry sheep is the type of mutton required on the export market. It is preferred even by our own people.

I am prepared to promise all the rams the Deputy wants.

I shall be asking for a large number later on.

The Deputy from Donegal will describe how he is nearly trampled under foot with all the rams we have provided up there for him.

They were not all good.

They were the best we could get.

The best of a bad lot.

The type of agriculture in my constituency and along the western seaboard generally is different from the type of agriculture in Deputy Hilliard's constituency and in the majority of constituencies throughout the country. Our farmers produce all they can—cattle, pigs, sheep, poultry— but it is essential that the Department of Agriculture should do everything possible to improve the condition of the land by drainage under land reclamation, by making fertilisers available and by reseeding. Tillage cannot be done to any great extent in undeveloped areas like South Kerry. There is there a lot of old grass which is of very little use in the feeding of live stock. The type of hay produced is of very little use.

When the Minister puts his parish plan into operation eventually, the officials in charge of that should give all the advice and help necessary in order that farmers in such areas will be able to improve their lands. Machinery should be made available, though not entirely on a co-operative basis, because some people are shy of entering into co-operation like that. If grants were made available to active young men who could combine to purchase the necessary machinery to carry out drainage under the land project, that would be one method of solving the present difficulty.

Unfortunately, when the last Minister sold the land reclamation machinery, none of it found its way into our area. Naturally, our farmers would not have a large area of land to be drained and no contractor would bother going to a small farmer in a remote mountain area when he can get plenty of work from large farmers in more convenient districts.

I hope the Minister will make some provision for farmers along the western seaboard. If we can improve the land there improvement in our live stock will automatically follow and in that way we will improve the agricultural economy of the area as a whole.

Deputy Beegan stated that Fianna Fáil never said they wanted the British market to be finished forever. I will quote now something which should dispel for all time any erroneous recollections Fianna Fáil may have. This is a statement made by their leader at a meeting in Killarney on 6th November, 1944. I was at the meeting myself. This is what he said:—

"It is also much better for the farmers to use this land to grow wheat to be purchased within the country at a fixed price than that the land should be used to fatten cattle for export at whatever price we would get."

Just imagine making a statement like that in Killarney, in South Kerry, where we grow no wheat and where it is in our interests that the price of wheat should be as low as possible. Indeed, when the Minister reduced the price of wheat last October or November, the people in my constituency were very, very pleased. It was absurd for any Minister or any Government to pay 82/6 a barrel for wheat when the world market price was only 62/6. Because wheat prices were so high here, racketeers or adventurers came along and took thousands of acres of land to grow wheat in order to get rich quick. In Dublin three Englishmen rented 1,000 acres each; that represents a total of 3,000 acres. I understand the wheat subsidy is something like £8 per acre. Therefore, these gentlemen netted something in the region of £24,000. Hundreds of others rented 500 acres at £30 and £36 per acre and made a profit out of growing wheat. We cannot grow wheat in South Kerry but we have to help to pay the subsidies for these racketeers. It is time a stop was put to that. Indeed, we hope that the Minister will reduce the price of wheat again until it comes down eventually to the world market price.

When these racketeers stepped in scarcely any barley or oats was sown and we have now to import barley from the Middle East and oats from Scotland. It is in our interests in the area from which I come that sufficient barley and oats should be sown, together with a certain amount of wheat, so that we will have food for our live stock. We cannot grow barley in Kerry. We can grow very little oats and it is in our interest that the farmers who have good land on which they can grow both barley and oats should do so and have a surplus for us rather than that we should have to import. In the light of all that, the statement of the leader of the Opposition in Killarney was a very peculiar one indeed. Speaking on the 9th of August, 1933, at column 1610 of Volume 49 of the Official Report, Deputy de Valera said:—

"So far as I can see, the British market has gone forever."

Earlier in the same speech, Deputy de Valera said:—

"The people of Ireland came to the conclusion, every single nationalist in the past, the people with the true spirit of Ireland came to the conclusion that we came to, the conclusion that the people came to when they started Sinn Féin and reverted to once more when they put Fianna Fáil into office; that if there is to be any hope of prosperity for this country it is by reversing that policy which made us simply the kitchen garden for supplying the British with cheap food."

I am merely showing how much they have changed as a result of their experience.

Observe Deputy Donnchadh Ó Briain says they have not changed a bit. In their heart of hearts they believe it still.

On the 27th August, 1933, speaking at Ennis, Deputy de Valera said:—

"The British market would never be the same as it was in the past. To restore that market was just as a child might say, give me the moon."

I am quoting from a report in the Irish Independent on 28th August, 1933.

And Deputy Donnchadh Ó Briain is nodding his head.

I will make my speech before this debate is over.

Further in the same speech he said:—

"Farmers were losing something they would lose in any case. The market which their opponents asked them to restore was a market which no human agency could restore."

He was a very bad prophet!

And Deputy Donnchadh Ó Briain is nodding his head.

I remember the time very well and if the Deputy wants to go back to all this I will go back to it.

As go bráth leat!

And the people stood behind us solidly in spite of the Minister and everybody else.

In the Irish Press of 19th June, 1934, the then Minister for Lands, Senator Connolly, is reported as saying at Strokestown:—

"It was a damn good job that the British Cattle Market had gone."

Deputy MacEntee, speaking at a meeting of the Literary and Historical Society of University College, Dublin, on 20th March, 1942, as reported in the Irish Press, said:—

"It was extremely doubtful whether, in these circumstances, we shall get anything like the same prices for our products in post-war years as we were accustomed to do prior to the war. That might ultimately mean, over a long period, a diminution in our live-stock export trade, and perhaps, in course of time, its virtual disappearance altogether, leaving a long period of readjustment during which the position of our agricultural population would be the cause of the gravest concern."

Deputy Aiken, speaking on the motion for essential supplies on 17th January, 1941, as reported at column 1524 of Volume 81 of the Official Report, said:—

"We are not helpless if we use our brains. The Lord has given us resources, and we have the means at the moment, so that even if every damn ship were at the bottom of the sea, we could have twice as high a standard of living in a few years."

No head nodding there.

That was said, and it was true in the circumstances.

They still believe it.

I think it would be very difficult to reconcile all these statements with the statement made by Deputy Beegan this afternoon when he said that Fianna Fáil never expressed the view that the British market was gone, and gone forever.

I listened with interest to Deputy Hilliard expressing his difficulty in understanding the simple adage—"one more cow, one more sow, one more acre under the plough." I wonder at times if progressive thought is not circumvented so far as the Opposition is concerned by lack of perception. The adage is more true to-day, I would say, than ever in our history, but let us analyse what its real import is. It preconceives the conception of a balance in economy and an effort by our farmers to grow to the greatest possible extent their requirements by way of feeding stuffs to enable them ultimately to walk their live stock off the land.

It is time we realised, and it is time the Minister for Agriculture realised, that there is practically an unlimited field for development in this country's agriculture on the basis of improvement of the land itself, improvement of the strains of our stocks and improvement in our grasslands. I wish we had reached the stage where there was some truth in the fears expressed by Deputy Hilliard that we cannot go on for ever on the theory of "one more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough." I think the time has come for the Irish people as a whole to be forcibly led to the conviction that we must put more and more into our land, more and more into the development of better strains of stock, and more and more into the improvement of every facet of our lands whether they be tillage lands or grasslands, because there is no doubt at all that there is no country in the world under-producing to the extent that we are.

There is no use in people conceiving for this country any real lasting national development until we get our basic industry absolutely right. I am glad to see the present Minister back in the Department again because imagination, courage and forthrightness will not be lacking so long as he is there. I may differ with him—and I am sure during the course of my speech I am going to differ fundamentally from him on what my conception of policy would be compared to what his conception of policy would be—but at least, let me preface my remarks by this: that I believe there is one thing to be said for Deputy Dillon as Minister for Agriculture and that is that he has the courage to lead the agricultural community, and even if I may differ from him, it is a difference that springs from conviction rather than from any other source.

We talk here of all types of development, but we never get down to the plain simple fact that in the ultimate analysis so far as our economy is concerned it is the farmer who pays for all. When I hear people suggesting that the farmers have got too much preferential treatment in this way or in that way it makes me sick because until such time as we can get an ever-improving level of production from the land, an ever-improving standard of living for the people who work and get their livings on the land, we can never in fact establish a sound, basic economy in this country at all. I do not believe that there is an acre of land in Ireland that by shrewd investment and good effort by the nation cannot be improved so as to do a worthwhile job for the national economy.

I believe that if the Minister for Agriculture gets down to the task of making available to the farmers throughout this State the fertilisers that they need to improve the heart of their land, if he gets down to the task of making them available readily at reasonable prices with reasonable credit facilities, the immediate result of that will be seen in a few years in very enhanced production of feeding stuffs necessary for our economy. I do not believe that there is any rationality in a policy that conceives over-production in a crop like wheat and underproduction in the basic essentials of feeding that we want for our stock.

We are facing a position in which as competition develops the more we can produce at home, whether it is barley, oats or fodder beet, root crops or hay or grass ensilage, the more we can produce to make up the full ration for feeding our live stock the more independent we shall be and the more competitive we can ultimately become, because we can have some control over the prices of these commodities within our own State and the law of supply and demand will operate to bring reasonable prices into existence. It is no use depending on fluctuating world prices for certain commodities when we can produce them effectively ourselves. I believe that the tendency must be developed to get more and more of our feeding stuffs grown here. I believe that the Department of Agriculture must wake up very quickly to the fact that there is a very substantial change in the demand of the British market in relation to pork and to beef.

The old type of heavy animal in either pigs or cattle is a thing of the past. There is definitely a changing demand in the palate of the consumer, and if we want to survive in a market which has been of such immense value to us we will have to change rapidly in order to cope with the altering demand.

Some of the most amazing factors have operated to cause this change. The British people have gone through a very long period of scarcity of fats. They have found many substitutes. We have various world trends towards a leaner diet, and we have to face up to that responsibility, and the Minister has a duty to the Irish farmer of guiding him into as effective a change in that direction as is practicable, and as quickly as possible.

I said before in this House, and I say it again, that I do not believe there is such a thing as a dual purpose cow. I think that if we are going to survive we will have to face up to a realisation that it is going to take a fundamentally different type of animal to produce milk economically from the animal that is going to be economic from the beef point of view. With the world situation as it is, and with our own national economy constantly running into difficulties over milk prices, there is no doubt but that the main answer, in relation to milk prices, must come from increased production by cows rather than on the issue of adequate price range adjustments. I believe that, with the change in the concept of beef that is operating in the British market, it would be possible, gradually, to develop, particularly in the milk zones, milk strains of cattle that would, even though initially causing a temporary upset in our economy, ultimately find their way into the British market as the lean type of beef for which there is an ever-increasing demand.

I think that the farmer would be infinitely better served if he were milking Friesians where he was going in for milk production, as such, as the basis of his economy. If he wanted beef production, then he could use an alternative animal. There is no doubt but that, with a very reduced number of cows, he could keep up the supply of milk and enable himself, at the same time, to go in for deliberate and preconceived beef production on the other side of his stock raising.

I had an experience recently of visiting a farm where I saw a herd of 40 Friesian cattle. They were milked not twice a day but three times a day and not one of these cows produced less than 1,200 gallons of milk in a lactation period.

How much did they eat?

I am going to explain the way they were fed. They were fed on a compound feeding and on rotational grass feeding for a certain number of hours in the morning and a certain number of hours after the second milking. The diet may be described as a fairly expensive diet, but the milk yields for that diet showed an infinitely more economic return than the feeding that we give to many of our uneconomic cows throughout this State. I know that I and the Minister do not see eye to eye on this, but I do not think that the Minister will think any the less of the fact that I am stressing a point of view which I believe in.

Hear, hear!

I believe that the Friesian that is only milked for a few years can, in the form of fat cow beef that is readily saleable at the moment, become a valuable asset even in the beef market. I believe that it would ultimately make for a better balance in our agricultural economy here at home if farmers were producing milk from animals best suited for milk production and were then able to concentrate on beef production, whether that was through the Shorthorns or the Herefords. I think it is possible to coordinate and run the two of them together, to make them complementary to each other and at the same time preserve far more economically than at present our milk supplies at home.

I also believe that if this Government comes to grips with the problem of doing something about the rancid grassland that abounds in this State, if it does something about the impoverished grassland that we have in this State, we will not have as much difficulty about feeding our animals in the future as we have to-day. I believe myself that it is of even more vital importance on the basis of stepping up production quickly that we come to grips with the problem of our grassland. It is pitiful to see what could be very effective units of production not serving any real purpose because of the scarcity of grass or the lack of quality in our grass. I do not know if the Minister can get to grips with the problem in any very speedy way, but I know that he is alive to the problem.

We had evidence of that in the investigation that he initiated very shortly after taking office in 1948; that was the investigation of our grassland by the New Zealand expert. Investigations are all right and reports are all right but what we really want in this country is to see the grass all right. I urge upon the Minister to be as broad in his concept of the grassland problem as he was in his concept of the land reclamation scheme. It is something that must be tackled effectively and as quickly as possible because every year's delay means so much retarding of production.

I believe that if we get down to the task of putting Irish money and Irish effort into the land of Ireland we can step up very substantially the yields of all the cereals on our arable land and make available for feeding our cattle on the grasslands of Ireland infinitely more and infinitely better grass than we have. With the improvement in the grass seeding and the development of better strains of grass we would not only get increased feeding but we would get good grass feeding for increased periods during the year, thus reducing any problem that might arise in relation to the length of winter feeding the farmer has to undertake if he wants to keep different types of stores.

This problem is one in which the Minister should have the co-operation and help of all types of agricultural organisations throughout the State. I believe it is something in which the Minister can give guidance and make available seed and various technical data that can be of help. However, I also believe it will require the enthusiasm and effort of the farmer on his own land to carry out whatever plan the Minister may have for a rapid improvement of grass.

The Minister has taken the right course this year in directing the farmers to go back more and more into the production of barley and oats. The farmer will have to realise that, with the present price of offals, it is in his own interest to grow as much as he possibly can of the feeding stuffs he will require and it is also in his interest to know that, in the present situation, he will have available to him a reasonable market in which to dispose of his surplus. With the drive towards increased exports, there will be more and more consumption of these home-grown cereals in all localities.

The Minister is trying to get back to a balance in our cereal policy and he is absolutely right. Over-production in wheat was not in any way contributing to an improvement in our general agricultural economy. As I have said many times before, it was the unfortunate small farmer in the fastness of the Beara peninsula or in the peninsulas of West Cork, who was buying his sack of ration now and his bag of laying mash again, who was really paying the subsidies that were going into the pockets of the people who were either fortunate enough to have the type of land that would produce wheat or who were financially strong enough to speculate in the taking of land that would produce large quantities of wheat.

The big problem—the Minister is aware of it but I must advert to it— of the type of producer I represent is the cost of his feeding stuffs. The economy of the West Cork farmer is the soundest economy in the whole of this State and he is the most fearless worker in the whole of this State. However, he is facing the difficulty of the constantly increasing prices of his feeding stuffs and that has become a major problem for him. In the final analysis, you can have no real test of the capacity of the farmer unless he can produce an animal at a reasonable figure in relation to cost of feeding and what he may realise for it in the market.

It is true that, at the moment, we are enjoying very enhanced beef prices and I hope that will continue for a substantial period. However, it brings with it the danger that we are inclined to oversell when the market is so enhanced. The Minister will have a responsibility to the farmer to try and ensure that too much of our young heifer stock is not allowed to find its way into the beef market. However, even though I may pose problems, the Minister can realise that the Irish farmer is content and feels a sense of security in the knowledge that Deputy James Dillon is back again as Minister for Agriculture. They are waiting for that leadership, that imagination and that verve which they associate with him to guide them and their industry into a prosperous future.

There are very serious considerations in regard to the type and strain of our pigs. If the Minister believes, as he has said, that the landrace pig will create difficulties that may virtually be insurmountable, then the Minister has a responsibility to range the world over, if necessary, to find an alternative breed of pig for the Irish farmer. Fat bacon is rapidly becoming a thing of the past. The demand both at home and in the foreign market is for leaner and leaner bacon. I believe the demand for leaner and leaner beef will become more pronounced but, where pork and bacon are concerned, the demand has become definitely pronounced. I know the Minister is at the moment actively and vigorously engaged in the problem, but I appeal to him to make available to the Irish farmer as quickly as possible the advice and information that his experiments will give him.

We heard woebegone cries some months ago about the bacon industry here. It is time the Minister was given credit for steering the bacon industry through one of the most difficult periods of its history and for the fact that to-day it is coming back with a bang. It is easy to criticise, but it is time that this House and the country realised that late last summer and in the very early fall the Minister for Agriculture gave a display of patience and tact that one does not always associate with the Minister for Agriculture. It enabled him to steer the bacon industry successfully through, as I have stated previously, one of its most difficult stages. I feel that if we can get quickly an alternative type of pig there is room for practically unlimited expansion in our bacon trade and that we will be able to compete with anyone, be they Danes or Poles or the farmers of any other European country.

The pig has a significant place in the economy of the Irish small farmer and one must remember that whatever about the rich lands of the Midlands, the basis of our agriculture falls back again on our small farmers. It may be all right for the rich land to fatten and finish, but it is down on our small farms that the first stage of our agricultural industry finds its expression. It is there above all other places that attention must be directed to ensure that to that type of farmer are available feeding stuffs at keener prices, all the fertiliser his land needs and all the technical advice and improved seeds that will enable him to re-seed and make better his grassland.

I do not know what the Minister can do about it, but there is no doubt at all that whatever purpose the Agricultural Credit Corporation was set up to achieve in relation to the farmers of Ireland the rate of interest they demand is far from attractive. There should be money available more readily and more easily to the farmer if you want him to produce more. The facets that are really necessary for increased production are more machinery, more fertilisers, improved strains of seed. All of that involves more and more capital expenditure and, God knows, nobody in this country has better security to offer the nation than the Irish farmer. I certainly think that in relation to credit facilities he should be treated infinitely better. I know that the Minister subscribes to the view that the farmer should get better and more extensive credit facilities.

I hope the Minister will use his dynamic personality within the Government to see that his ambition rapidly comes to fruition. The position of agriculture in this country at the moment is, in the circumstances, a very healthy one. I believe it can be geared up to full production only on the basis of boldly attacking the problem of drainage and rapidly getting energy and effort back into the land reclamation scheme. I believe that if we are to achieve any measure of success and if we are to build an ever-increasing margin of production we must, in the broadest and boldest possible way, attack the problem of improving land that has been let go wild. The land is there and I believe myself that if the facilities and the tools were given to the Irish farmers that land could rapidly be improved and that it would produce more and more year by year.

I think Deputy Hilliard touched on a matter that is of vital importance when he dealt with education for those who live on the land or work on the land or who are associated with production on the land. We are inclined possibly in our educational system to be too stereotyped in what our wisest and best curriculum should be, but there is no doubt about it that one of the most highly skilled and one of the most noble of all professions in this State is that of the farmer. I think that as a nation we do not concentrate to the extent or to anything like the extent that we should of equipping that most valuable citizen of ours with an education that would give him the scientific and technical knowledge that would be so immensely important and valuable to him in the daily labour of increasing the fertility of his farm.

I know that the Minister has been in the past very much alive to the necessity for disbursing more technical data and more departmental advice and that he has made available more departmental experts to help the farmer than anybody else, but I think we must get down to the problem of putting the farmer and those who work on the land of Ireland into the category of the specialists that they are and of ensuring that in so far as we can do so we will enable them, with the basic training necessary, to develop into a most highly scientific and productive section of the community.

I believe that the Minister has started and will push ahead with one of the most vital necessities of our live-stock trade at the moment. That is the scheme for the eradication of bovine T.B. I know that the Minister has already pilot schemes in operation. I do not know what data have been obtained or what success has already been indicated by these schemes, but I urge upon the Minister, if urging is necessary, the most rapid possible expansion of this scheme, particularly into the very large milk producing areas, one of which I represent. This is of vital importance. I think the Minister is tackling it in the right way. It will rank in its time with the vision that he showed when he tackled the land reclamation problem.

I would like the Minister to take serious note of what Deputy Palmer has adverted to and what I must advert to in relation to my own constituency, that the machinery disposed of by the Department has not found its way in to help those people whom the Minister, when he was in charge of the Department, felt had first charge upon the land reclamation scheme, those people who were living on holdings where improvement of the bad land would make for better economic circumstances above the subsistence level.

The ever-expanding growth of the veterinary services of the Minister's Department is welcome. With a sense of national pride we must all pay a tribute to what has been done in the eradication of certain hereditary types of diseases in cattle. I have always believed that we should have in this State virtually a dispensary service so far as veterinary medicine is concerned because in some outlying areas, in the far-flung fastnesses of some of the peninsulas of West Cork, it is not easy to get veterinary services because, naturally, men who are building up a professional practice gravitate towards the centres of population. The Minister might some time consider the practicability of creating some kind of dispensary service where veterinary medicine is concerned for isolated areas which would not normally be served by vets in practice.

The Irish farmer is back in safe hands again. The Minister has the leadership and the vision to exercise his driving power for the benefit of the agricultural community as a whole and to develop as quickly as possible all facets of agriculture. I believe that the confidence that his return to the Department has infused into the farmer will be reflected as year succeeds year in a constant expansion of production. Production saw its most significant expansion during the years when the Minister controlled the Department in the former Coalition Government and now shows a tendency to pick up again under that leadership. I hope that the boast that the Minister for Agriculture was able to make one time that our agricultural exports had exceeded £100,000,000 will, before he leaves office, reach a figure as astronomical as £200,000,000.

Listening to this debate, I noticed that Deputy Palmer took it upon himself to start quoting what members of this House said away back in 1933 and 1934. I think it was a somewhat dangerous course because, at the time the economic dispute was on, there was a desperate effort being made by the Government to hold its position while, on the other hand, the Opposition were busily engaged in trying to prevent the target being achieved. If we were to start quoting what people said in times past, we would not have to go back to 1933 and 1934. We could, for example, quote the present Minister, who has a perfect right, like every other member of this House, to change his mind and who said many strange things as recently as 1947, such as when he remarked that "after wheat and peat may beet go up the spout and God speed the day." To invoke the Deity for the disappearance of the beet sugar industry would seem to me just as unusual as to believe in the destruction of the cattle industry.

However, I think the reason why emphasis was placed on other forms of production in agriculture at that time was that Fianna Fáil believed then, as it believes now, in diversity of production as far as possible while recognising the absolute, vital and over-all importance of the cattle industry in this country.

I would like to hope that we could sometimes have debates on agriculture in an atmosphere devoid of political wrangling. I have noticed that in this debate a great many of the speakers on both sides have made proposals of a constructive kind which were not designed to prove anything in particular from the standpoint of narrow Party belief and I would like to hope that some day, before this Government ceases to be a Government, the Minister could refrain from misusing statistics in order to prove a purely mythical case, namely, that, No. 1, there has been some spectacular increase in production in this country and, secondly, that he must be responsible for it.

I believe, from the purely selfish point of view, even from the narrow Party standpoint, the present Minister or whoever holds his place, bearing in mind the great growth of agricultural organisations over the country, will have more advantage for his own position personally if he simply starts on the proposition that we need a great increase of production, that nothing spectacular has happened yet about it and that the Minister will be judged by his competence in that regard.

It is almost scandalous that the Minister, who can be so imaginative on occasion, should ignore entirely the results of the world war when he starts to prove agricultural production increased under his Ministry, taking the very worst year of weather we have had in half a century, 1948, and then proceeding to show that there was some measure of recovery from that time onwards. It is quite obvious that we have no reason for not telling the truth about our position. We have nothing special to be ashamed of in speaking of this stagnancy to which many commissions and many independent organisations have referred. Ever since we achieved independence, we have had a distorted picture of agricultural production—distorted, first of all, through the civil war and then the economic dispute with Great Britain and the world depression at the same time, and then distorted in turn by the inevitable effects of the world war and the consequent shortage of fertilisers and machinery. If we say there is still an immense leeway to be made up, we are merely facing facts.

We on this side of the House could spend a profitable hour in proving to the Minister that production during the last full year of his office in 1950 was exactly what it was in 1945, after five years of war and before the period of bad weather. There are not any figures the Minister could produce in this House to prove to the contrary. Every figure could be taken, the total output of production and every other circumstance could be examined and it would be found that at the end of three years of the present Minister's office the output was, in fact, about equal to what it was in 1945 at the end of five years' war. So the selection of particular years, in order to prove a case, is completely dishonest and will not encourage the agricultural community to follow upon a constructive course or to listen to the members of this House when they make proposals for the improvement of production.

There have been some heartening increases in production which took place during the time of the last Minister and during 1954 for which the present Minister can hardly be held responsible. These increases in production bring us to a figure slightly above that of 1938, but there is still a vast leeway to be made up. Neither the present Minister nor the past Minister ever contradicted the general statement of the expert who came here from New Zealand, who said that three-quarters of the whole of the grassland of this country was in almost virgin condition and needed recultivation. This is a thing not to be done overnight, but at least we know there is a problem to be faced. There are hopeful changes to be seen in every direction, changes which have little to do with political controversy on either side of the House, changes largely with regard to the growth of non-political farmers' organisations such as Macra na Feirme and, in its larger sphere, Muintir an Tíre. There are changes also in the efforts to form a national farmers' organisation, whose counterpart can be seen in many other countries and whose organisation is proceeding here at the present time.

All these happenings indicate a fermentation of that kind among the agricultural community which is very hopeful in every way. The growth of independent cattle market organisations in various towns in the Midlands is another sign of a hopeful development, the development of farm organisations for the general purpose of increasing production and increasing profit. We have to face the fact that it is in encouraging these organisations and in giving them valuable work to do, that the Minister can do most to encourage production; but he will not succeed if he attempts to misuse statistics.

Equally I have heard members of the Minister's Party going around the country since the election, making speeches in advance of the local elections and claiming credit for practically every Fianna Fáil scheme promoted to assist farmers to increase production. I heard the Minister for Defence in my own constituency talk about the resumption of the land rehabilitation scheme, as though it had ceased to operate during our term of office instead of trebling and quintupling, in some cases, in its volume. I have heard him speak of land reclamation as though the very idea was the Minister's, when, in fact, what he did was a very helpful idea; he mechanised and enlarged the original Fianna Fáil scheme which was doing a lot of good in reclaiming many acres throughout the country, largely in the small farm areas. He mechanised it, and part of his mechanised scheme had to be completely overhauled and changed; in any event, the idea of grants for farm improvement was originally a Fianna Fáil idea, which originated in 1938 and progressed from then steadily forward.

I heard Ministers of the present Government boast about the farm buildings scheme as though it were a Coalition scheme, although the farm buildings scheme was initiated in 1947 and the regulations were issued by the then Minister for Agriculture just before the Fianna Fáil Government was defeated at that time.

I have heard members of the present Government refer to the parish plan as the exclusive invention of the present Minister, when in fact the conception that the advisers should be increased in number first began under Fianna Fáil. The number of advisers constantly increased. At least, the Minister has to share it with the Very Rev. Canon Hayes, and cannot take exclusive credit for the conception of the parish plan. The Fine Gael Party go round the country talking about the parish plan as though it were their own, when they certainly have to share it, if they do not have to admit that the original idea lay in the general speeches and general thoughts and ideas of Very Rev. Canon Hayes, President of Muintir na Tíre.

It is time that the Fine Gael Party ceased to boast in the way they do about the parish plan and gave full credit to where it belongs—to the work of Muintir na Tíre, which has been progressing slowly and steadily and in connection with which, in various parts of the country, a number of guilds work in a truly co-operative spirit. I am not saying that the parish plan as worked by Muintir na Tíre has as yet reached perfection; I am merely saying that the idea, as far as I know, was originally the idea of Very Rev. Canon Hayes and that he should be given credit therefor.

We have a long way to make up. We have one of the lowest outputs per acre and one of the lowest outputs per man of the present States of Western Europe where agriculture is practised on a scientific scale. We have a very long way to go. One of the things one can notice in the country is that the undoubted improvement which has taken place has tended to be on the middle-sized farms and larger farms and not so much in the West. I think the Minister for Agriculture has not adverted sufficiently to the Report of the Population Commission, in which they state definitely that there was a decline noticeable in the output on the farms of 15 to 30 acres throughout the West; in fact, while there is progress in some areas, there is stagnancy in others.

There have been very big changes in the pattern of life in the West of Ireland, as everyone knows. The Land Commission's work has inevitably moved so slowly that farms are falling in on every side. Farms are growing in size, holdings are getting broken up into the home holding and the draw farms some distance away and the average size of farm, as shown in the Population Commission Report, is very rapidly growing in size. Coupled with that there have been various other disturbing features, so that the problem of rehabilitating the land of the West and the West Midlands is a very serious one for the Government to face. There has been considerable and hopeful improvement that can be seen on every side to a greater degree among larger farmers who have credit facilities and greater opportunities for scientific education and where the organisation and marketing of farming is on a highly developed scale. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
Barr
Roinn