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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 30 Jun 1959

Vol. 176 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Vote 49—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration".—(Deputy Sweetman.)

When I moved to report progress on this Estimate on 11th June, I was dealing with the question as to whether or not it is possible to attach any value to the investigations that had been made into the costing of milk production. I mentioned that even though it was not possible to reach the finality required in order to publish a report, nevertheless, the information that was obtained as to the costing of milk production at that time should be of some value. It is, of course, unfortunate that there is not an agreed basic price fixed for milk or that we cannot get general agreement as to the average price at which milk is produced.

Last year we found that, apart from the question as to whether or not the Exchequer should continue the subsidy that had been given for many years, other complications arose. One of our competitors on the British market had objected to Great Britain buying our butter when it was subsidised to the high extent that it was. A very serious problem then arose and our Ministers dealt with the problem as satisfactorily as could be expected on that occasion. The outcome was that, instead of the subsidy continuing at the existing rate, a new arrangement had to be devised. The Minister then found it necessary to ask the dairy industry to carry a portion of the subvention which was necessary to enable the existing price of milk to be maintained. That arrangement has continued over the past 12 months. In the meantime, the price of butter on the British market has increased. My information, for what it is worth, from people closely associated with the industry, is that the present price of butter on the British market is around 330/- per cwt., whereas it was only 305/- at the time the levy of 17/- was introduced. The dairy farmers therefore now make the point that the situation has changed radically within the past 12 months and that that is a very good reason why the Minister should find it possible to consider suspending the present levy of 17/- on butter.

We all know, of course, that the production of milk diminished rather seriously in the early months of this year. According to the official returns which have been published here in response to a Dáil Question that was tabled some time ago, the approximate quantity of milk delivered to the creameries for the five months up to the end of May was 53,000,000 gallons and the figure for the previous year was 66,000,000 gallons, showing a fall of 13,000,000 gallons in that period. We also know, of course, that the bad weather experienced in the latter part of last year and the early part of this year was responsible for that serious decline in milk production. However, it is a matter that we have to take notice of.

The decline, too, may to some extent be due to a falling off in the cow population. If it is in any way due to that factor, it is rather serious because requirements in connection with the replacement of cows and store cattle would mean that the target which has been set here in the White Paper could not be reached or even approached. That would be a very serious position because the store cattle trade is very important not alone directly to the agricultural industry but to the general economy of the country. It contributed very substantially during the past few years to arrest the serious position that obtained then in our balance of payments. It is one of those very important sources we have to look forward to in the future.

For that reason it is very essential that dairy farmers should be encouraged in every way possible, above all to maintain and if possible to increase, the number of cows under milk. There has been a fear, not today or yesterday but for many years, on the part of dairy farmers that if they were to increase the milk yield they would eventually find themselves faced with a position whereby the price of the milk produced would automatically go down. I do not know the reason or the grounds for that feeling but, if at all possible, I think it should be completely removed.

Did ye not cut the price by 1d. a gallon this year?

I shall come to that later. I shall make my speech now without any help, good, bad or indifferent, from the Deputy. I am sure he will make his own contribution to this debate later. Therefore, I suggest we continue in that way. I was dealing with the encouragement I feel dairy farmers should get in that connection.

We know that the cost of milk production in this country, compared with international standards, is rather high. I fear that that is something we cannot do very much about. There is a variety of reasons for that position, which has been under review by successive Ministers here over the years. I am quite sure it was something they were very anxious to settle but, because of the difficulty in getting the co-operation that was necessary to bring about an improvement in that trend, it was not possible to do anything about it.

I am concerned with the falling-off of dairy stock at the present time. We know that the Government policy in connection with the eradication of bovine tuberculosis has been that, if the stock-owners co-operate as they should, we shall have a very big problem to try to keep pace with the replacements necessary to maintain our animal population to the desirable level. The people who are engaging almost exclusively in milk production are in the front line trenches. The type of cow that seems to be generally popular in this country at the moment is known as the dual purpose cow. It produces a reasonable quantity of milk and provides a suitable type of beast for export, or as the case may be, for dairying thereafter. That type of farmer is generally on the small side and is dependent almost entirely on the revenue he receives from his sales of milk through the creameries.

The price of that milk was actually reduced because of the levy that had to be imposed during the past 12 months. There is also, and I would like the Minister to take note of the fact, a little reduction beyond that because creameries were obliged, during the past couple of years, particularly, to increase the range of their equipment to take care of the pasteurisation requirements of the Department and were also obliged to meet certain increases.

And storage charges.

That had to come from the person producing the milk and it reduced, by a slight margin—I would say, 1/2d. per gallon—the price that would normally be paid.

A penny a gallon.

I feel that the case made at the moment by the dairy farmers with regard to the possibility that there will be very little export liability this year is correct. I feel the Minister might reasonably examine the request they have put forward for a suspension of the levy during the present year. If he were to do so it would help considerably to secure the co-operation of all dairy farmers in the drive for the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. I think the scope of cooperation which is at present forthcoming is only reasonably satisfactory. On the whole, dairy farmers realise that this is something that is imperative. Indeed, they have some reason to be very grateful for the extension which has more or less been given to the live stock industry in this country in so far as the final date for clearance is concerned. It is a very reasonable extension.

I should like to appeal to the breeders and owners of all such stock to lose no time in putting their house in order in that connection. I am quite certain there will be no further extension and that when the final date arrives we shall find ourselves in a position that if our stocks are not attested and accredited in every way the British market will be closed to our cattle.

And he will not thank God.

In dealing with the question of milk, I would like to refer to the Dairy Disposal Company. I congratulate the Minister on the efficient way in which the Dairy Disposal Company performs the job the Government assigned to it some years ago. By and large, the farmers who happen to be suppliers to the Dairy Disposal Creameries are very pleased with the manner in which the creamery deals with them. From time to time, encouragement has been given here by successive Ministers to suppliers to come together to form a co-operative organisation to buy out these creameries if they feel so disposed. With the exception of one or two areas, I think the response to that encouragement indicates that the people are perfectly satisfied to let very well alone. The relations between the staffs of the Dairy Disposal Creameries and the suppliers are very satisfactory in every way. I feel they serve the purpose for which they were set up as also do the co-operative organisations in their own areas.

I think, however, the time has arrived when the Dairy Disposal Company should extend its scope to some extent. If it were to continue merely as the receiver of milk for manufacture into butter I am afraid the position could not be regarded as satisfactory. We all know that co-operative creameries have more than ever in recent years extended their activities very considerably. They have gone into many fields of industry, of course closely connected with the dairying industry in general, with great advantage to their suppliers. They have embarked, collectively, on the supplying of manures suitable for tillage and grass and have been able to supply these commodities by virtue of that collective bargaining at very low prices. Also, they have been giving these goods to the suppliers on a satisfactory credit-term basis.

The Dairy Disposal Company has entered this field of activity too and with remarkable success. They have also taken charge of other services such as insemination but there are yet many fields of activity which they could usefully enter. In that connection the Minister would be well advised in due course to consider extending the number of personnel on the Dairy Disposal Board. The present Board is a very efficient body doing very useful work but other interests should be represented on that Board. I have always had a strong feeling that the milk producers as such should have direct representation on the Board, say one member. I see no objection to it. I see many advantages because it would create a better understanding in time of difficulty between the Board and its suppliers, thus giving the milk suppliers the feeling that they had representation to put certain matters which would normally have to be dealt with as at present through other sources. Now that we have a responsible and representative milk producers' organisation I am sure they would only be too glad to co-operate and would appreciate any recognition the Minister might see fit to give them in this regard.

In connection with creamery organisation, from time to time most Deputies have dealt with cases where milk suppliers, having withdrawn their support from one creamery and passed on to another, find that when they approach the other creamery, whether it be a dairy disposal creamery or a co-operative creamery, the manager is reluctant to accept the milk of that supplier. In many cases the managers have refused to accept such transfers of milk and very often undesirable developments have followed. These suppliers who transferred, and in nearly all cases transferred for some very good reason, continue to supply their milk to the new creamery and find difficulty in getting paid. I do not know whether there is an arrangement in theory but in practice managers of the various creameries like to keep their own suppliers and do not take kindly to other suppliers coming to their creamery.

Due to circumstances over which a manager has sometimes no control, occasionally a supplier will attempt to transfer. Eventually the creamery to which he has transferred accepts him and pays him the money due for his milk and as a result a certain amount of suspicion and friction arises between the managers of both creameries. This is a matter that should be settled by arbitration and I should like to see some such machinery set up.

I would suggest to the Minister that a small board composed of two or three representatives, say one from the Dairy Disposal Board and one from the Irish Agricultural Society or whatever society represents the co-operative creameries, together with an independent chairman, should be set up to hear such cases and make a decision which would be binding on both parties. This has been a rather vexed question for a number of years. There are a number of such cases in my constituency and I am sure in other constituencies. I hope the Minister will find it possible to take some action in that connection in due course.

Arrangements have been made recently for the publication of the findings of a number of advisory committees which were set up in the past couple of years in relation to the marketing of agricultural produce. We have in the past week or fortnight received two such reports. The milk producers feel that the report in connection with the marketing of milk products should be published as soon as possible. It is hoped that when that report is published it will contain, like other reports, some suggestions as regards the marketing of creamery butter. Those engaged in that industry have not been helping out the Minister as well as they might. They are depending on a rather old arrangement which has not been revised very much, if at all, in recent years for the disposal of our butter in the British market.

I trust that some body will be set up very shortly to push the sales of Irish butter in certain cities in England where it has not a high place at present in the market. I understand there are a number of cities in England and Scotland where the sale of Irish butter could be pushed successfully. We should be in a position to keep up a continuous supply to these markets.

If we established our own shops and kept those shops stocked with butter the whole year round, not alone could we sell our butter but we would be able to sell it most times at a better price than it has been able to fetch up to now.

There are one or two suggestions I wish to make in relation to cattle and livestock generally. The policy with regard to the various breeds of cattle has never been settled and from year to year the difference of opinion seems to grow wider. It is generally accepted that a particular type of cow seems to suit our economy best but it is a very controversial point. The ordinary man has no authoritative opinion available to him in this regard. I hope the Agricultural Institute will examine that aspect of the problem so that there would be some reliable opinion available as to what is the proper breed of cow for this country, one that will meet our various requirements under existing circumstances and one that will be economical to maintain.

The setting up of the Agricultural Institute was a step in the right direction and one that was overdue. Our farmers are looking forward to the deliberations of this body and feel that quite a lot of information will be forthcoming in the course of time. Let us hope that when the Institute has any findings to promulgate, those findings will be published in pamphlet form and distributed to every farmer either through the auspices of the County Committees of Agriculture or the local creameries.

I carefully perused the speech of the Minister for Agriculture in introducing this Estimate. There are certain queries I should like to address to him. There is one fundamental question that I should like to ask Dáil Éireann. Everybody in this House from the Taoiseach down seems to regard it as a desirable end to be aimed at that industrial development in this country should be based on the objective of a 40-hour week for industrial operatives at a trade union rate of wages, with overtime at appropriate rates for any industrial community which is called upon to make that contribution, but that in agriculture the aim should be that we should emulate the Dutch, the Danes or anybody else we think of in prescribing that the average small farmers should labour 14 hours a day to produce the maximum he is capable of producing at whatever price international markets are prepared to pay him for it.

I cannot reconcile these two concepts, more especially when I reflect that the fixed limited working day, with the rigidly negotiated trade union rate of wages, is, in the majority of cases, paid for behind high tariff walls, amounting in some cases to 125 per cent., supplemented, where necessary, by rigid quotas. It is paid by the small farmers of this country for the clothes they wear, the utensils they use and actually for some of the raw material which they require for agricultural production upon which we ultimately depend. When I recall that the farmers of this country between the years 1947 and 1957 contributed between 80 per cent. and 90 per cent. of our total exports and that they doubled their volume and trebled their value in that decade, I wonder how long will this House continue to expect that the small farmers will respond to exhortation to work unlimited hours for uncovenanted reward in order that we may progress still further towards a 40-hour week for industry, with guaranteed rates of wages and appropriate adjustments for any overtime they want. I think that is a very fundamental thing.

I recall that the Emperor Hadrian was once heard to say that, having considered the livelihood of man, he came to the conclusion that society would not long survive without the institution of slavery and that, therefore, he was in favour of maintaining it. He went on to say that if in any future generation this necessary institution were abolished, he could imagine a worse fate overtaking men and that was that slaves, having been liberated, should, as free men, be persuaded that all the conditions of servitude were desirable. He went on to say that so long as a man is a slave by force majeste, he always has the prospect of deliverance by revolt, but if free men ever accept the concept that conditions of servitude are in themselves desirable, then they have no prospects ever of deliverance.

I should like to see everybody work hard at his job but I should like to see him work under reasonable conditions. I should like to see everybody get a proportionate reward for the work he does. If all sections of the community are dependent upon the output of the agricultural community, as they certainly are, then I think that common sense, quite apart from abstract justice, should constrain us to ensure that the agricultural community will get an adequate reward for their output, because, leaving abstract justice out, nothing is more certain than that exhortation will not achieve increased production unless those producing see the prospects of a fair reward. It is equally certain, as has been demonstrated, that, given the prospects of a fair and certain reward, our farmers are capable of doubling and trebling their output and perfectly willing, by sustained effort, to do so.

I recall to Deputies the admirable demonstration we had of this in the case of eggs. We made a trade agreement with the British whereby it was possible for us to offer our people, not an extravagant price, but a certain and moderate price for all the eggs they produced. I think the value of our export of eggs rose nearly £5,000,000, if it did not go higher. It showed every prospect of further expansion until the British themselves saturated their own market by a system of internal subsidies and created in the British market a situation of surplus in which they themselves became exporters of eggs, with the consequent destruction of our export of eggs to Britain.

The important fact was that the moment the guaranteed price was provided, not of an extravagant character at all—2/- a dozen less, I think, than was being paid in Great Britain—at a level which gave our people a fair margin of profit ensuring them a very modest standard of living, output shot up. To get that increased output required little or no exhortation. Nothing was required other than the prospect of a moderately remunerative market in which to sell their output.

I hear a lot of talk here about exhorting the farmers to increase their output. It is talk to which I am prepared to subscribe conditional on one additional undertaking and that is that if our output be increased a market will be provided for it. We heard a great flourish of trumpets two years ago when £250,000 was provided to carry out marketing research. We have got the first two reports on market research, one on shell eggs and liquid eggs and the other on bacon and pig meal.

I wonder if Deputies have read these two reports. There is certain valuable statistical material contained in the report relating to eggs but does anyone find in this report any prospects of securing a market anywhere for eggs? There is a proposal to revive Eggsports, the central egg marketing machinery which the Fianna Fáil Government wiped out of existence when the late Deputy Tom Walsh was Minister for griculture. There is a proposal to abolish the code marking of eggs for the domestic market and there is a kind of half-hearted proposal to do away with the system of barter in eggs in rural areas, although I gather when it comes down to fundamentals they are not prepared to recommend that that should be done now.

Suppose we do establish a central marketing organisation, where are we going to market the eggs? They speak of providing a guaranteed price. Suppose you do provide a guaranteed price what are you going to do with the eggs? There are many people bouncing around the country talking about alternative markets for eggs. There is no alternative market for eggs. The British have too many. The Continental countries will not take them. I know, because I have tried to sell eggs in Germany. I have tried to sell eggs in France. I have tried to sell eggs in Spain and I have tried to sell eggs in Italy.

There is some talk of a market for liquid eggs. I should like to find out where it is. I never found it. If anybody really imagines that over the last ten or 15 years the Department of Agriculture has not examined, exhaustively, all that is here proposed they are just raving. The Department of Agriculture has been looking for alternative markets for eggs for the last 20 years. The Department of Agriculture has always thought that barter in eggs should be abolished in rural Ireland but successive Ministers have told them it was not practicable to do so. It is far less practicable now when there is no export market for eggs than when there was a considerable export market.

I always thought it a mistake to wind up Eggsports. It seemed rather odd because at that time we had eggs to export. I thought central marketing was useful and helpful but my successor in office in 1951 decided to wind it up, and it was wound up at great cost. This proposes that it should be restored again. The proposal to abolish the code marking of eggs on the domestic market has been considered 100 times in the Department of Agriculture. I remember discussing it myself and I took the view that it served no useful purpose but it was unanimously held by everyone representing consumers that it did serve a very useful purpose and my recollection is that all the technical advice I received was on the advisability of retaining it.

So far as the report is concerned, there is nothing in it that I have not heard canvassed time and again up and down the corridors of the Department of Agriculture. One question it does not answer is: if the people produce more eggs where are they going to sell them? It is certain that if we provide a guaranteed price of 3/- a dozen— certainly there is no use guaranteeing anything less than that—that guarantee produced, in 1950, 8,497,000 long hundreds of eggs of which we consumed at home 5,000,000 long hundreds and exported 3,000,000 long hundreds. Such a guarantee today would, in my judgment, with the increased facilities now available, produce very quickly an output of 10,000,000 long hundreds of which we would still continue to consume 5,000,000 and have 5,000,000 to dispose of elsewhere. I wish somebody would tell us where to dispose of them. If they did, there would be no difficulty about producing them but I found nothing in a close perusal of this report which suggested to me any advice as to how we should dispose of them.

Then I came to the report on the export of bacon and other pig meat. I do not want to go through that in detail. I think there is something to be said for considering central marketing but there is a great deal to be said on the other side for the value of existing marketing channels. There is one thing which I am certain is a mistake here and that is the proposal to subsidise the export of Grade B bacon. It may be done but, if it is done, it is going backward on a decision which was difficult to take in the first place and extremely difficult to maintain thereafter and which had the dramatic consequence that we increased the intake of Grade A pigs in the factories from something like 56 per cent. to 71 per cent. which I believe is a percentage which compares favourable with any Continental producer.

We know that that was a difficult matter to carry to a successful issue but I am satisfied it was worthwhile. If there was any change to be made in it, the only change I would suggest to the Minister is that I believe, as I said to him before, that the element of certainty which has so materially helped in stimulating the output of grade A pigs is being undermined by a lack of confidence in the producers in the system of grading operating in the factories. I admit that while I was Minister for Agriculture I kept that perennially under review and felt myself that, by and large, it was operating reasonably satisfactorily and certainly that there was no element of abuse substantial enough to justify the introduction of a more elaborate system of inspection than obtained then and which obtains now. I am not satisfied that that is so now and if the output of pigs is to be maintained there ought to be some steps taken to provide independent and effective supervision of grading in the factories. Unless it is done, there will remain amongst producers a degree of doubt which will militate seriously against the expansion in pig output which is so eminently desirable.

I want to refer to a very significant and grave statement made by the Minister for Agriculture when introducing this Estimate, as reported in the Official Report, Volume 175, column 1398 :

It must be remembered that Continental countries produce by and large the same products as we do ourselves. In most cases, the whole range of their agricultural prices is supported at a comparatively high level and, consequently, their output, which is almost entirely for home consumption and independent of the vagaries of export markets, is very high. Their import requirements are, therefore, marginal and their internal price structure is protected by quotas and other import barriers.

He goes on to say:

Nevertheless, these markets are quite important. They have, for example, provided useful openings for certain types of cattle and sheep. Deputies will also realise that when markets tend to be weak even a small extra opening frequently has a very marked effect in improving the tone of prices here. We have, therefore, been following keenly the deveolpments in the Common Market in relation to agriculture. Taking account of the inherent conditions in agriculture in the Common Market countries and the policies indicated in the Rome Treaty, it is to be feared that there is little prospect of any substantial increase in our exports to the Continent.

I should like to say that I agree with the Minister in that estimate of agriculture and I would not sit down and simply lament these deplorable developments and throw my hat at them. If that estimate of the situation is true, and I have no reason to doubt it, what does the Minister propose to do about it?

If it is true there is no prospect of substantially increased output if markets are not found to dispose of the increased output, and if we have come to the conclusion that there is no prospect of materially increased markets to be had on the Continent, what does that suggest to everybody? Is it not time we faced the fact that at Paris we expressed our readiness to enter into a free trade agreement with Gt. Britain, the Scandinavian Countries and the Rome Treaty countries? The Rome Treaty Countries have withdrawn. Apparently the Scandinavian Countries, which are now known as the "Seven", have some alternative proposal which the Taoiseach says does not interest him. Is it not time we went to Gt. Britain and said : "If you were prepared to negotiate a Free Trade Area for the whole Continent of Europe and ourselves, and the Continent of Europe have backed out, are you prepared to negotiate such a treaty with us?"

Mind you, we approach such negotiation in no mendicant attitude. We are the second biggest customer Gt. Britain has on the Continent of Europe for industrial goods, and I directed the attention of the Taoiseach to the fact that the British themselves are awake to the fact that if they want to maintain their present volume of exports and expand them, as I believe they do, they must have present in their minds that anything which contributes to the rise of standards in the countries where the bulk of their exports go will operate greatly in their own favour. Therefore, it is in the interest of Great Britain to assist us to procure for our agricultural community stability of prices for all increased output, the maximum volume of which could never provide the British market with more than 15 per cent. or 20 per cent. of its total requirements.

I do not know what the Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for External Affairs were discussing with Mr. Maudling last week in London, but one of the things which makes me exasperated is to read in this morning's paper that the Taoiseach gathered the whole Press of Ireland to engage in a whole lot of brouhaha about what lie is going to do, the hopes and the views he is going to entertain, the corners he is going to turn and the stones he is going to turn to see that no opportunity is lost, and there is not a bleeding word about the discussions that took place, apparently of most urgent character, last Wednesday in London between the Paymaster General, Mr. Maudling, on the one hand, and the Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for External Affairs on the other, affecting the fundamental industry upon which all the industrial life of the country depends for its survival.

You would imagine that nothing happened in London or you would imagine these two men had never gone to London or, if they had gone, that they had never come back. Is it not exasperating that the same Taoiseach will get up and read phonetically orations in Irish to us and the man does not know B from a bull's foot in Irish and states he is going to be more Gaelic than ever he was? At the same time, he tells us his heart beats passionately for agriculture and yet, at the first conference he gave after his Minister for Agriculture and Minister for External Affairs went to London to discuss the impact of these developments on agriculture, there is not a whisper about them and Pravda, the Fianna Fáil Pravda, is covered with headlines this morning about all the lovely things the new Taoiseach is going to do for Ireland but they have all forgotten the existence of mundane matters like pigs, and butter, and eggs, and fowl.

Is it not amazing that Deputy Vivion de Valera is not here to tell us that the bottom has fallen out of the price of cattle? He did, you know, when it had not fallen out of cattle at all, but now that it has fallen out, not only the bottom out of the price but out of the demand, there is not a peep out of Deputy de Valera and Pravda, over which he is now controlling director.

The Minister for Agriculture would have no responsibility for these statements.

No; I understand Deputy de Valera is the controlling director. The Minister for Agriculture, however, ought to have some responsibility for the fact that temporarily the bottom has fallen out of the price and the demand for cattle. My, my! If I were to be Minister for Agriculture at the present time, I can picture Deputy de Valera, instead of being perched above in the lobby, down here, tearing passion to tatters in these benches, and Deputy Moher, instead of sleeping blandly over there would be roaring like the Bull of Bashan about the awful circumstances of the farmers in Cork; but there is not a peep out of any of them. Even Deputy Moloney here explains to the Minister for Agriculture that he would not wish to vex him for thousands, but he does venture to say to him he should give an extra penny for a gallon of milk, or, if he gave it back to him, he would be very grateful. My goodness, it often makes me wonder.

I should like to hear from the Minister for Agriculture, when he is concluding this discussien, what happened in London last Wednesday. I have put down a Parliamentary Question to the Taoiseach asking for that information to-morrow, but really I think it would have been appropriate if, for the purpose of this discussion, some information had been provided before now.

I see at column 1399 the Minister has an announcement to make about the teaching of veterinary medicine. As far as I know the teaching of veterinary medicine has been in the hands of the Universities for the past seven or eight years and all the professors of the Veterinary College were professors of National University or Trinity College. The only difference that I now see is that the professors in future are to be appointed by the two Universities and not by the Department of Agriculture. I hope the procedure of appointment in the future will be as good as the procedure that operated heretofore. Professors chosen for this College under the procedure laid down by the Department of Agriculture were chosen by a commission set up for the purpose and representative of the best veterinary opinion in Great Britain and Ireland and whoever was the best man got the job. The staff was very considerably expanded two or three years ago and I think compared favourably with any Faculty of either University. I hope that under the new dispensation a similarly high standard will be maintained.

I would remind the Minister that in connection with the reciprocity agreement with the British Veterinary Medical Council I gave their President an undertaking that, if there was any fundamental change in the basis uf veterinary education, I would give him full and fair notice of it so that they would have an opportunity of withdrawing reciprocity if they did not think it corresponded to the original agreement on which reciprocity was founded. From what the Minister in his opening statement said I do not think there is any such change but it might be expedient to have the opinion of the British Veterinary Medical Council so that reciprocity can be in future maintained on the same basis of cordiality as obtained in the past.

I congratulate the Minister on the announcement he is in a position to make at column 1401 on the benefits of artificial insemination:

One of the benefits of artificial insemination can be seen from providing the service in parts of the West and North-West, where infertility had been a very serious problem and the use of communal bulls a risk. In these areas such as Inisboffin and parts of County Mayo, the calving percentage has been successfully restored in a short time.

I have no doubt the farmers in that area will recall with gratification that the insemination centre was inaugurated by the inter-Party Government and that the excellent work which has borne such abundant fruit was established by the inter-Party Government. I think I had the privilege of inaugurating the service myself in the insemination station near Sligo.

I want to refer to the Minister's statement at column 1406 when he referred to the abolition of Part B of the Land Project. Let me say at once that no matter what is done in that regard the Minister can never undo the fact that, in his despite and that of his colleagues, we effectively reclaimed 1,000,000 acres of the land of Ireland. Nothing they can do can change that unalterable fact. It is some satisfaction to reflect that 100 years hence when we are all dead and buried the monument will remain to the two Governments of which I had the honour to be a member that they inaugurated and prosecuted the Land Project to the point at which it was when Fianna Fáil began the process of dismantling it which they are now maliciously pursuing.

I want to put this to the Minister. It was a vicious thing to wind up Section B of the Land Project with no notice whatever. There is not the slightest doubt that the Minister's predecessor, the late Deputy Tom Walsh, when he distributed the machinery which was being operated by the Department itself pressed a large number of young fellows in this country to buy that machinery and to buy new machinery to operate as contractors for the Department under Part B of the scheme. I know of a person who had saved a bit of money in England and who came home at that time and invested that money in machinery and married here. I know of two brothers, one of whom is married, one of whom is still a single man, who came home and jointly invested their entire savings in machinery designed to service Part B of the Land Project. Both of them must now go back to England penniless because they cannot sell the machinery, one of them leaving a wife and children here after him.

That is just vicious; it could not have made all that difference to the Minister to have given these men, say, two years' notice. If he had done that it would have been possible for a great many of them if they wanted to get out to dispose of their machinery at some sort of reasonable price and then go back to England or try to make a living at something else. But it is a vicious thing when young fellows come home trusting to the invitation of their own Government—and, mark you, it was an invitation issued not by me but by my predecessor and the Minister's colleague, the late Deputy Walsh, with I am sure full approval of the Government——

The Deputy will never find any record of any such invitation.

Was it not public property?

Was it not advertised?

I am not now claiming any special information from my knowledge of the contents of the Department's files. I am standing exclusively on what appeared in the public Press, and if my words are not vindicated by what appeared in the public Press there is no basis of foundation for the allegations I am making. I am not referring to any document or information in the Department's files. I am simply saying that there appeared in the public Press exhortations from the Department of Agriculture, when the late Deputy Tom Walsh was Minister, urging people to buy this machinery that the Department was selling off.

I never saw it.

I assure the Minister that is so and I assure him that a scheme of loans was inaugurated by myself to enable fellows to equip themselves and that the facilities of that scheme were made abundantly available to the applicants who proposed purchasing machinery of which the Department wished to dispose.

I remember the present Minister's leader, now President de Valera, when he was Taoiseach and was being pressed hard on one occasion gave way to irritation and said: "We cannot have omelettes without breaking eggs." I said: "That is lovely, provided you are not an egg." What shocks me about Fianna Fáil is the way they will kick people to death with complete indifference if these people are not a powerful vested interest.

There was no need to do what the Minister has done. Whether it was done without thought or consideration I do not know but to see the individual tragedies that are involved in rural Ireland fills me with dismay. It is peculiarly exasperating when one realises that the people most hurt are those who most readily responded to a request from their own Government. I remember fellows coming home from Egypt, from the Sudan, North Africa, to work for the Department when we inaugurated the Land Project, and first formed a pool of trained men and machinery. I must say it is humiliating to see these fellows sent back to their employers in North Africa and Egypt, cap in hand, begging back their jobs which they abandoned in order to come home to work heavy machinery here and teach others to work it. That was bad enough but now, without thought or care, it is still worse to hurt the individuals I have described here when the simple precaution could have been taken of saying: "As from April 1st 1961 Part B of the Land Project will be wound up." It could not have cost the State any substantial sum, but would have kept all those fellows in employment and relieved them of the crushing financial loss which individuals amongst them must now face.

Apart from that, it seems to me to be an act of criminal irresponsibility for the Minister for Agriculture, who well knows that under Section B of the scheme, there were two most valuable adjuncts to the actual value of reclamation. They were that farmers who needed credit to get this kind of work done could get it under Section B and they cannot get it under Section A; and, secondly, under Section B, a very large volume of rural employment was provided in scattered areas where alternative employment of this character does not exist. Unless a great many of the fellows who were working on this Section B work are found work breaking stones on the road, they will either have to emigrate or draw the dole; and the bulk of the fellows working on this do not want to draw the dole and do not want to emigrate.

It seems to me utterly fantastic for one Minister to proclaim his intention to provide more and more employment in rural Ireland and for his colleague, by his own positive act, to throw hundreds of men out of useful work which they were doing for decent wages under Section B of this Land Project. I have not the slightest doubt that the primary reason for the Minister consenting to the Department of Finance pressure to put an end to this was a desire to destroy something which was indissolubly associated in the people's mind with the inter-Party Government; but it is a contemptible thing to do and will greatly injure rural Ireland, which should be the concern of us all.

I notice that at Col. 1409 the Minister announced that the product Trolene has now been pretty exhaustively tried out for the control of warble fly. I should be glad if the Minister could tell us when that product will be generally available for farmers. When it is, we will very quickly eliminate the warble fly from the cattle population; and until it is, we will not be able to do so. I remember that when I was Minister for Agriculture there was a body called the Hide Improvement Society. This Society, in consultation with the Taoiseach—the Minister for Industry and Commerce, as he was then—had succeeded in establishing a glorious racket, which amounted to this, that nobody could sell a hide in this country except through the Hide Improvement Society. I inquired into the Society and I asked: "What is being improved by the Hide Improvement Society?" After very careful inquiry, I came to the conclusion that the only things being improved were the five members of the Hide Improvement Society. I remember that they were quite indignant when I said that to them. They said their sole concern was to improve the quality of Irish hides. I said: "What are you doing about it, and what are you prepared to do about it?" They said: "We are prepared to deal in the hides." I said: "That is very nice, but are you prepared to do anything else?" They said : "What else can we do?"

At that stage, I had no very ready reply, because I never believed that you could control the warble fly through the use of derris powder. I used to look reluctantly at the annual Department advertisement exhorting the farmers to dress their cattle with derris powder. I thought it was all a cod. I did it myself once, and never again, because I did not see the point of killing the warbles on the backs of my cows after they had come out through the skin and made a hole. Then there was my neighbour who would never kill a warble in his life and if I killed all the warbles on my 49 acres, all my neighbours would provide abundant substitutes the following year. So there was no use in derris powder.

Now there is a product here which enables any farmer to protect his own cattle, even though they have been attacked by the warble fly, from ever developing any warble. I shall make a suggestion. I do not know if the Hide Improvement Society is in existence. I doubt it. I succeeded finally in abolishing all restrictions on the export of hides, to the great fury of the Hide Improvement Society; and I think they went out of existence. I am not sure. If they are still in existence, I make this proposal now, and will give an answer to the question they asked seven years ago: "What can we do to help?" Let them distribute Trolene for a shilling a gallon to the farmers and that will be a real contribution to the elimination of the warble fly. It is a constructive proposal.

Remember, practically every penny of the improvement in the quality of the hides will come back into the pockets of the hide merchants and the butchers and it is extremely difficult to channel back to the farmer the additional value of Irish hides consequent on the elimination of warble. There is a practical proposal to share some of the supplementary value which will accrue to the hide dealers and butchers. If the hide merchants want to collaborate with the farmers, let them collaborate with the Department to distribute Trolene at a moderate price to the farmers. Provided they are prepared to do that, the Minister might rationally concern himself to promote the use of this preparation, so as to eliminate the injury to Irish hides which the warble fly undoubtedly has done in the past.

With that, I come to the end of the Minister's speech in introducing his Estimate. I do not deny that he circulated a White Paper, on which I congratulate him, as did some of his colleagues,—though I missed their courteous desire to recall the origin of that annual White Paper. I would have thought it comely on the part of Deputy Moher——

The Deputy is a good bugler.

——who now reveals that he well remembers the source of that White Paper, to have congratulated his Minister on having followed the excellent example initiated by his predecessor—but Deputy Moher has maintained an ungenerous silence.

I think it is a good idea that the suggestion be made to the Minister, that the White Paper might be circulated a few days before he introduces his Estimate for consideration. I know how difficult it is to get all that material prepared in addition to the Minister's own brief which the Department has to produce at that time of the year. However, it would assist if the Minister circulated it some days before the debate. I admit that, being human as all Ministers for Agriculture are, they sometimes ask themselves: "If we circulate too much, will we not stimulate to many enthusiasts to say too much?" There are many Deputies who, given the White Paper have the material for a fine speech and who, without it, would find themselves pretty tongue-tied on this Estimate. Still, if I were Minister for Agriculture, I would take the risk. Deputies appreciate the contents of that document and show a real interest in the doings of the Department and I believe they would appreciate that show of confidence in them if this material were placed in their hands a little earlier than it is.

I want to ask the Minister for Agriculture this, and I am entitled to a reply. The Taoiseach is bounding around the country with his Programme of Economic Expansion. I am told to look to the White Paper to know the Minister's policy for agriculture. When I look to Appendix I. I find there is an appropriation of £7,000,000 for a nitrogenous fertiliser project. I believe that the project in mind will cost something like £9,000,000. It is designed to produce the least suitable nitrogenous fertiliser that could be produced at a capital cost which makes it absolutely necessary to export a large part of the factory's total output into an export market the production capacity of which is 20 per cent. in excess of existing world demand.

Picture the prospect for the farmers of this country. There will be a capital investment of £9,000,000 to produce ammonium nitrate, the commodity that blew up the port of Texas when the ship containing it exploded there four or five years ago. Ammonium nitrate cannot be mixed and, therefore, cannot be used as a compound. If it is used for the purpose of a compound, it turns into rock. The minimum output of the minimum industrial unit capable of producing this fertiliser will be of a dimension that will involve the export of a considerable part of that output on a market already oversupplied by 20 per cent. with nitrogenous fertiliser.

That means that we have to take on the world market for a considerable part of this unit's output whatever prices we can get. And as certainly as there is an eye in a goat, the farmers will be told that they must pay for the residue consumed here whatever price is requisite to make up the losses in the export, just as the butter exporters at present are being levied to meet the cost of exporting butter. We shall get a situation in which, from both ends, the farmers will be called on to balance the cost of excess production of this fertiliser and, at the other end, to balance the cost of exporting the end product of the user of this fertiliser. Is the Minister for Agriculture in favour of this project for the manufacture of ammonium nitrate? He was not when he was last in office, nor was any of his successors or any of his predecessors. He ought to tell us now, as Minister for Agriculture, what his opinion of it is to-day.

I am told that if I want to know the Minister's policy for agriculture I should turn to Part II of the White Paper and the Programme for Economic Expansion laid by the Government before each House of the Oireachtas. That I now propose to do. I am obliged to say at once that there is very little in this programme from which I can differ. It is the omissions I deplore rather than the positive proposals, through which I now propose to go in some detail.

Paragraph 15 says:

The main objective of agricultural policy in the years to come is not only to maintain...

—mark the words "not only to maintain"—

...but to intensify the welcome upward trend in agricultural output which has been evident in recent years.

Let us check that. The figure for agricultural output is quite interesting. Many people forget that since 1947 our agricultural output was increased by about 26 per cent., slightly in excess of 2½ per cent. per annum. The increase began in 1947 and was maintained with ups and downs, but with a constant upward trend, until 1957. I do not blame the Minister for the catastrophic reversal of that trend in 1958. It was not his fault. It was the fault of the deplorable season through which we had to battle, but I hope it is not significant for the future. I would remind Deputies that the foundation of this Programme for Economic Expansion is the "welcome upward trend in agricultural output which has been evident in recent years", which, being interpreted, means "which began in 1948 and has continued until 1958".

When I pass on to paragraph 17, I find this Plan for Economic Expansion says:

By far the greatest proportion of our agricultural land has always been and will continue to be under grass. At present 15 per cent. of our agricultural land is tilled while 85 per cent. is under grass. Variations will of course occur in these percentages in the future but it is highly unlikely that even in times of emergency more than about 20 to 25 per cent. of our total land will be tilled. Climatic and marketing influences combine to make grass the most important feature of our agriculture.

It is a wonder that Fianna Fáil Deputies would not turn inside out to hear those words read out. How long did Deputies of Fianna Fáil combine to bewilder and defraud our people into the belief that grass was almost an unpatriotic crop to grow? How long did they maintain that nauseating fraud that grass is an evil thing? Mind you, it is no subject for amusement because there is no doubt that they sold that idea to our people, with the result that, from 1936 up to about 1949, the practice of applying phosphates to grasslands in this country had virtually stopped and everyone knows that was the work of Fianna Fáil. That great reservoir of fertility that could have been created in this country was destroyed by the vicious propaganda that grassland was a reproach to the farmers of Ireland.

It is an astonishing and gratifying thing that in six short years we taught the Fianna Fáil Party and their Government the concept set out in paragraph 17 of this report:

Climatic and market influences combine to make grass the most important feature of Irish agriculture, and future agricultural expansion will depend mainly on a dynamic policy of grassland development.

That is true but a great deal more of that could and should have been done but for the disastrous Fianna Fáil propaganda which deluded so many of our people into withholding adequate fertilisation from the grasslands of this country.

In paragraph 18, I read :

While there are many factors involved in successful grassland management... the first and basic essential is the presence in the soil of a satisfactory level of lime and nutrients, mainly phosphorus, potassium and nitrogen, to ensure satisfactory sward development.

I do not believe nitrogen is necessary to ensure satisfactory sward development—I mean nitrogen in the form of artificial fertilisers. I believe it can best be provided by the fixation effect from the abundant presence of a healthy clover stock. This paragraph says :

Phosphorus is the key nutrient. The liming programme followed in recent years has made considerable progress, with the result that we are one of the largest users of lime per acre in Europe...

Would the agricultural Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party brood on that and recall to themselves that, in 1948, there was not available in this country enough ground limestone to fill an eggcup, but in the 1958 Programme for Economic Expansion the Fianna Fáil Party claim that we are now "one of the largest users of lime per acre in Europe"? I should like to add to that "and up to the time that Deputy Smith, Minister for Agriculture, took over the Department of Agriculture approximately at the lowest price payable for ground limestone in any country in Europe". There has been a slight increase in that price since the Minister took office.

Paragraph 19 says:—

Our rate of use of phosphate fertiliser is far below the average for Western Europe. It is considerably less than half the rate of consumption in Britain, where climate and physical conditions closely resemble ours.

I want to question that statement. I do not think that climate and physical conditions throughout Great Britain closely resemble ours, except perhaps in some of the western counties. I remember when I had to deal with the mysterious problem of eyespot, I asked a lady world scientist to give me her opinions with a view to determining what we might do to correct and eradicate it. I remember her asking me what was the average annual rainfall of this country. I told her it varied between 30 and 60 inches in different areas, with a national average of 40 to 42 inches. Her reply was: "If you grow cereals in that climate, what do you expect? We grow them in areas that have an average annual rainfall in the order of 21 inches."

Too many people in this country have forgotten over the years that Denmark, Holland and other Continental countries have an average rainfall of 21 inches and that to try to emulate these countries is just cracked when, in fact, our average annual rainfall is in the order of 42 inches. With the exception of limited areas in the vicinity of Rosslare, where you have an average annual rainfall of 32 to 34 inches, the average for the country is 40 to 42 which rises in certain parts of the west to 60 inches.

I am glad to see in paragraph 20 that this statement occurs:—

Not only is phosphorus of itself an essential nutrient but it has highly important secondary effects. By stimulating the growth of clovers it adds nitrogen to the soil (and clovers are by far the cheapest source of nitrogen) and improves both the yield and protein content of grass.

That is the source from which we ought to get our nitrogen for the grasslands of this country and not out of the £9 million plant to produce the wrong kind of nitrogenous fertiliser at the highest possible price.

While I am dealing with the matter of fertilisers, I should like to direct the attention of the Minister to a specific and important matter to which my attention has been directed in the recent past. It comes as a complete revelation to me and it is a matter of the utmost gravity. I rebuked my informant for not drawing the Minister's attention to the matter. I am informed that in highly qualified medical circles here and in Britain there has emerged evidence which connects the occurrence of leukemia in human beings with contact with certain fertilisers. It is not clear to those authorities whether that leukemia is to be associated with some constituent of the fertiliser or with some radio-active quality of the fertiliser.

I make no bones about it. I never heard that any fertiliser had that radio-active quality; but I should like to inform the Minister that when that observation was made to me, I asked the person responsible had he got in touch with the Minister for Agriculture so that appropriate inquiries could be made and research conducted. He said, like many another, that he had not done so, so far. I said: "This day will not pass wihout my giving our Minister at least an opportunity to do his part in dealing with this matter and if I am familiar with the past performance of the Department of Agriculture, even under his direction, appropriate measures will be taken." Accordingly, I fix him with notice of that belief which I assure him has been communicated to me by a completely reliable person. I am free to give him the source and I shall be happy to do so.

I turn now to Paragraph 26 of the Programme for Economic Expansion and, mind you, really it is hard to bear in mind that this is a Fianna Fáil Programme for Economic Expansion and the Taoiseach is trotting around the country and puffing himself up as being its author. In Paragraph 26, I read:—

During the past hundred years the number of milch cows has remained virtually stationary at around 1,200,000. The number of store cattle has increased considerably because of the great improvement in the survival rate of young cattle...

Does anyone hear the words Hexachloro-ethane and phenothiazine? Does anyone remember that for 20 years the annual average calf mortality in this country from disease and the Fianna Fáil throat-cutting operation was 80,000?

In paragraph 26, the Fianna Fáil Programme for Economic Expansion rejoices in the great improvement in the survival rate of young cattle. That improvement is due to two things: first, to the closing down by me of the Fianna Fáil calf factory in Millstreet. Do Deputies realise that when I first became Minister for Agriculture there was a calf factory designed to handle the carcases of calves slaughtered by the then Fianna Fáil Minister for Agriculture? One of the first activities I engaged in when I became Minister for Agriculture was to close down that calf factory. It was there to dispose of the calves slaughtered at the behest of the Fianna Fáil Minister for Agriculture. The owners used to get ten bob apiece for the calves. So far as I know, the meat was converted into meat meal; the hides were disposed of to those who dealt in hides.

There was, of course, an enormous annual mortality rate from fluke and parasitic disease. We stopped the slaughter. We instituted treatment for the fluke and parasitic diseases. Paragraph 26 of the Fianna Fáil Programme for Economic Expansion rejoices in the great improvement in the survival rate of young cattle. It says:—

The objective of policy will be to increase cow numbers progressively to at least 1,500,000 by 1964. The retention for breeding of an additional 50,000 heifers per annum would enable this objective to be attained without undue disturbance to the farming economy or to the export trade, though the progress of the Bovine Tuberculosis Eradication Scheme, involving the slaughter of considerable numbers of cows before the end of their normal life, will for a time be a complicating factor. It is important that these additional cows be bred for beef rather than milk.

It is not so long since we were to wipe out the Shorthorn breed altogether. Do Deputies remember that psalm which began with the Fianna Fáil thesis, laid down as if it were the law of God—in fact, it was widely proclaimed to be the law of God, the natural law—that one could not breed beef and milk in one hide? That should appeal to Deputy Russell. It was inaugurated in this country by the Friesian breed psalm. I still remember Deputy Moher and poor Deputy Corry wagging their heads and saying: "You cannot breed milk and beef in the one hide." And that was meant to be like the voice of Moses coming down from the mountain.

The Deputy is the only Moses. He has the whisker.

Not at all. I had many Moses in front of me in those days and each one of them was prepared to split the rock, or do anything else, in order to lay down the thesis that one could not breed milk arid beef in one hide and we were, therefore, to just = "right" li = "1" ri = "3">—slaughter all the Shorthorn cows in the country, because there was no such thing as a dual purpose cow, and substitute therefor the Friesian. That was the thesis.

Lo and behold, the next proclamation of the law of God was that the most perfect dual purpose animal in the world was the Friesian cow. The very self-same people who laid down the natural law that one could not breed milk and beef in one hide are now stumping the country to maintain that the most perfect dual purpose cow in creation is the Friesian, the cow which they prescribe for the purpose of breeding milk and beef in one hide. There is plenty of room for legitimate differences, but I know something of the livestock industry of this country. I know something of the dairying industry. I want to go on record again, as I have gone on record many times in the past, that I have no doubt whatever that for the average small and medium farmer in this country the 600 to 800 gallon Shorthorn cow is the most economic creamery cow that money can buy.

The heavy yielding Friesian or the heavy yielding Shorthorn, giving over 1,000 gallons, requires supplemental feeding to produce those 1,000 gallons, supplemental feeding for which the price of creamery milk will not pay. If you are like Deputy Corry, supplying Cork City with liquid milk at relatively fancy prices, I agree you can afford to feed cattle with concentrates, and pay high prices for them; but it is only the exceptional farmer living within the environs of the city, where the demand for cream and milk exists, who can do that. For the average farmer, the most economic cow is the 600 to 800 gallon Shorthorn which not only produces milk in that volume from grass growing, ensiled and in hay, without any supplemental concentrated feeding at all, but also produces a calf which can be sold for anything from £20 to £25, and that on the 600 gallon cow represents approximately a supplement of 6d. a gallon to the creamery price of milk.

I pass on then to paragraph 29 of the Fianna Fáil Programme for Economic Expansion:—

The development of the export trade in pedigree breeding stock will be encouraged by continuing to lease top-quality stock bulls to breeders...

Deputies will remember that policy was inaugurated in 1949. Prior to that year, it had never been known in this country. I am not talking about the special term bulls distributed all over the country since the days of the Congested Districts Board. These are top-quality stock bulls leased to pedigree breeders.

That brings me now to a recent incident which calls for explanation. There was a very intensive drive to export pedigree stock to the United States of America. I am sorry to say that a substantial consignment of Irish Aberdeen Angus heifers arrived in New York some few weeks ago and were there tested for brucellosis, and a very considerable number of them reacted. That was bad enough, but that we should have all the attendant publicity of their being slaughtered in the Port of New York after a veterinary surgeon of our staff went out to attend at the second tests, without any comment from the Department of Agriculture or any explanation of how that situation could have come to pass, is something which I find quite shocking.

None of those cattle would have left this country without a certificate—I assume they could not—derived either from our Agricultural Research Station at Abbotstown or the Veterinary College. Whatever source the certificate came from, it is directly or indirectly the responsibility of the Department of Agriculture. How what happened could have happened I find it difficult to understand. If it did happen, I find it almost impossible to believe that it happened through any failure of duty on the part of the Department of Agriculture. I think they have a duty to our own people who have always had high confidence in them to give the people the full facts so that we may fully understand how it came to pass that the first substantial consignment of pedigree cattle from this country to the United States of America was, as to more than half of them, slaughtered by the port veterinary authorities in New York for failing to measure up to their requirements of freedom from brucellosis.

I do not know but I think very probably the test employed at New York was of a character which, if fully understood, revealed, not any diseased condition in our cattle, but a condition of immunity engendered by vaccination which may produce a reaction there which corresponds with the standard reaction which they associate with the diseased condition. It is important that there should be an authoritative statement from our Department of Agriculture to make the position clear to all who are concerned about it.

I read in Paragraph 30 that the number of sheep and lambs has been increasing steadily in recent years. "The 1958 figure was the highest recorded since the beginning of the century". Deputies will wish to have the figure. In 1947, there were in this country 2,094,000 sheep. In 1958, there were 4,174,000 sheep. When you recall that at the same time in 1947 there were 3,950,000 cattle and, although in the interval the volume of our exports had been doubled, in 1958 we had 4,466,000 cattle and when you also recall that in 1947 we had 457,000 pigs and in 1958, 947,000 pigs, I think it is desirable to recall that these are the results of a policy that had been operated in this country during the previous decade.

They were all in Bansha.

And if you recall, ignoring the comprehensive interjection from Deputy Corry, that the fact is that when you refer to the number of sheep and lambs and of all other forms of livestock in this country, you must be constrained to recall that these changes which are so heartily welcomed in this White Paper are the consequences of a policy prosecuted by the inter-Party Government and derided and denounced by the then unilluminated members of the Fianna Fáil Party.

I do not know what Paragraph 32 of this Programme envisages. It begins by saying:—

There are serious problems to be solved in the dairying industry.

I am sorry poor Deputy Moloney is not here. He was expressing anxiety about the penny a gallon that had been taken off milk suppliers in the previous year. He never put it so crudely. He said: "The little adjustment that had taken place as a result of the slight request that was made to producers to contribute something to a certain fund which had resulted in a certain development which affected the general intake of money by those who were selling milk to creameries." He could have said all that by saying: "The penny you took off the price of a gallon of milk."

The bob a gallon.

The farmers of this country have paid their penalty and remember the programme of Fianna Fáil so eloquently adumbrated by Deputy Corry and his colleagues in 1957—twopence a gallon on milk, ten shillings a barrel on wheat and five shillings a barrel on barley—was it ?

The Deputy has a bad memory.

No. Deputy Corry has a bad conscience.

Not a bit.

It would be a good idea if Deputy Dillon were allowed to continue without interruption.

I pity Deputy Corry because no man has been more harshly or contemptuously treated than the said Deputy and he deserved better of those who so humiliated him in public because, whatever else he is, he is a loyal old creature and he sticks to his Party through thick and thin, even when they are dragging him through the gutter.

Let us get back to the Estimate.

Paragraph 32 says:

There are serious problems to solve in the dairying industry. Milk yields, though not high by international standards, have been rising steadily in recent years——

I am sorry Deputy Ó Briain is not here. I would like to read this for him:

and there has been some increase in the number of dairy cows.

This is almost as tactful as Deputy Moloney:

At the same time there has been a serious slump in the export market for the main milk product, butter. As a result, the State support of butter export prices—at present two-thirds of the difference between export and home prices—will cost about £2½ million for 1958-59; a subsidy of this magnitude imposes a severe burden on the rest of the country. A grassland improvement programme, while aiming mainly at an increase in meat output must also have the objective of reducing milk production costs.

I wonder does that ring any minatory bell in the ear of Deputy Moloney? If they took a penny a gallon off last year without any preliminary rumbling, what are they thinking of doing now that they have sounded off with paragraph 32? I hope Deputy Moloney will join with me in pressing the Minister for Agriculture to tell us something about his intentions.

I pass on then. Sir, to Paragraph 37 which, I remind you, is from the Programme for Economic Expansion provided by the Fianna Fáil Party:

In recent years, policy has been based, on the one hand, on the maintenance of a guaranteed minimum price for Grade A pigs and a corresponding export price guarantee for Grade A bacon, and, on the other hand, on the encouragement of the use of home-grown barley for feeding by means of a guaranteed minimum price for the crop.

I wonder if Deputies recall who inaugurated the guaranteed price for Grade A pigs and the guaranteed price for the feeding barley which was introduced into this country by the Government which guaranteed it? The price for pigs was guaranteed by the inter-Party Government, as was the price for barley and the variety of barley which made that price guarantee possible and practicable was introduced into this country by the inter-Party Government.

I was somewhat shocked recently to hear that the Minister for Agriculture had pressed upon the Grain Board a plan to export Irish barley in exchange for imports of maize. I find it hard to believe but I am told it is under way. I do not conceal from the House that when I was Minister for Agriculture I took a policy decision that the time had now come to move the pig industry over to home barley and, even when the home crop was insufficient to meet our domestic requirements, I elected to import barley in preference to maize. Indeed, my predecessor in office, the late Deputy Thomas Walsh, did the same thing, I think, and was criticised here but not by me because I knew what he was trying to do and he was right and I did it when I was Minister for Agriculture.

Has that policy decision been reversed and are we now actually to export home-grown barley and to purchase maize? If that is his purpose, the Minister is making a great mistake. There was a strong natural prejudice in certain parts of the country for Indian meal. It is extremely difficult to get farmers in West Cork, Cavan, Monaghan and parts of the West to accept barley meal as an adequate substitute for maize meal. In the vast majority of these areas, acceptance has been almost complete and, if the Minister should reverse that policy now and make us dependent again on imports of maize meal, I think in the long run he will do the country a disservice although I fully sympathise with him that we have to bear in mind that the cost of foodstuffs to the pig producer is a matter of vital concern.

The Minister is perfectly right in insisting that due regard will be had to that when the price level of home-produced barley is under consideration. The way to deal with that situation is to encourage the pig producer to grow his own barley. The great mistake the Minister is falling into, if he introduces maize meal is that he will undo all the effort of trying to get the pig producer to produce his own barley. The cheapest foodstuff of all that the pig producer can have is his own barley. Next to that comes maize, purchased thirftily on international markets in the Balkans, by those who understand the trade and, lastly, perhaps, domestic barley which has to be stored and graded in this country.

The way to bring down the cost of foodstuffs to the pig producer in this country is to persuade him to grow his own barley. Rather than that he should revert to the practice of importing maize meal, I would seriously consider centralising the market of home-grown barley with a view to making the price economic in the light of the guaranteed price for bacon exports.

I should not pass from Paragraph 37 until I direct the attention of Deputies to another premonitory rumble to which they would be well advised to pay close attention now before the rumble develops into Fianna Fáil action.

The last part of Paragraph 37 reads as follows:—

The cost to the taxpayers of the price support for pigs and bacon in the present financial year will not be far short of £1,000,000. The expansion of the industry would be more soundly based if it were no longer dependent on subsidisation.

That is the Fianna Fáil programme for expansion. I want to remind the Minister of what he himself said in the introductory paragraph of his own speech on this Estimate, which is as follows:—

In most cases, the whole range of their agricultural prices is supported at a comparatively high level and, consequently, their output, which is almost entirely for home consumption and independent of the vagaries of export markets, is very high.

He knows, as does every informed person, that operating on the Continent of Europe there are all sorts of abstruse and labyrinthine systems of subsidisation not only on the domestic market but on the export market as well.

I defy anyone to tell me on what basis the export price of Dutch or Danish bacon is established. I defy anyone to tell me what relation there is between the price paid to Dutch or Danish farmers for their pigs and the price realised on the London market. I do not believe there is any living creature outside the most confidential circles of the Dutch and the Danish Governments who can give that information. They take a great deal of trouble to wrap all that up in the most abstruse and labyrinthine devices for the simple purpose of concealing from the outside world the character of their policy of subsidisation.

It would be well worth Deputies' time to undertake a study of the French system of subsidisation of exports. I do not think it is an exaggeration to say that, if you are investigating the price at which French exports of cheese are being marketed on the world markets, you would want to know the current prices of cabbages in Marseilles and pigs' ears in Lyons— and all that is carefully interwoven and concealed from the public view for the purpose of inducing pious public servants in the shadow of the Department of Finance to express the excellent sentiment that the expansion of this industry would be more soundly based if it were no longer dependent on subsidisation. That is almost like saying that the world would be a better place if nobody committed sin.

I am quite prepared to subscribe to that doctrine without qualification provided everybody else will, in precept and in practice. All of them will subscribe most passionately to that doctrine but unfortunately, not being omniscient, none of us can be sure that they observe that injunction in practice. In the absence of such assurance, it is only cutting our producers' throats to ask them to go into competition with European exporters who are prepared, in my judgment, to provide almost any level of subsidisation to maintain their stranglehold on the British market into which it is so vitally important for us to enter on an increasing scale.

I turn now to Paragraph 38 where the Minister for Agriculture congratulates himself on the quality of our Irish Large White pig. He says the Landrace has been introduced but there is no doubt, the Paragraph says, that in the Irish Large White breed there are strains which will stand comparison with the best pigs of any other breed in any country. I agree with him entirely. The Paragraph continues:

It is, therefore, of the highest importance to identify the best strains in the breed by means of progeny testing and to propagate these strains by means of artificial insemination as well as by ordinary breeding methods. With the establishment of the first pig progeny testing station at Cork, a beginning has already been made with this policy. It is intended to erect another station in the near future.

I see the glow of recognition in the faces of the Fianna Fáil Deputies of the fact that the pig progeny testing station was built by the inter-Party Government and that, prior to its advent to office, there was no such thing known in Ireland. As I recall it, the present Minister for Agriculture or his predecessor was polite enough to invite me to the opening of the pig progeny testing station, which was a civil gesture, and, as I have already reported, to the House I declined the invitation on the grounds that I believed that such occasions were best proceeded with without the attendance of ghosts.

I am rather concerned to hear from the Minister's statement that the second pig progeny testing station is to be located in Thomdale. Why should you put a pig progeny testing station in Thomdale when we have just got out of Thomdale on the grounds that it is overrun by the expanding city ? Thomdale is the old agricultural research station up in Drumcondra and it was decided we had better get out of it because the city was closing in around them and it was quite unsuited from the point of view of the kind of isolation desirable for a veterinary research station. We bought Abbotstown and at great expense equipped it to provide alternative accommodation to Thomdale. I think there is on the records of the Department of Agriculture a promise I made to the Minister for Finance that if he would give me the money to equip Abbotstown I would sell Thomdale.

I rarely invoke the Department of Finance in defence of rectitude and common sense but surely it is madness to put a pig progeny station above in Drumcondra? I can see what will happen. This is an old Georgian house, rather a nice house, which was handed on to us, I think, by the British administration. Because we have Thomdale it is considered that the correct procedure is to put the pig progeny station there. The sensible thing is to call in a firm of auctioneers, sell Thorndale and put the pig progeny testing station in a suitable rural place where you can have the degree of isolation necessary and where the sweet aroma can be scattered on the breeze or at least tendered to those who appreciate its delicious quality, but to present it to the surbanites of Glasnevin and Drumcondra seems to be quite insane. It will cause great annoyance. It is an eminently unsuitable location and it has nothing to commend it.

It is in my constituency.

Could that be the explanation?

You must want more "boars" up there.

I cannot imagine Deputy Haughey is so hard pressed, now that we have preserved P.R., that he would require the votes of the three or four persons who will get the jobs available in the pig progeny testing station. In any case I do not believe he would be able to find four people who understand pigs to vote for him even in Drumcondra. I think Deputy Haughey must be mistaken. There is some other purpose behind the Minister for Agriculture's activities. He is a shrewd operator. He was a pretty hot performer when he was a Parliamentary Secretary but since he became a Minister he delegates such indelicate functions to bodies like Bord na gCon. If the Deputy wants votes from his constituents I suggest to him that he asks Bord na gCon to transfer their headquarters there. I will guarantee that 95 per cent. of their staff will vote for him.

Seeing that Deputy Loughman lost them.

Or if they do not they will not survive. I would urge on the Minister, seeing that Deputy Haughey can get along without them, to build a new station in a suitable location and sell Thorndale. It is now no longer suitable for use by the Department of Agriculture and the sale price of it, I believe, considering its location, would almost certainly produce a capital sum sufficient to finance the erection of a proper pig progeny testing station on a more suitable site. Paragraph 39, which deals with feeding barley, says:

A successful industry must also be based on an abundant and moderately priced supply of feeding stuffs. By growing our own feeding grains, we save foreign exchange and at the same time give domestic grain growers an assured market for their crop.

I have already mentioned that that 39th Paragraph owes its existence to the activities of the Fine Gael Minister in the inter-Party Government.

Then I come to the part of this Programme for Economic Expansion of the Fianna Fáil Party dealing with poultry and eggs. Paragraphs 43 and 44 point out that the export market has practically collapsed, and Paragraph 45 says:—

There are, however, prospects of developing an export trade in broilers (table chickens reared intensively for about ten weeks) and day-old chicks. Broiler production has increased considerably in the U.S.A. and the industry has now spread to Britain and other European countries. Foundation stock of suitable strains of birds for the broiler trade were imported by the Department of Agriculture some time ago from the U.S.A., subject to veterinary precautions and the propagation of these birds is now on a scale adequate for building up the trade.

It will cause the Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party no surprise to learn that these stocks were imported by the inter-Party Government.

When we come to Paragraph 47 of the Fianna Fáil Programme for Economic Expansion we discover:

Production of turkeys has not suffered the same setback as that of ordinary fowl despite occasional ciably above the pre-war level and efforts are being made, as in the market gluts. Production is appre-case of broilers, to expand the market demand by developing improved strains of smaller birds. The Department of Agriculture has imported foundation stock of such strains from the U.S.A. and these are now available to producers generally.

Deputies will not be surprised to learn that that refers to the white turkey imported by the inter-Party Government, strains of that bird that were never known here prior to that importation.

Then we come to the question of wheat. Here Deputy Corry will be a great help. I remember his making an explanation in my presence on one occasion in Killeagh. I was addressing a meeting in Killeagh in 1957. Deputy Corry was prowling in the streets like a hungry lion, for the news had reached Killeagh that I was to speak there and Deputy Corry had come to the scene so that he could speak after me. I mistook the hour of the meeting and Deputy Corry, having prowled for some considerable time, could bear the strain no longer and got his barrel and climbed upon it. As I entered the streets of Killeagh the raucous sounds of Deputy Corry's voice were ringing and I remember the consternation and dismay as he saw me arriving into the town as he was orating from the barrel. It was then too late to do anything.

He was telling the farmers of East Cork from his heart that he was yearning for the day when Fianna Fáil would be returned to office so that the downtrodden farmers of East Cork could get restored to them the 10/- a barrel, if not more, that he confidently anticipated they would receive from a Fianna Fáil Government. Remember this was in the early part of the spring. Nothing less than 45/- a barrel for feeding barley would be considered by him. That is as far as he went. You had the greybeards looking up with admiration at the future Minister for Agriculture on the barrel giving that undertaking. With the full knowledge of the facts as Minister for Agriculture, as I then was, I thought Deputy Corry's anticipations were ill-founded. In any case, even if they were returned I did not believe Deputy Corry would redeem that undertaking.

I saw the poor creature come in here afterwards when Deputy Aiken was functioning temporarily as Minister for Agriculture. I saw Deputy Corry get up in this House and ask Deputy Aiken, as Minister for Agriculture, when he was going to implement the undertaking to the farmers who, he said, had planted an increased acreage of wheat in anticipation of the certainty that they would get a fair price. He asked when that promise was to be implemented. Deputy Aiken treated him like a bad smell and said it was not proposed to do anything about it. I was sorry for Deputy Corry. I would be sorry to see anyone so affronted and humiliated by his own. They might have taken the trouble at least to show him the courtesy of a considerate reply but you cannot have omelettes without breaking eggs.

I think that is the rotten quality of the Fianna Fáil Party. They used him to deceive the people and having used him for their dirty purpose they discarded him like an old shoe. For the first time in my life, I felt some spark of admiration for him because, as they kicked him down the stairs, unlike the rest of them, he showed what they had not got—unfaltering loyalty.

Deputy Dillon has already said this in connection with Deputy Corry.

About an hour ago. Deputy Dillon commended Deputy Corry for his loyalty to the Fianna Fáil Party.

Yes, Sir, the Fianna Fáil Party spent so much of their time breaking promises that I could congratulate Deputy Corry 45 times for his loyalty in despite of their broken promises and still never repeat myself. I am now dealing with another promise which went out through the window.

We could be almost sick listening to that.

I thought the Deputy would. It was for that purpose I recalled your record.

While I can hear you——

Go out and get sick. The Deputy will be a better man for it. If the Deputy could throw up the past he would be a better man than he is now.

The Deputy might be as good as Deputy Dillon is.

All these promises were forgotten. The guaranteed price for barley was cut by 2/- a barrel instead of being increased. The guaranteed price for wheat was cut. I understand it is now proposed to put it upon a contract basis for the future. In fact, in a short time wheat will become the confined preserve of a minority of well-to-do farmers. The middleman will be squeezed out and only the man who is in a position to undertake a substantial contract justifying the user of heavy machinery will be considered in future for the guaranteed price for wheat. When that day comes, I shall be interested to hear the loyal comment of Deputy Corry and I shall be even more interested to know the sympathetic reaction of the Minister for Agriculture to whom he is responsible.

When you pass on to Paragraph 51, you reach that part of this Programme for Economic Expansion which deals with horticultural crops. It says:

As horticultural crops give a high monetary return per acre and provide a good deal of employment, they are of particular importance in the economy of small farms. Production has expanded in recent years, mainly as a result of measures taken to provide assured markets, the work of the county advisory services and of the Department of Agriculture, and the promotion of cooperative undertakings with State assistance, such as that for onions in County Kerry and the County Waterford apple project.

Fianna Fáil will recall with satisfaction that both of these were initiated by the Inter-Party Government. Neither had existed in this country before their inauguration by that Government. It is a gladsome thought that this paragraph ends:

The Government will continue to promote the development of horticulture in every way practicable, particularly where there appear to be export possibilities.

That is the Fianna Fáil Programme for Economic Expansion. I find myself in some difficulty. As a member of a constructive Opposition, I find it rather difficult to offer constructive opposition to a policy for which I myself am very largely responsible. I can only congratulate——

I thought the Deputy was saying——

Substantially I say for all those parts of it that matter. For the brouhaha "No" but for all that matters "Yes". I am glad to congratulate the Minister for his late animadversion. My only anxiety is that the speciality of Fianna Fáil is talk but action is what matters. The mistake we may have made was that we did too much and talked too little. I sympathise with the Minister's spasms of delight, recalling the occasion when he once addressed me, from where I now stand, for six hours. Of course, on that occasion he was not uniformly coherent. I like to imagine that most of what I say here will not require correction when it appears in the Official Report.

Paragraph 55 deals with agricultural credit. I am glad that it takes the precaution of saying:

While it would, of course, be foolish for a farmer to run into debt lightheartedly, the tendency in this country has been over-conservative in relation to the use of credit;

If we are to believe all that Fianna Fáil says, every farmer in the country can now get all the credit he wants, hire purchase, credits for the purchase of anything, including livestock, almost without limit. I rejoice however, to notice that where credit is given under State auspices, "the borrower will be required to avail of the services of the agricultural instructor in planning his farming programme." That was incorporated in the credit scheme inaugurated by us just before we left office and I am glad that it is being adhered to now. There is a danger that if credit is forced on farmers on too liberal a scale, without careful preliminary consideration they are in as great a danger as any other entrepreneur of using such credit to their own ultimate detriment.

I come now to Paragraph 56 which reads:

This White Paper does not deal with the important and complex problem of the marketing of agricultural products, as this is under examination by an Advisory Committee established in 1957. There is no doubt, however—

and I hope the Deputies will mark this well—

—that the bulk of our agricultural exports will continue to be marketed in Britain, and our trade relations with that country are, therefore, a matter of prime importance.

What a tragedy it is that that fundamental fact of our economy was discovered by Fianna Fáil 20 years too late. What a tragedy it is that Fianna Fáil campaigned this country in its day on the slogan "The British market is gone forever, thanks be to God," and that only three short years ago, the Minister for Lands, then Deputy Childers, and Deputy Vivion de Valera, were proclaiming from these benches that the bottom had fallen out of the livestock market and that farmers of this country had better make up their minds to get along without it. I only hope the fact that their conversion from that form of insanity as then enshrined in the printed word will provide that, whether in Government or in Opposition, they will never fall into the error of their past.

The eradication of bovine tuberculosis is dealt with in paragraphs 58 and 59 and I recall with gratification that the campaign for that eradication was inaugurated by our Government in the summer of 1954. That brings me to a matter of considerable moment. There is no use blinding our eyes to this fact, that both the Minister and I accepted it as necessary that in the initial stages of this campaign we should concentrate our efforts on those areas where there was a fair prospect of effective eradication through the purchase and the slaughter of reacting animals. That does not alter the fact that in Cork, Limerick, Tipperary, and parts of Waterford and Kilkenny, there remains a problem of such magnitude that unless preliminary progress is made the task of the eradication of reactors will be almost impossible.

There are districts in these areas where the incidence of tuberculosis amongst cows is up to 50 per cent. I want to put a proposal to the Minister. He has subtracted from the current price of creamery milk a levy which he says he wants to use in the event of his having to subsidise exports of butter this year. At present there is no prospect of there being any substantial exportable surplus. It is quite true, as the Minister said, one cannot say with confidence that there will not be any exportable surplus until we have seen the end of October, but we are dealing with a very urgent situation in which I think the Minister would be justified, amply justified, in taking a risk and I think I am in a position, on behalf of the Opposition, to gurantee our support, if he takes it. Unless there is some preliminary elimination on a voluntary basis of T.T. reactors amongst the dairy herds of Munster, it will not be possible to eradicate T.B. in those four counties in time, or in anywhere near time, to meet the deadline of 1964.

Therefore I put it to the Minister that he might, with perfect propriety, inaugurate a scheme forthwith, analogous to that which operated in the preliminary years in Great Britain, designed to induce farmers in the creamery areas to eliminate from their herds all reactors by offering a bonus of 2d. a gallon on creamery milk supplied to creameries from T.T. tested herds. Unless something of that kind is done, then when the Minister comes around to deal with these creamery counties, he will find a problem quite beyond the ability of the industry to deal with, and indeed, of the Exchequer. However, if during the remainder of the period in which he was clearing up the area west of the Shannon and the Ulster midland counties, there was in the dairy counties a gradual process of eradication which held forth to the farmers who undertook it the prospect of some real advantage to them, then when the Minister, whoever he might be, came to turn his attention to these counties, he would find a residual problem with which it would be possible to deal on lines similar to those at present being followed in the intensive eradication counties.

I want to say most categorically that I agree entirely with the Minister for Agriculture in saying that there is no time left for complacency and that it is a complete illusion to imagine that the five years period of grace accorded to us under the agreement effected with the British Government is a sufficient time to complete the process of T.B. eradication in this country. Without the best possible effort we will not succeed in meeting that, but unless some interim measures are taken in the intensive dairying areas I think the problem is going to be more acute than it must inevitably be, and I urge the Minister, particularly in the light of the present export situation, to take a risk on the proposal I now adumbrate to him. I believe in the long run it will pay off well.

It would suit me best to make no reference to another matter, but I think I would be running away from my clear duty if I were not prepared to advert to the deplorable situation which exists between the veterinary profession and the Department of Agriculture. I cannot touch upon that topic without expressing my profound regret to learn of the untimely death of the distinguished director of the veterinary services of the Department of Agriculture, Mr. P.A. Rogan. I know that matters of this kind are extremely difficult of adjustment, and I have perused the correspondence circulated by the Minister for Agriculture.

I believe I was in some small measure instrumental in persuading the Minister for Health to overcome a somewhat similar problem with the medical profession, by waiving all prior requisitions upon them and simply inviting them to meet him and discuss the situation, the differences between both sides. I believe that invitation has been issued and I hope that out of it will come a satisfactory settlement of the difficulties that did exist. I fully appreciate that the problems involved in this dispute with the veterinary profession are event more complex and difficult, and I cannot see how a difference of this kind can be equitably settled except on the basis of arbitration.

As I understand the situation, arbitration was offered by the Government with the additional undertaking that, in anticipation, the Government would hold itself bound by the award of that arbitration, and they have so held themselves bound. I appreciate that the members of this profession, largely as a result of the exertions of the Department of Agriculture, have all the benefits of reciprocity with Great Britain and thus are tempted to compare the rates of remuneration available in public service in Great Britain with the rates available here. I do not believe the differential between them is very great, considering all the attendant circumstances.

I do believe that all of us have a certain duty to our own country and, though I would not want to restrict any man carrying his talents to any part of the world where he can best use them, I think the members of this great and important profession must have present in their minds the immense importance it is to our people, as a whole, to have this problem of bovine tuberculosis eradication expeditiously dealt with. It cannot be expeditiously dealt with without the assistance of the veterinary profession and, if the veterinary profession find themselves in a difficulty at the present time, they ought to make some proposal, either to the Minister or to some intermediary, on the basis upon which they would be prepared to resume the normal relations which the Minister for Agriculture in this country is entitled to expect of them with the Department of Agriculture.

I do not want to say a word calculated to make a difficult situation more difficult, but I cannot depart from this matter without saying that in my dealings with the profession I found a ready willingness to collaborate. I want to say that at that time I knew a great many of the prominent members of the profession did not agree with my political beliefs and yet I had at their hands professionally, and in their corporate capacity, a ready willingness to collaborate but I think, on reflection, they must be bound to say it was not illiberally reciprocated by the Department of Agriculture and even by the Department of Finance.

Even if it involves them in some difficulty I would urge upon them, for the sake of the public interest generally, to take the initiative now themselves and to make some proposal to the Minister for Agriculture on the lines that, inasmuch as the arbitration award was not exhaustive but left some marginal matters outstanding, if they would accept the arbitration award, in so far as it was definitive, the Minister might discuss with them the marginal matters which were not definitively settled by arbitration and that, as a result of such an agreement, normal relations would be promptly restored. I hope they may see their way to make some gesture on those lines. I do not think I go beyond the limits of prudence in saying that less than that would be less than I would confidently expect of a profession which has so admirably served the farming community in the past and which, I have no doubt, is eager similarly to serve them in the future.

I have made one concrete suggestion to the Minister this evening and I want to make another. It is pretty well agreed amongst us that if there is to be increased production an indispensable sine qua non is evident —markets in which that increased production will be profitably disposed of. I believe it is not impossible to attain to that by negotiation of a trade agreement along the lines I have suggested. But, assuming we have achieved these two ends, I think there remains one vitally important additional adjunct to our present policy without which increased production, on the right lines, cannot be hoped for in the sufficiently early future.

The present system of agricultural advisory services is not adequate. Its inadequacy is largely due to the fact that there is no central control or direction, and its effectiveness varies with the efficiency of the various county committees of agriculture. In some counties you have admirable committees of agriculture who take a genuine interest in the advisory services. In others the very reverse is true but there is no consistent policy, no consistent direction and, I am sorry to say, in many cases there is no adequate, effective inspection and no proper relationship of the activities of any adviser to his own area. I believe that sooner or later, and the sooner the better, we ought to have a national agricultural advisory service and that should be based, in the initial stages, on one adviser to every three parishes, our ultimate objective being one adviser to every rural parish involving ultimately the employment of 800 agricultural advisers for the whole country.

I think it is a tragic thing at the present time that a large number of highly trained agricultural graduates are emigrating to Canada, Rhodesia, and the colonies in Africa because they cannot get employment in their own country while, at the same time, large areas in this country are virtually bereft of that kind of advice which, if it were available, could help materially to reduce costs of production and to expand production from our existing area of arable land. That whole project seems so self-evident to me that I find it hard to produce extensive arguments to support it. It is almost like seeking to delineate arguments to prove the inevitability of two and two making four, but it is urgent, it is necessary, and sooner or later it will have to be done.

The present Minister for Agriculture expresses the view that once he felt that if you went too fast you could outstrip the people's willingness to accept guidance in these matters and again he preferred to leave this to county committees of agriculture. I think it is too important a matter to leave to anybody else but himself. I am quite convinced that though people in certain areas may at first evince reluctance to avail of such services, they should never be thrust upon them but, if the services are made available, the initial reluctance to avail of them very quickly evaporates. I strongly urge upon the Minister that he should fix notice for such services and put it into operation without delay.

Lastly, I want to say that I am sick listening to people like the Taoiseach speaking of the agricultural industry and its featherbed. I am sick of listening to the Taoiseach and those who think they can lecture the farmers on the necessity for more hard work, lower costs and a greater readiness to compete in the markets of the world at a time when we have a tariff structure of the kind that at present exists. Nobody knows what protected industry collects from the consumers here annually. It must run into tens of millions, the bulk of which is paid by the small farmers and their equivalent, the agricultural workers.

All existing industry depends for its supply of raw materials on the purchasing power of the agricultural industry. We can get almost unlimited production from our land if we give the farmers who own it and work it a reasonable reward for their labours. They do not aspire to the 40-hour week; they do not aspire to overtime rates of pay for overtime work. It is their nature and custom to work as long as is necessary to get the result; what they do require and are quite determined to have is a fair reward for the produce they have to offer for sale. The time is long past, as most rational people here realised years ago, when domestic price levels are the exclusive controlling factor. In the last analysis, and as the agricultural industry is directed to capacity, it it the export price which will control the general price level of every branch of agriculture. We are not in a position to control the actual price realised in the export market and it is a wholly specious appeal to make to our farmers to say that they are as well able to produce as the Danish or Dutch farmers with whom they compete in our principal market which is the British market. While the Danish and the Dutch farmers do so produce there is no Deputy in this House who really knows all the facts about the price they get for their end product.

We have had one strange example in a certain gentleman of Danish extraction who occupies a very well remunerated industrial position in this country. He wanted to give us, the "ignorant Irish", a slight demonstration of what modern Danish methods could do if employed for the edification of the "ignorant Irish". So, with the unlimited capital of a large industrial concern he bought a farm in the richest part of Ireland and equipped it without counting the cost to run it, I believe, as a dairy and a pig farm so that the "ignorant Irish" might learn how these things really ought to be done. He has lost £40,000 to date while the "ignorant Irish" are still carrying on. He suddenly discovered what farming in our conditions requires. He suddenly discovered that skills exist outside his ken. He discovered that the chronic inferiority complex that afflicts the Fianna Fáil Party, which persuades them that anything from abroad is better than the domestic product, operated to deceive even the omniscient Dane who had begun to believe that too.

The Deputy seems to be discussing the affairs of a private individual in this country. I do not see how it arises on this Estimate. Surely the Minister is not responsible for it?

I would not be a bit surprised if he were. It is the kind of daft thing in which he would be involved. I am trying to demonstrate that the methods of Denmark are not necessarily superior to the methods of Ireland in the case of Ireland's agriculture and that there are a lot of deadheads walking around saying that we should emulate the marvellous example of Denmark who do not know what they are talking about. That even goes for the Danes who fall for that kind of tripe also.

We do not often get the chance of getting these things tried out. Our people are too cute to get involved in that kind of folly. They are quite prepared to tell their neighbour to do it, but they never do it themselves. This Dane turned up and he not only told us how to do it but he proceeded to show us how he could do it. We do not have £40,000 on most of the farms here and so we do not do it. But we must meet the stiff competition presented to us in the markets abroad. What I am concerned to say to the Minister is that he should stipulate to the Government that, whatever device is employed, producers here will get a fair price for any increased production they make available. If they can get an unqualified guarantee along these lines, the Minister will get production and exports, and that is the only basis. There are those who would say to producers that they would be much more fortunate if all this production were done on the basis of unsubsidised foreign sale. They ought to make two replies to that. One is that that goes for none of their competitors. Secondly, they are carrying on their backs all the protected industrialists in this country, and they cannot afford to do it at world prices fixed by the subsidised exports of their competitors.

I want to remind Deputies that there is an adverse balance of payments running at the present moment at the rate of between £30 million and £40 million per annum. I am not talking now about an adverse balance of trade: I am talking about an adverse balance of payments, after full credit has been taken for all our invisible exports. There are only two ways of bringing that adverse balance of payments under control. One is by further expanding our agricultural exports. Prices at the moment, or up to recently, have been fairly good for the kind of products we have to market. Although prices for cattle are faltering at the present time, and although demand is not strong, in my opinion—and I should be glad to hear the Minister's view on this—that will correct itself towards the end of the year and there is no reason for anyone to panic about it.

The alternative to expanding agricultural exports is to impose quantitative restrictions on imports. When you come down to the job of determining what imports you are to restrict quantitatively, to make any serious impression on the balance of payments, you will find that there is no such thing as unnecessary imports in a volume adequate materially to affect the balance of payments. If you want to make a substantial inroad on an adverse balance of payments by quantitative restriction, you have to go for motor vehicles or something on that scale; and the moment you do so you are going to be faced with immediate, direct, consequential unemployment and incalculable indirect unemployment.

Therefore, the dilemma which is opening up before us in this year is an early facing of the fact that imports will have to be controlled or exports materially expanded. There is no hope of getting any material expansion of exports on the industrial front. There is no insurmountable difficulty in getting them this year and next year on the agricultural front, but if they are to be got and retained, certain urgent measures, such as I have outlined, require to be undertaken now. Let us all remember this. If by 1964 we are not in a position to retain our place in the livestock market of Great Britain, there will be a catastrophe in respect of the standard of living of our people unlike anything this generation has ever seen. I do not believe any such catastrophe is necessary, but I sincerely urge upon the Minister for Agriculture that some preliminary work must be done in the dairying areas now, if he is to have any prospect of dealing effectively with them on an exhaustive basis in two or three years' time.

I have always believed, and I still believe, that this country has a rosy future so long as we have the land we have, with the market potential at our door and the people to work it. Deputy Brennan once said that the mistake I made when I was Minister for Agriculture was to claim that I was in a position to help everybody over every stile. I am not sure that that is a charge I am particularly anxious to repudiate. I thought it was a great privilege and I thought it was great to be Minister for Agriculture in this country. I did feel, as I still feel, that there are very few farmers on the land of Ireland who are not the better for contact with their own Department of Agriculture. I sometimes feel as if that splendid organisation were grinding to a standstill. Perhaps in my day I claimed too much for it. If I did, I think it was a better mistake than to claim so little that it almost appears to cease to exist at all.

I do not associate that with the modesty of the Minister. I do not believe the Minister wants to be in the Department of Agriculture. I do not think he gives a damn about the Department of Agriculture. I think he wants to get out of it. If that is so, his seniority in the Government would entitle him to make that requisition on the new Taoiseach to shift him now. If he is not prepared to do any more than he has been doing in the recent past, then I would urge him, for the sake of the country, for the sake of the Department and even for his own sake, to get a transfer and make way for a better man.

Deputy Dillon paid me a few compliments tonight. I am only an ordinary, plain Deputy, who came into this House 32 years ago to see if we could get by political means what we had failed to get with the gun. I would not like it to happen that I should come in here as a leader of a Party, sell them out and sit over there with £500 a year for life in my pocket, paid by the unfortunate farmers whom I sold. However, it was not to happen to me or to any comrade of mine.

Who introduced the Bill?

The gentleman whom I have heard proclaiming here, the first day, that he never took off his hat to the Soldier's Song, can come in in here afterwards boasting to be the first republican Minister for Agriculture in a Republic established on the blood of my comrades.

I would not talk too much about blood, if I were the Deputy. This word comes ill from him.

I would not like that to happen and I am sorry that it was made possible by legislation in this House that a man could come in here as the leader of a small Party, sell them out, and then enjoy a pension for life, paid for by the people whom he sold.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 1st July, 1959.
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