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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 16 Mar 1960

Vol. 180 No. 5

Broadcasting Authority Bill, 1959 [Seanad] — Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill is a Bill which is the subject of general comment on the part of the taxpayers, because the taxpayer, who is at present taxed to the very limit of his capacity to pay, feels that when it becomes law, it will have on him the effect of a second Health Act, in that he will be obliged to contribute very generously towards the setting up of our television service. It is not too much for him to expect that, if television is to be introduced, it might be obliged to stand on its own feet, but we are given to understand by the Minister in his speeches in the Seanad, and in this House, that there is a great possibility of the taxpayers being called upon to contribute more generously and more than their share. That is one of my objections to this Bill.

The fact that this House should be armed with the right and the authority to investigate in every possible way the activities of the Authority about to be set up under this Bill has already been commented on. I want to refer to a leading article which appeared in the Irish Independent of 14th January, 1960 dealing with the new Authority. It is a sound and commonsense article, but it is very seldom that a leading article in the Irish Independent does not contain commonsense and intelligence. The article deals with the question of the ventilation of complaints and says:

The Oireachtas ought to ensure that if complaints should be ventilated in either House, the Minister will not be able to take the irresponsible attitude that the affair is one solely within the competence of the Authority and that he has no function in the matter. There has been far too much of that policy — or want of policy — in regard to other official institutions in the past.

We cannot place sufficient importance on what is outlined in that leading article. Legislation passed in this House in recent years seems to have been based on the handing-over of authority — the authority to spend millions on boards and other bodies — and when Deputies put down questions concerning the activities of these boards and bodies, they are told that the Minister is not prepared to intervene or to inquire into their everyday workings.

If this House is to vote considerable sums of the taxpayers' money for this purpose, we ought to be in a position, as indicated in the Irish Independent leading article, to have every possible grievance ventilated in this House, and the Authority being set up ought not to shelter behind the protection of the Minister. The general public are asking themselves some very important questions and one question they are asking is: “Are we not too poor a country, having regard to our present economic and financial difficulties, to embark on a luxury scheme, such as the setting-up of a television service?”

The ordinary rank and file of people throughout the country will not be in a position, in present circumstances, to view television, because of the cost of sets, which varies from £80 to £100. The small farmer, the farm worker, the road worker, the council worker, the average builder's labourer and most of the people in the farming community, who are the backbone of this country, are not in a position to invest in a television set, as a luxury or a pastime, because their financial resources will not allow them to make such a purchase.

If we are to depend on the generosity of advertisers to finance the project, does the Minister or the House realise that at present advertisers are practically boycotting Radio Eireann? The position is that Radio Éireann has not got the listeners. Carrolls of Dundalk advertise their Sweet Afton cigarettes on Radio Luxembourg, and I understand there was some question of the Hospitals Trust withdrawing their advertisements entirely from Radio Éireann because they were not reaching the listening public. Carrolls of Dundalk are a very important Irish Industry and they do not advertise on Radio Éireann. They do not use Radio Éireann because they do not think there is sufficient advertising value in its broadcasts. Every listener to Radio Luxembourg must admit that more and more Irish industrialists are using that medium for advertising. They know the programmes on Radio Luxembourg are attractive in accordance with the modern trend and that there is a greater listening public.

Therefore I feel that those people are very wise in paying for advertising that will reach the listening public. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs ought to know that only a very small percentage of our people ever listen to Radio Eireann. He ought to know that only a very small percentage of our people are aware that Radio Eireann is in existence at all except for a football match or occassionally to tune into it for the news.

As far as entertainment is concerned, if our television service is to be on the same standards as Radio Eireann I beg of the Minister to drop the project, to forget all about it and not to impose further taxation on our people for nonsense. At present, the cinema can be looked upon as a source of pastime and pleasure for the ordinary man down the country. I have a feeling that, in the event of television becoming popular in this country in years to come, it will mean that the cinema-owners must close their doors because if people receive attractive programmes on television they will not leave their homes. That is why I say the question of the amount of revenue from the cinemas ought to be given very careful consideration in view of the effect which television will have on the cinemas.

The advent of television in this country will also, in the event of its success, change the trend of family life generally. In most parts of rural Ireland, the good old Irish custom which has prevailed for generations known as "rambling" will be discontinued. The ramblers go in for a chat and a gossip and to discuss market affairs, politics and other activities. In homes where television is now installed we have had the experience of people sitting in dead silence in groups and in corners of the room. That is where I feel that, instead of reviving Irish culture and the good old Irish way of life, television is likely to bring a shadow of silence over the household.

One knows quite well that, in order to avail of the entertainment of television, silence and attention are desirable. That being so, I feel that television will probably change the future of many of our Irish homes and that they will be based more or less on the pattern of Continental homes.

With regard to the Authority about to be set up under this Bill and its functions generally, Section 16 provides that the Authority shall have the power "to establish, maintain and operate broadcasting stations and to acquire, install and operate apparatus for wireless telegraphy". We have a fairly extensive section dealing with the Authority generally.

The Minister said the Advisory Committee set up under the chairmanship of Mr. Eamonn Andrews is one in which he has confidence. I wonder if the Government have gone to the trouble of inquiring if there are not in this country very capable and competent men who would be prepared to devote their time, attention and energies in advising the Government on this very important matter?

I trust that when the Authority is appointed there will be the desire and the ambition to make a success of this Bill. I feel that the method of making the appointments is not desirable. People who are in no way associated with political movements should be appointed. I have in mind a number of suitable people.

I want to give very great credit to the programme on Radio Éireann called "To-day in the Dáil". Most members of the Dáil are interested in that little programme. In my opinion, it is very successful. I have been a listener to it probably since the programme first commenced. It must be admitted by Deputies on all sides of the House that that programme gives a very fair and impartial report of the day's proceedings in the Dáil and Seanad. I am sure the Minister will agree that it is well done.

In that programme, for the short 15 minutes or so that it is on, all views expressed by Ministers and Deputies on various matters are given a favourable report. Under Section 16 we have the Authority and the functions of the Authority in general. That is why I say that under that section very careful attention should be given to the appointment of personnel who will be impartial.

I cannot say I know, because I do not, who exactly is responsible for the compilation of the report "Today in the Dáil", but whoever is responsible for it is doing a good job with a degree of satisfaction and a degree of fairness. With regard to the news items in general to be undertaken under Section 16, I feel a member of the Authority should be solely responsible for the news items and that the members of the Authority ought to divide out their responsibility.

I was about to suggest that advice, say on sport, should be sought from a man of the type of Micheál Ó Hehir. He is a man with very wide experience. He is in close touch with sporting activities and, to the credit of this country, he has experience of international note. It might be wise if, before all these matters become law, a conference were held and the views of men such as Micheál Ó Hehir obtained.

With regard to the question of suitable plays on television, I might suggest that the views of Mr. John McCann be obtained. I know quite well that Mr. McCann is a former member of this House. He has been responsible for the writing and the putting on of a number of plays which have brought great credit to himself and to this city. That is why I feel we should have people like Mr. McCann, people possessing the talents of Mr. McCann. If a man of his type were a member of this Authority, it could not be said that it was a question of his political affiliations because, while Mr. McCann was a member of this House, he was highly respected by Deputies from all sides. He seldom participated with a degree of bitterness in any debate.

Individuals should not be named in debate.

I was about to suggest——

Other Deputies might take a different view.

The dramatic critic of Radio Éireann.

I think Deputy O.J. Flanagan should get an opportunity of appointing the board. He has already mentioned two.

I have no desire to appoint the board but the Minister might consider the points I am raising. The persons to whom I have referred can contribute very much to the success of television. I might also include among those people Lord Killanin, Mr. R.J. Dowling and Mr. George Burrows. These men represent very important shades of thought in the various spheres which will affect television in this country. In my opinion, they are men who ought to be consulted in some manner. I feel that their advice and guidance should be sought in a matter of this kind. Paragraph (f) of Section 16 of the Bill states:

To collect news and information and to subscribe to news services and such other services as may be conducive to the objects of the Authority.

The present news services are not, in my opinion, of the proper type. We have too much foreign news broadcast in our news programmes. Very few people down the country are interested in the activities of the Emperor of Japan, the Shah of Persia or any of these people. Neither are they interested in whether a battle is likely to take place in any part of the Belgian Congo or the Middle East.

What about Marilyn Monroe?

They are interested in news items which affect this country or Great Britain but we give most of the time to the broadcasting of news items which are of little or no concern to our people. Some effort should be made to reorganise generally the news programmes because at the present time they are of little interest. They do not contain sufficient Irish news. If we take the news broadcasts every evening or every morning from Radio Éireann, it should be possible for the Radio Éireann reporters to obtain more local news. It is the local news in which people are interested and if local news is put over the air, it will encourage more people to listen.

Within the past few days, we had the experience of plays on television which were considered undesirable. The Authority will be responsible, under this Bill, for providing the proper kind of entertainment. Every precaution should be taken to ensure that plays and programmes of a distasteful nature are not in any circumstances presented. Very strong protests were made to the existing television authorities in respect of a play put on over the weekend. It was considered to be unfit for children. If there are plays or programmes which are designed for adults only, reasonable notice should be given. These programmes should be put on as late as possible at night when the viewers will not include any of the younger people whose morals might be affected by such programmes.

Section 17 of the Bill provides as follows:

In performing its function, the Authority shall bear constantly in mind the national aims of restoring the Irish language and preserving and developing the national culture and shall endeavour to promote the attainment of those aims.

That is the very section which will kill Irish television. I am not in any way opposed to the Irish language.

There are grave doubts.

I am in no way——

The Deputy not done very much to hinder it. The fact that we have so much of the Irish language on Radio Éireann at present is the reason people are not listening to Radio Éireann. If we are to associate Irish television with the old cry of reviving the Irish language and pastimes, I feel that this is the very section of the Bill which will kill the project.

We had all that the last time the Deputy spoke.

If our programmes are to be presented in accordance with Section 17, we shall get nobody to advertise through this medium. We are told that the advertising costs will be something in the region of £50 per minute. I ask the Minister what Irish manufacturer or industrialist will be sufficiently crazy to spend £50 per minute upon advertising his products through the medium of Irish? A little Irish may be no harm but I am asking the Minister and the Authority, if I may, not to kill the broadcasting and television services of this country by putting across too much Irish which is not wanted and which is unknown in most of our homes.

That is wrong.

There may be a great number of patriotic citizens who are reaping a fairly good reward, directly or indirectly, through the medium of the Irish language.

That is a very low suggestion.

There are a number of members in the House who are here because of the stand they take and the way they play up to a certain element in order to obtain the support of those who are believers in the Irish language.

How does this arise on the Broadcasting Authority Bill?

The Deputy has said it all before.

(Interruptions).

Will Deputies please allow Deputy Flanagan to make his speech?

It arises because Section 17 of the Bill says:

In performing its functions, the Authority shall bear constantly in mind the national aims of restoring the Irish language.

In my opinion, that section will kill the Bill and I want to give reasons for that opinion. The best reason is that the people do not want to listen to Irish; they are not listening to it and will not listen to it. It is right that some Deputy should have the moral courage to stand up in this House——

When there is a gallery.

——and even outside the House, on this issue and to say that the sooner this Irish rot and codology is got rid of, the better for everyone in this country. I want to place on record, if I may — in reply to Deputies who seem rather annoyed by this — that in rural Ireland at present so few of our people are interested in the Irish language that it is the cause of very grave concern among parents. Here we have a Broadcasting Authority being set up which will cost taxpayers some millions of pounds and which will be, as I have described it, probably a second Health Act in the matter of piling taxes on them and we see a special section in this Bill for the purpose of restoring the Irish language.

Finally, for the Minister's information, if there were less Irish on Radio Éireann, it would have more listeners today. I am not saying that is the official view of my Party, but it is my view and the view of many thousands of people throughout the country who have such contempt and disregard for Radio Éireann and who will not have respect for Irish television, if it is to be inaugurated at great expense to them for the purpose of putting across the Irish language.

The Deputy has said this at least three times already.

So much for that — I have finished with it, but I trust that my words will bear some fruit.

I see that the Authority may reject any advertisement presented for broadcasting in whole or in part. Who is to reject — will it be the Authority as a body or will there be a certain official appointed by the Authority for that purpose? I feel that before any advertisement is rejected under Section 20 (2), a sound reason should be given. I hope that in connection with advertising there will be somebody on this Authority who will have practical experience of advertising and that it will not be left to some civil servant to please himself as to what is a proper advertisement under this subsection. We have very eminent and prominent people in the advertising world in this city——

Is that so?

Yes, we have. There are McConnells and P.L. McEvoy——

The Chair feels that the Deputy should not mention the names of individuals.

I want to enlighten Deputy Loughman.

Not even to enlighten Deputy Loughman.

Mr. McEvoy is one of the best in Ireland today.

The names of individuals should not be used in the House. The Deputy should relate his remarks to the Bill.

I hope some responsible person will be in charge of passing or rejecting advertisements under this section and that he will not be a civil servant. I have already conveyed that to the Minister but he has not indicated to this House or to the Seanad that there will be somebody there with experience and practical knowledge of advertising. An industrial concern or firm of note may submit an advertisement for broadcasting which, in their opinion, is attractive to the public and which, in the opinion of a good advertising agent, is also wise and attractive but which, in the opinion of some inexperienced civil servant, is not deemed suitable because he did not like the way it was worded or framed and he may reject it. In the case of a rejected advertisement, there should be some appeal to the Minister, or the House should be satisfied that a person with a competent knowledge of advertising is put in charge.

Subsection (4) of Section 20 says:

The Authority shall not accept any advertisement which is directed towards any religious or political end or has any relation to any industrial dispute.

Does that mean that an event something like the great Pioneer rally which took place some time ago in Croke Park, and which was the concern of a very large section of our people, would be ruled out under this section, because of the religious connection of the Pioneer Total Abstinence Association? It could be that, if another great Pioneer rally took place in which tens of thousands of our people participated, under this section it could not be televised.

The section concerns only an advertisement.

We should like a guarantee from the Minister on that point. One could describe an appeal for funds by a religious organisation as an advertisement. Appeals are made every week over Radio Éireann on Sunday evenings. If the contributions of the general public are being invited for some religious building project, does the section mean that an appeal for such a worthy purpose could not be accepted for broadcasting because of the religious implications?

These are not advertisements — they are appeals.

They could be interpreted as advertisements, if you wanted to do so. There is nothing to prevent it and I should be very glad if a guarantee on this matter could be given generally to the House.

In subsection (5) of Section 20, I find that the Authority "shall have regard to the special position of Irish advertisers (in particular those whose advertisements are wholly or substantially in the Irish language)..." That is not a section which commends itself to me. All the people who wish to advertise on television should be treated in the same way. Of course, if a man wants to put his advertisement in Irish, I suppose he should be entitled to do so, but I do not see any reason why he should get any special facilities in regard to charges.

The Deputy will appreciate that this is the Second Stage and that many of the points he is raising are more appropriate to Committee Stage. Details of the Bill may be discussed in Committee.

The Minister stated a report was submitted to him in connection with the sites selected for television and that he was not aware of the existence of such a place as Croghan Hill. I am very reliably informed that some time ago some television experts carried out a survey there. In view of the situation of Croghan Hill and the opinion of experts that it would be a very suitable place for a broadcasting station, I ask the Minister to re-examine that matter and give it further consideration.

I trust this project will be a success. However, I have my suspicions. If it is to follow the pattern followed by other authorities which have been set up, it will not meet with the success we should all like. I remember that some time ago Radio Éireann dispensed with the services of one of their staff because they alleged his voice was not characteristic of the station. I hope instances of that kind will not arise in future. Goodness knows, at present many of the voices we hear over Radio Éireann not alone could not be termed characteristic of the station but could not be termed characteristic of the Irish people in general.

I hope, when the new Authority is set up, consideration will be given to the question of presenting news items in a different manner from their presentation at present. I make that appeal very sincerely to the Minister. At present, the news items are mainly devoted to the activities of certain people associated with a particular political Party. That is why I asked that the whole question be re-examined. The best course the Minister could follow is to examine carefully and closely the leading article in the Irish Independent of January 14th last. If he acts in accordance with that, I believe he will be setting a headline which will result in this Bill achieving some degree of success.

Is mian liom fíorchaoin fáilte a fhearadh roimh an Bhille seo. Tá fhios ag achan duine go bhfuil tionchar mór ag an teilifís ar shaol an duine agus mar sin tá sé de dhualgas ar an Rialtas a chinntiú go rachaidh an tionchar seo chun tairbhe ár muintire. Dá bhfanadh an Rialtas mórán níos faide leis an Bhille seo, bheadh an tír faoi thionchar chultúr na Sasana agus bheadh níos mó díobhala déanta taobh istigh de 20 bliain ná mar a rinneadh san tréimhse uilig a raibh an tír seo faoi chois ag na Sasanaigh. Ó thaobh athbheochan na Gaeilge de, tá mé den bharúil go mbeidh an teilifís ina cuidiú mhór. Go dtí seo, bhí na dóigheanna a bhí againn le smaointe a scaipeadh ag feidhmiú in aghaidh na Gaeilge. Ní d'aon turas a rinneadh seo, ach siocair go raibh fadhb neamhghnách le réiteach, sin mar a thárla. Tig linn úsáid i bhfad níos fearr a bhaint as an teilifís ná as aon ghléas eile a bhí againn go dtí seo mar beidh pictiúir in a gcuidiú mhór, cuidiú nach raibh le fáil óna gléasanna eile.

Dúirt Teachta amháin go raibh Teachtaí ar an taobh seo ag cuidiú le labhairt na Gaeilge le vótaí a fháil. Cé mhéid vótaí a gheobhadh duine ar an tsiocair amháin go raibh sé ar thaobh na Gaeilge? Tá sé fíor afach, fo bhfuil Teachtaí sa Teach seo ag labhairt in éadan na Gaeilge, cionn is go síleann síad go bhfaighidh síad vótaí ó dhaoine atá in éadan athbheochan na Gaeilge.

Before commencing my remarks in English on this Bill, I should like to put on record that this morning we had a very full Visitors' Gallery. It was filled with students. To their credit, rather than listen to the attack made by Deputy O.J. Flanagan on the Irish language, they left the building.

With most members of the House, I welcome this Bill. To those of us living along the Border, it is clear it had been introduced none too soon. Day after day sees more and more television aerials erected in my constituency and more and more of our people are coming under the influence of a way of life which is very different from their own and which in fact is often in conflict with it. If we were not to provide an antidote in the form of a television service, I believe that in a shorter time, and in a much more effective way than a foreign army could do it, we would lose our whole sense of nationality. Our mode of life would be changed and the will to make a success of our freedom endangered.

From a survey I made in my constituency, I find that where a television set is installed, the household rely almost entirely on the B.B.C. and I.T.V. not only for their entertainment but for their news programmes as well. It is a rare thing to find a radio switched on after the television programmes begin at approximately 5 o'clock in the evening, and this is particularly true where there are children in the family. When there is a good children's programme on television and it coincides with the news broadcast from Radio Éireann, it is rarely the news is switched on because this is vigorously resisted by the children. The dangers inherent in this are obvious. We cannot discriminate with regard to the news items which are screened on television. They are not like news in newspapers. We must accept them as a whole.

I am dealing with news programmes rather than with other programmes at the moment, and I want to say that the effect on a child's mind, caused by the particular slant given to news on foreign television, is harmful as far as Ireland is concerned. Ireland is very rarely mentioned on such news broadcasts, but, when it is, it is usually in a hurtful way, as for example during the horse export episode when television gave very full coverage to the banners carried down on the quays by people opposed to the export of horses. We had interviews with these people and very full coverage of the rows which broke out on the quays, but, when the television cameras were permitted on board the ship which carried the horses, to examine the facilities on it, very scant coverage was given. Were it not for the fact that the Taoiseach gave an interview to the television companies in connection with that episode, we, as a country, would have come very badly out of it.

With regard to the general programmes on these services we find that wherever there is a drunk, a ne'er-do-well, or a cadger of any description portrayed on British TV he is invariably an Irishman. He has a very obvious Irish name and, of course, he has the Irish brogue. I feel that if we are to retain our identity as a nation, it is absolutely essential that we should have a television station of our own.

Many suggestions have been made as to the manner in which a television service could best be operated. I feel that the Government proposals in this Bill are those best suited and I think this is generally accepted by the people. Because of the terms of reference of the Television Commission, when it appeared at one stage that we were to have our television service run by commercial interests, I was inclined to support one particular group who were anxious to operate the service. I felt like supporting them because of the fact that they were Irish and because I knew that they would safeguard our culture and traditions—in simple language our way of life. However, I never felt too happy that they would be financially able, in the beginning at any rate, to operate successfully an undertaking of this magnitude.

On the other hand, from some interviews I had with agents of the large foreign combines anxious to operate our service, I came to the conclusion that it would be national suicide to allow these people to take over the operation of the service. They did not seem to appreciate that we had any peculiar circumstances here which made us different from any other country. They appeared to believe that the financial end was the only one that had to be considered and that, if they were willing to pay all the expenses and to give the Irish Government a certain amount of time on the service, that was all that mattered and they could do what they liked with the remainder of the time. Therefore, as I said before, I feel that the proposals in this Bill will be best suited to our national needs.

A considerable amount of discussion has taken place on the line system upon which our service should be operated. From what I have read and heard, I believe that the 625 line standard is the best technically, and is the more efficient. I believe it gives a better picture and it is on that line standard that we would get colour television when it becomes available. In addition, it is the system mainly in use on the Continent. The 405 line system is the system in use in Britain and the Six Counties. In theory, we have a choice between these two systems, but in practice, I am afraid we have no choice but to adopt the 405 line system in operation in the Six Counties. Alternatively, we could have a dual broadcasting service on both the 625 and 405 line standards but I have no doubt that the matter of expense would be a telling factor.

In considering the line system, there are a number of aspects which we have to take into consideration. First, we must remember that, as the Minister has already stated, we have already got 40,000 television sets adapted to the 405 line system in the Twenty-Six county area, and I have heard from some people who have a knowledge of the television business that the figure is very much higher than 40,000. These sets represent a very considerable capital investment. Many of them were bought before an Irish television station was thought of and, in fact, when an Irish television station appeared to be nothing but a pipe dream. It would be unjust to the owners of these sets to tell them that, simply because we are going to start our own service, all their sets are obsolete or that they would have to be adapted to the 625 line standard at considerable cost to the owners themselves. I would point out too that in many cases it is not possible to adapt these sets.

We must also consider the matter from a national point of view. It should be clear that one of our objectives is to broadcast in the Six County area because a well-run television service would be very effective in promoting good relations with our fellow-Irishmen in the Six County area who, at the moment, have not got the same political views as us. If we were to transmit on the 625 line standard it would mean that television set owners in the Six Counties, as well as those in the Twenty-Six county area, would not be able to receive the Irish programmes and we would therefore lose a potential audience. It is most unlikely that these people would decide either to buy new sets suited to the 625 line standard or have their present sets adapted because, for some time at any rate, the Irish service will only broadcast for a limited number of hours a day and by changing over from 405 lines to 625 lines they would deprive themselves of much longer viewing on the B.B.C. and I.T.V.

We must also consider it from the financial point of view and in that connection we must take the advertising potential into consideration. The value of an advertisement and, therefore, the price paid for it, is related to the estimated number of viewers and, if we were to adopt the 625 line system, we would obviously have a very small viewing public for a considerable time to come with resultant very small advertising revenue. I feel that if we start now with 405 lines, rather than 625 lines, the difference in income over a certain period would be enough to pay for the change-over whenever the change-over becomes necessary. I do not know what is the quality of the picture transmitted on the 625 line standard, never having seen it, but as far as my own constituency is concerned the picture on the 405 line standard is very good. As well as these matters there are the technical difficulties outlined in the Minister's statement, and also referred to in the Report of the Television Commission. Taking everything into consideration, while it might be preferable in the long run to start on the 625 line system, for the reasons I have mentioned we have no option but to start on the 405 line system.

The Television Commission in its terms of reference was asked to make recommendations on "the special arrangements that should be made to provide for the use of the Irish language and for the adequate reflection of the national outlook and culture." I think we are all agreed that our television service should be utilised to keep our culture and traditions alive and that nothing should be broadcast which would damage them in any way. In that connection, I note that the Report of the Television Commission, at page 38, states:

The General-Manager of Associated Rediffusion Ltd. (who are the I.T.A. programme contractors for the London area, Monday to Friday) in a recent article says "British television, whilst being international in searching for the best from all over the world, should not propagate a foreign philosophy or outlook."

If that is necessary in the case of Britain, a country which has not suffered invasion since 1066, it is obvious how much more necessary it is in the case of our own country. Our way of life is based on sound Christian principles. In a sense, it is the product of a great deal of suffering down through the centuries, and it is something well worth preserving and propagating. Programmes which reflect this way of life will be very much appreciated in the Six County area, because, despite the efforts made by vested interests to prove the contrary, the Orangeman in county Down has much more in common with the people in county Louth than he has with any Englishman, whether he be Conservative, Liberal or Labour.

Since the foundation of the State, the work of reviving the language has, in the main, fallen upon the teacher and the child. Most other media for the dissemination of ideas have tended to militate against its revival. I do not say that that was the result of deliberate policy. It was due to the peculiar nature of the problem. In order to read and understand an article in the Irish language in the public Press or spoken Irish on Radio Éireann programmes, a person needs to have a reasonably good knowledge of the language. In television, we shall have a different medium. We shall have yet another aid to the revival of the language in that there will be a picture. I have a feeling that this medium will prove much more suitable for the revival of the language than those which have been used hitherto.

Here I want to sound a note of warning. Those in charge of Irish language programmes will need to be very careful. The programmes will have to be of the highest quality, attractively produced, and simple. There can be more difficult programmes in the Irish language, but the bulk of the programmes must, in the main, be in simple language. I suggest that those charged with responsibility for these programmes should study the programmes in the Welsh language on the B.B.C. and I.T.V. These programmes are so attractively presented that it is possible to derive considerable pleasure from them without understanding the language at all. I do not understand Welsh but, because of the attractive manner in which these programmes are produced, I derive considerable enjoyment from them.

If our programmes are equally attractive, even those who do not understand the language at all will find some interest in them. Those who know the language will take a very considerable interest in them and will derive considerable pleasure from them. Such programmes would be within the compass of most of the under 40's at the present time. Possibly some of the under 40's may not be able to speak the language fluently but in most cases they understand it. They will be able to follow the programmes in the Irish language with ease.

With regard to news broadcasts, I suggest that the news in Irish should be separated from the news in English by at least two hours. I have advocated this in relation to Radio Éireann on a number of occasions, but, so far, without effect. Where the news in Irish comes immediately before the news in English, it is only natural that in homes in which some of the people speak Irish and in which all of the people speak English, it is the English news broadcast which will be listened to. The same will apply in the case of television, but the position will be somewhat more ridiculous since there will be the same news in Irish and in English, with the same pictures or very nearly the same pictures. For that reason, I suggest there should be an interval of at least two hours between these broadcasts. People will then find it worth while listening to the news broadcast in the Irish language, a broadcast not immediately followed by the news in the English language.

It is important that members of the Television Authority should have a sound national outlook and that they should be interested in everything connected with Ireland, its language, its culture and so on. People who put on Irish language programmes merely because that is the policy of a particular Government will not do. If that is the policy, then we shall have nothing but insipid programmes to which no one will be bothered listening and at which no one will be bothered looking. Such programmes would do more harm than good.

On television, we shall have two kinds of programme—live programmes and canned programmes. Live programmes are very much more expensive than canned. Because of that, most of the broadcasting time will be taken up with films and so on. If we try to compete with the B.B.C. and I.T.V., results will be bad nationally and very bad from the point of view of quality. These combines have considerable funds at their disposal and they can pay sums which it would not be possible for us to pay. They are in a position to skim the cream of all the material available. For that reason, I suggest to the Minister that we should now begin production of our own television programmes either at Ardmore or through the medium of any private company which wishes to and can produce programmes of reasonably good quality.

Elaborate equipment is not, I understand, necessary for the production of the types of films required for television as compared with films for cinema showing. If we were to embark on the work of producing suitable films immediately, we could have a considerable amount of material ready by the time the station opens. That would give us a bit of headway and, following upon the opening of the station, we could continue to produce our own type of canned programme.

I do not suggest that we would be able to produce all the canned programmes necessary but we could produce a very considerable proportion. If we should make a number of films of each story there would be a ready market for them. They could be sold in America where there is an insatiable demand for television material. I do not think that very expensive equipment would be required to produce these programmes. Generally, such programmes produced on the B.B.C. and I.T.V. do not reach perfection as far as production is concerned.

The implementation of my suggestion would require a considerable amount of organisation. Our storytellers, actors, producers, and so on, would have to be brought together immediately. It should be left to them to devise programmes and to proceed with the work. In a sense this is a matter for the Television Authority and I hope they will deal with it without delay.

For children, simple action stories are best. To a certain extent we could follow the B.B.C. and I.T.V. by basing stories for children on Cuchulainn, Fionn Mac Cumhail and so on, as the British authorities base theirs on Robin Hood and Sir Lancelot and others.

There will also be educational programmes. In that respect there should be very close co-operation between the Department of Education and the Television Authority. At present I suppose it would be too much to expect that every school would be equipped with a television set. Failing that, the educational programmes should be broadcast in the evenings. If there were proper co-operation between the Department of Education and the Television Authority, the work in the schools could be aided. A member of the I.N.T.O. executive, speaking at a short course in Dundalk recently, said that we were fighting the battle of education with outmoded methods, the blackboard and chalk, while other countries were developing technical aids. Television would help to fill the void and would be of great benefit to the educational system.

The Television Authority or, perhaps, the Government, will be in an awkward position with regard to advertising. A "buy Irish" campaign is being developed throughout the country and we must consider the effect that the advertising of foreign goods may have on Irish industries. Television is a very powerful medium of advertising. On the other hand, the Television Authority will have the problem of making the station pay. However, I am sure the Government have had all these aspects in mind.

With regard to the type of advertising, I expect there will be some control and that some effort will be made to assure the public that the qualities advertised for a product will be contained in the product. Otherwise, there could be exploitation of the general public.

I should like now to refer briefly to the question of cinemas and local newspapers. In my constituency television aerials are appearing in great numbers. This has had a serious effect on the cinema industry. Attendances and takings have been considerably reduced. Apart from any other consideration regard must be had to the employment content of cinemas. There is a place for television and for the cinema in our social life. They each fill a certain need. It will be agreed, however, that unless cinemas get some help during the critical period they will have to close and, once closed, it is most unlikely that they will be reopened. In my constituency the cinema industry is passing through a very critical period. I have made representations to the Minister for Finance on this matter. It may not be a matter for the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs but I should like him to keep it in mind.

Television is like An Craos Deamhain in drawing to itself the money available for advertising. Obviously, the newspapers will be hit. In this country firms devote a certain amount of money to advertising and cannot afford any more for the purpose. If television is to take the bulk of the money available for advertising there will be very little left for newspaper advertising and the newspapers, more especially local newspapers, will be severely hit. Apart from the employment given by local newspapers they provide an important service to the community. In this case also perhaps the Minister would keep the position in mind so that the minimum hardship may be caused.

On certain programmes of the B.B.C. and I.T.V. we have seen things which we hold dear and sacred mocked and spurned. We have seen an attempt made to substitute a pagan philosophy for our Christian moral code. There is a struggle going on at the moment for the souls of our children. This struggle will be intensified in future. Our children are being placed in a position where they will be endeavouring to make up their minds as to whether the way of life taught at their mothers' knee and in the school or the attractively produced paganism presented on foreign television is the correct way of life. I am convinced that if a Government in this country were to allow this to continue without making any effort to counteract it they would be failing gravely in their duty. That is why I am so very much in favour of this Television Bill.

The Estimates include a very large bill for health. Large as that bill is, most of us would be glad if circumstances permitted it to be increased. We recognise our duty to the people with regard to their physical health. We must also recognise our duty concerning the moral health of our people. By setting up this Irish television service, we are providing an antidote to the type of paganism which is being propagated by foreign television. I wish the new service every success and I congratulate the Minister on the manner in which he has handled this Bill both in the Seanad and in the Dáil.

As this Bill has been debated at length by both Houses, I shall confine my remarks to a few items. The establishment of the board follows the usual pattern of boards established in relation to State-sponsored bodies. Again and again, I have protested in this House against the method of establishing these boards and against the fact that subsequent to their establishment, it is almost impossible for a Deputy to obtain any information about their activities.

Under this Bill, we are voting large amounts of money to this new body to be known as Radio Éireann. We are also conferring on it autonomous powers. In the course of time, Deputies making inquiries relating to Radio Éireann by way of Question in this House on behalf of their constituents will be told by the Minister that he has no functions in the matter and that they should address their communications direct to that body. I have known people who have availed of the Minister's advice so far as some State-sponsored bodies are concerned and they never got further than receiving an acknowledgment card from these bodies, and I am sorry to say that the present establishment of Radio Éireann is no exception.

When Deputies, as representatives of the taxpayers, devote money collected from the taxpayers to the purposes of this Bill, or any similar measure, they should have some say as to how the money is expended or, at least, the Minister in charge of the Bill should be responsible to this House for the activities of that body. I do not mean to assert that the board should have to account for every move and every activity of theirs but that, generally speaking, Deputies should be able to obtain a reasonable amount of information on matters of importance.

I do not believe that these annual reports submitted by State-sponsored bodies are sufficient to meet the requirements of this House in regard to information on these bodies. We should have an opportunity of discussing the matter, by way of question and answer, with the Minister, whenever the occasion arises. I do not want to labour this any further. I have on similar Bills made protests previously, because, while I agree it is necessary to establish State-sponsored bodies to promote certain activities and that undoubtedly it is necessary to establish a body such as Radio Éireann for the promotion of a television service, they should not be given the autonomous powers this Bill gives them and they should be made more responsible to this House, as representatives of the people, than they are.

My main reason for contributing to this discussion is to voice a local grievance from which we in West Cork have suffered over a period of years. As the Minister is aware—it has been brought to the notice of this House and to the notice of Radio Éireann on various occasions—reception in West Cork, particularly from 6 p.m. onwards, is very poor, and from inquiries made, it has been definitely ascertained that reception there is much worse than in any other part of the country. Having experience of the reception in West Cork, I believe the Department is more or less obtaining money under false pretences from the owners of radio sets there. If I, in my own home, or anyone in my neighbourhood were to tune in to the 10.15 p.m. news tonight or to the programme "Today in the Dáil", we would not hear a word of it or we would not understand it, irrespective of the type of set.

In reply to questions addressed to him on this subject, the Minister agreed that the facts were correct but he has not taken any definite action to remedy the position. Some vague assurances were given from time to time that some kind of booster station would be established which would rectify the interference which we in West Cork must suffer so far as Radio Éireann programmes are concerned. Seeing that it is proposed to have a television service in the very near future, I ask the Minister to ensure that remote areas will get the same consideration as those areas contiguous to the cities and bigger towns. I believe there is an obligation on the Minister and, through the Minister, on this board which is to be set up, to ensure that a service will be provided for all parts of the country and not for limited parts of it, as is the present service from Radio Éireann.

I have been asked by various people in my constituency to refer to this matter as forcefully as I can in the House so as to ensure that we shall get proper reception in the West Cork area when the new television service is implemented. It seemed peculiar to me to hear Deputy Faulkner commenting on the television service in his constituency at present. He said there were more than 40,000 television sets in this country. Imagine the advantages which these people reap. Not only have they first-class reception from Radio Eireann but they also have the advantage of the television services provided by foreign countries. The Minister should ensure that whatever service is now set up will be a service for the nation as a whole.

The only other item to which I wish to draw the Minister's attention is the reporting of sports items on Radio Éireann. Some seven or eight years ago, I mentioned in the House that reports of bowling matches should be given by Radio Éireann. The game of bowls is Irish in every sense of the word and has been a tradition of our people for hundreds of years, particularly in the part of the country from which I come and indeed in the whole of County Cork.

I asked Deputy Childers who was then Minister for Posts and Telegraphs to ensure that reports of important bowling matches were given by Radio Éireann, as reports of other forms of sport are given. We have reports of golf matches, cricket, badminton and every other type of game, but no steps were taken by the Minister and no steps were taken by Radio Éireann to cover bowling matches. The percentage of people who play this game is much greater than the percentage who play some of the other games I have mentioned. I could say that in the greater part of county Cork, including Cork city and its environs, bowls is one of the chief games played by younger people.

I ask the Minister now to ensure that Radio Éireann will cover these bowling games. I am not asking anything which is unjust or unfair. I maintain that bowls is as fine a game as any of the others which are being reported, and reported fully, in Radio Éireann programmes today. I hope that when the television service is set up and when sports items are being reported, bowling, too, will get its proper proportion of time on the screen.

As I said at the outset, I contributed to this debate mainly because of these two local items: the grievance of people in the West Cork area regarding the television services and regarding Radio Éireann services and the reporting of bowling matches by Radio Éireann in future.

There are naturally various viewpoints on this Bill. There are the city viewpoint and the rural area viewpoint and I am more or less speaking from the city viewpoint. I welcome the Bill because if we do not have television, we shall have a good deal of corruption in the existing service. I saw on Sunday last a play called "The Fanatics," which I believe was put on from Belfast. I found it disgusting and judging by reports in the Press yesterday, thousands felt the same way. The whole play was about sex and while it might be all right for adults to look at such a play, this innovation of television naturally captures the attention of children and wherever there is a television set, the children will be there. The play actually advocated free love and things of that nature. Surely such a subject for any audience, let alone an Irish audience, is disgusting.

As I said, adults might look at it and think of its theme in an objective way, but certainly it must only make children very inquisitive. It is most embarrassing for adults to have to look at such a play, in the knowledge that their children are looking at the same screen. That is one of the reasons which justifies Irish television. At least we shall have something to turn to. As it stands, we have no option but to look at what is presented by I.T.V. and particularly the B.B.C. Even at this stage, it should be possible for the Minister to jam such plays. I know that occasionally when I am looking at television there is interference on it like a machine-gun, as if someone were using a vacuum cleaner, and if a vacuum cleaner can completely distort a picture, surely the Minister is in a position completely to distort or jam such plays without actually waiting for the Bill to become law.

I welcome the Bill because it will help to bring the family together. I have a television set but the fact that I have a television set does not mean that I am a man of means. Some people think that if you have a television set, you are a person of means. Actually I have not got the set at all. My son has it and he is paying 15/- a week for it. Actually I was asked to pay 5/-, my wife pays 5/- and my son pays the other 5/-. That is how the average person has a television set. It is no evidence of wealth. If a couple of people go to the pictures every week, they will spend that amount. I have heard it said that because people have a television service, they must have money to spare. It is no evidence of that. Even if three paupers living together decided to sacrifice everything else, they could afford to get a television set. The case I am making is that to have a television set is no proof of wealth. But it does bring the family together because since we got the set, the children are at home every night. It is very interesting except when embarrassing plays are presented.

The introduction of television can be abused, not merely by people who put on objectionable plays but by authority. It is a well-known fact that leading lights on the television service in England are selected as candidates for elections. The spoken word does not appeal so much as a person's appearance and you may be sure that politicians will be featuring certain people from time to time with the object of putting them forward for some election.

It can be abused in other ways. We are told that the Government will select the governing Authority of nine persons and whether we like it or not, everybody has a political viewpoint. The man who has not is a very dumb person indeed. The Minister should make certain when selecting the nine people that they will be people of varied viewpoints, and not of one viewpoint, because, in all these matters of jobs, there is always something behind the scenes. The Minister will be taking a safer line if he ensures that they are people of ability, people who will be of real service. He should also make certain that they are not all of the same political viewpoint. This whole service could be abused.

I notice, too, that there are to be political broadcasts. I do not think any political Party should be allowed to purchase time on television. It is bad enough to have them purchasing newspapers, but to be able to purchase time on television would give them undue influence in the body politic. It would mean that only people with money could purchase time. If there are to be any political broadcasts, the arrangement should be equitable in relation to the various strengths of the political Parties. Television is used in England as a medium for political propaganda during election times. It is because that service might be abused that I am rather suspicious. Judging by the answers we get here about statutory bodies such as the E.S.B. and C.I.E. that the Minister has no function in matters of administration, if the new service is abused, we shall be told we cannot question it. I can assure the Minister that we shall question it, whether or not we have the power to do so. I know the Minister is not responsible for the cost of television sets but a huge profit is being made——

May I remind the Deputy that the cost of television sets does not arise on this Bill?

I know that, but I should like to think that the old people could have television sets. It would bring new life into their homes because, in thousands of cases, people are sitting in holes and corners with nothing to do except to pray. Prayer is a good thing, but you cannot do one thing for ever without going a little crazy. Old people should have a little amusement and television sets would be a great boon to them. I am hoping that, with competition, they will be able to get sets for 5/- a week.

That is where the Minister comes in. I am hoping when the Minister is deciding on a television licence fee, he will make some allowance for people of that sort, because it may be in the neighbourhood of £2 or £3 a year. I am hoping that where a person has a radio as well as a television set, the licence will be inclusive. It would be most unfair to ask a person to pay a fee for a radio and, at the same time, to pay a fee for a television set on the ground that when you are using one, you cannot use the other.

The Minister should realise that the cost of rental is high at present for poor people and, even if it were reduced to 5/- or 7/6d. a week, it might not be within their reach. He should ensure that a poor person will be charged only half the fee. People who can show that they depend on social benefits, and have been depending on such benefits for a certain time, should be charged a reduced fee. I know that a man might lose his job today, and look for half price tomorrow, but to avoid that, we could say that he should be so many months idle before being entitled to a 50 per cent. reduction in his television fee. It would be a great boon to the poor if the Minister made certain concessions, and it would bring a little brightness into their homes.

As I said, I am talking from the point of view of a city dweller. I welcome the Bill. I hope it will not be abused by political Parties because political Parties are capable of any abuse. I was told only yesterday about a fellow who was one of the leaders of the unemployed and who intended to oppose the political Parties in the local elections. He was given a job in the Board of Works and it was said: "He cannot annoy us now, because he is a civil servant." That is the kind of thing we have to watch.

The Board of Works do not give jobs on that basis.

The fact remains that that is what happened.

The question of unemployment does not arise. I would advise the Deputy to keep to the terms of the Bill.

This service could be abused——

——if there is unlimited abuse where political Parties are concerned.

Whether we agree or disagree with the coming of Irish T.V., we must accept the fact that it is inevitable. We are at least two or three years too late in facing up to the establishment of an Irish service. While we have been dithering about the problem of Irish television, Great Britain, a very short distance away, has made tremendous strides, and the development of their service, and the recent developments in T.V. in Northern Ireland, have already had a very significant impact on a big number of T.V. viewers in the 26 Counties.

In their report, the Television Commission estimated there were at least 30,000 T.V. sets in the 26 Counties. It is quite certain that, since that report was published, the number of sets must have increased very substantially, and the number of sets awaiting sale in the shops, particularly along the east coast and in the northern counties, must be very substantial indeed. The new Irish T.V. station is already starting at a serious disadvantage in that it will have to sell its programmes in competition with very powerful and well-established competitors outside the 26 Counties.

The recommendations of the Television Commission were obviously influenced by the situation as it exists in this country, or as it existed when they were preparing their report, and while they admitted that modern technical opinion would seem to favour the universal adoption of the 625-line standard, they favoured the 405-line, the only user of which, to-day, is Great Britain. On reading the Report, one gathers that there is at least a possibility that Great Britain will depart from the 405-line and adopt the 625-line.

The Report says, at page 11:

It is not the possession of a television receiver that really matters... it is the programmes which these receivers make it possible to present that are really important.

Further on, it says:—

The influence of television will continue to grow.... How it is used depends largely on how a country sees its responsibility. Properly managed, television can bring into the home entertainment of a kind that is ordinarily beyond the reach of most, and more important, can impart a breadth of knowledge of history, world affairs, art, science and crafts hitherto unknown and completely unattainable by the public generally....

It goes on to say that by providing that type of home entertainment, the tendency will be "once again to make the family more of a unit." That observation is very important and it should direct the Authority which will be in charge of this new service.

How they will realise these aims is, of course, another question altogether. The difficulty I see is: Can we realise these aims, while, at the same time, adopting the 405 line which ties us completely to the British broadcasting system only? Can we realise these aims at an expense which this country can afford while at the same time having our Authority completely independent of the influence which would be exerted over it if it were handed over to Commercial or Independent Television? As several Deputies pointed out, it is vital that our television system should maintain a distinctly Irish flavour. To do that will be the most difficult task before the new Authority.

Several Deputies have referred in critical or approving terms to the use to which the television system might be put to encourage the use of the Irish language. Every possible effort should be made in the new system to encourage the use and the expansion of the Irish language but the Authority must be realistic and have regard to our position in a world which is becoming smaller and smaller every day. Hardly a day passes when we do not read of some new development which brings the countries of the world closer together. It is no exaggeration to say that we must bear in mind what the young generation want and will look at or listen to.

The Authority has the duty and the obligation of ensuring that our programmes will be distinctively Irish. They must do everything to encourage the use and expansion of the Irish language but at the same time they must bear in mind that we are a very small country closely associated with one large neighbour and more than likely to be closely associated with the main body of the European Continent in the very near future. With that development, our young people will look further afield.

About one-third of native-born Irish persons now live in Britain. That fact alone will influence what people in this country will want to see and hear. In the years ahead, there will be much more contact between our young people and those of other European countries. Our young people will travel more and more. They will have greater experience of sound broadcasting and television programmes on the Continent. They will compare such programmes with the quality of our programmes.

If we cannot have a first-class programme from our Irish television system it would be better to have no Irish television at all. At this stage, it would be disastrous not to plan with the knowledge that this will be a very costly undertaking. The worst possible affliction that there could be on this country would be a third-class television system. With all due respect to Deputies who spoke in favour of encouraging the Irish language and Irish culture, I fear that if that were done through the medium of a second-rate or a third-rate television system it would be disastrous for our aspirations in that regard.

When speaking of the Irish language we should bear in mind that more things than the Irish language are bound up in our Irish culture. We have Irish history, Irish dancing, Irish songs, Irish scenery and Irish folklore. All these things could very usefully be added to the repertoire of the Irish television station when we talk about encouraging our national culture. These things would appeal to visitors.

Irish television could be a powerful force in the encouragement of tourism and, incidentally, in the encouragement of goodwill between the Six Counties and the Twenty-Six Counties. As a Deputy said this morning, we have a common heritage. We have names in common and basically we are the same people. If the Irish television service were used to encourage that spirit of goodwill on both sides of the Border it would make an important contribution to the ending of Partition.

I am not happy about the financing of this new service. I have read through the Commission's Report in full. I am not at all convinced that the estimates in the majority report of the Commission are realistic. On page 15, paragraph 29, the Majority Report expresses certain doubts:

...Knowledge of Irish economic conditions tended in the early stages of their labour to make members of the Commission dubious, if not pessimistic, about the practicability of establishing an Irish television service within the Commission's terms of reference.

Then they go on to say:

The optimism, based on what appeared to be sound economic considerations, of many of the Proposers who appeared before the Commission in support of their respective proposals to provide a television system for Ireland on a commercial basis has gone a long way towards dispelling such doubts and pessimism.

That emphasises the point I made a few minutes ago.

There is a danger that we may fall between two stools. There are people who want to rent our television service commercially. Undoubtedly they would make it pay. We have to consider whether or not the loss to our country of national distinctiveness in our television programmes is a price we would be prepared to pay. On the other hand, we expect that we would be able to finance the service in the same way as the commercial firms would finance it and make it pay. That proposition is at least open to doubt.

Another point that raises doubts in my mind as to the estimates made by the Commission relates to the population distribution in this country compared, say, with that of Great Britain where you have highly-industralised areas with a concentrated population and where the various transmitters with even a limited range of 50 to 60 miles can be sure of a viewing audience of several millions. Our population is noticeably lopsided, the greatest density being in Dublin which is already provided with a television service from the B.B.C., I.T.V. or U.T.V. The centres of sparsest population are in the South and West where the cost of providing a television service must accordingly be greater.

Furthermore, our small diversified population may not appeal to firms who wish to use television for advertising purposes. It is certain that the firms that will use it will mainly be British firms, or their branches in this country, who can afford the cost of advertising through this medium. One needs to be optimistic to hope that the smaller Irish firms can afford the cost involved in advertising through an Irish television station.

There is another important point which the new Authority will need to keep in mind. For some years at least, theirs will be the only station which viewers in the south and west of Ireland can avail of. If the viewer in Dublin does not like the Radio Éireann programmes he can switch off and turn on the B.B.C., I.T.V. or Ulster Television. A farmer, a householder or a worker in the south or west of the country cannot do that. That, to my mind, imposes a greater obligation on the Authority to ensure that the man in west Cork, Kerry, Limerick or Clare will at least have a programme as good as that broadcast from outside for viewers on the eastern coast and in the northern part of the country.

I should also like to question the decision to start in Dublin and then extend to the rest of the country over a period of three to five years. That decision should be re-examined, partly for some of the reasons I have mentioned already. Dublin and its environs are already provided with a T.V. system but in the south and west they are completely without any facility of this kind. If you increase the facilities in Dublin and along the east coast area by providing that the new Irish television service will be provided only in these areas, you automatically increase the differences in the matter of amenities and facilities between the south and west of the country and the capital and its environs, again adding to the reasons for the emigration of people from these areas.

If it were practicable to consider it, I should be inclined to reverse the process and, for once, bring a service to the south and west, which we are so anxious to save from extinction, before bringing it to the east and north which already have services of many kinds.

Again, I should like to mention the question of finance to which I referred a few minutes ago. The estimate made by the Commission, as set out in page 19 of their Report, paragraph 44, summarises the annual expenditure and revenue in round figures. The expenditure is £650,000 and the revenue £680,000. That shows a possible surplus of £30,000 a year. It goes on to say in a subsequent paragraph:—

While the foregoing estimates are necessarily tentative, they are sufficiently realistic to provide a basis for consideration.

In a later paragraph, it is stated:

It is important to emphasise that, irrespective of what form Irish television may take, the costs involved will in the ultimate result have to be borne by the Irish people.

And further:

the Irish purchasing public will bear the cost of advertising programmes ...but advertisers on Irish television will pass on their costs to the consumer.

The Minority Report, on the other hand, takes a different view. Its estimate of the cost differs very substantially from that set out in the Majority Report. Although this has been referred to by other Deputies, it is worth referring to again. They give various estimates, including one from the Post Office which amounts to £960,000 per year. They even bring it down from that to what they describe as a modest estimate of £780,000 per annum.

I feel that the difference between the Commission's estimate of the revenue and that of the Minority Report is so great that some further examination of the proposed financial set-up is necessary. The Minority Report goes on to refer to international commercial sound broadcasting as a possible source of revenue. I do not know if any consideration was given to that by the Minister's Department or by the Government but if the Minority Report is right, I think it is a possible source of revenue that might well be considered.

The Irish television service should be planned with a view to helping Irish manufacturers of television equipment to develop a trade not only for this country but for outside. I think it provides one of the most hopeful means of getting a really worthwhile Irish television manufacturing industry under way. In that connection it is at least questionable whether this country should decide to opt for the 405 line system or the 625 line system.

If they decide, as they appear to have decided, to come down in favour of the 405-line system, it means that the sets we manufacture in this country can be sold only in this country or in Great Britain where the competition is very keen, indeed. If, on the other hand, we could get into the business of manufacturing the 625-line sets, we would virtually have the whole world as a potential export market. That factor is worthy of further consideration by the Minister.

Finally, I should like to make a point in regard to my own area, the Limerick area. According to the Commission's Report, the present area over which effective television reception can be made is something like 60 miles. Anything outside that is regarded as fringe reception. If that is so on the present set-up, it would mean that a large body of people living in the Limerick area, which is a very populous area, will only enjoy fringe reception from the transmitter it is proposed to set up in Galway.

I understand from the Report that the Irish delegation at a conference in Stockholm in 1952 accepted five potential points for the setting up of these five transmitters. I suggest that Limerick would have been a more logical centre, situated as it is 60 miles inland with a complete clockwise circle. It would give a far broader basis of television reception than the proposed station in Galway.

I should like to support the Deputies who spoke in favour of having the best possible personnel appointed to the new Authority. So much depends upon the appointing of the right people that I would urge upon the Minister and, through him, upon the Government, the absolute necessity of eschewing any question of political favouritism in appointing the members. I do so in the knowledge that that line has not been followed.

I think it is no secret in this House that appointments have been made since the present Government came into office on Government boards that were blatantly political appointments. There is no question about that. I do not want to give examples or to raise a hare now but I say, with all the emphasis I can command, that in this important development the Government should be completely impartial in its appointments and that the best people with experience, knowledge and education in culture, art, commerce and the sciences should be appointed and nobody else. If there is any question of political friends being appointed for one reason or another, the whole thing will collapse. I would ask the Minister to use his good offices with his colleagues in the Government to ensure that the best people are appointed.

In that regard I should like to mention to the Minister the name of a distinguished fellow-citizen of my own who is living outside Limerick for a very long time and whose name I think should be considered. I refer to Miss Kate O'Brien, a distinguished Irishwoman who, I am sure, would be a very valuable member of the new Authority. With other Deputies, I should like to conclude by welcoming the Bill and wishing the Minister every possible success in this development.

The main object of the Bill is to establish a statutory body which will be responsible for both sound and television broadcasting. It seems that the whole country will not be served by television for a relatively long time and that therefore my remarks in regard to the ordinary sound broadcasting would not be entirely out of order. It is about time that the Minister did give legal authority to the body which now has some sort of control over Radio Éireann. I may say that Ministers for Posts and Telegraphs in the last two or three Governments have to some extent evaded their responsibility for the running of Radio Éireann.

In his opening speech the Minister said that legally he was responsible for Radio Éireann, even for the day-to-day administration. I do not say that there was any malice in the evasion of the responsibility by this Minister or any of the past Ministers in regard to the day-to-day running of the station but I think it is desirable that the authority should be transferred now on a legal basis to this board which this Bill proposes to establish because I do not think it is desirable that the Minister should be questioned in this House, as he has been, on many frivolous matters raised from time to time in regard to plays, items of news, songs or other programmes that Deputies thought were undesirable or offensive in any way.

Over the years, and I suppose ever since its establishment, there have been many criticisms of Radio Éireann but the public generally, and Deputies in particular, should have an appreciation of the difficulties under which Radio Éireann is run as they must have an appreciation of the difficulties of any small country with a small population in running a radio station. It is not fair to compare Radio Éireann with Radio Luxembourg or any of the B.B.C. stations, with the Light Programme or any other radio programme you care to mention in Britain particularly, or in any of the more prosperous or more highly-populated countries in Europe.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

I was saying that I thought it would not be entirely fair to compare Radio Éireann with many other bigger stations in Britain and on the Continent. On the other hand, there are certain criticisms that could and should be made of the way in which Radio Éireann operates. I appreciate that while this can be done on this occasion, when the statutory body is established any criticisms had better be directed towards that body.

There are some criticisms of Radio Éireann that I have to make, criticisms that have been referred to in this debate and perhaps the Minister would be in a position to make some comments on them because for the next year at least—perhaps two or three years—the main form of amusement that we shall get from this Authority will be sound broadcasting. Therefore, the Minister should give particular attention to Radio Éireann as we know it now while at the same time concentrating on the establishment of the television station.

In his speech the Minister said something to the effect that there would be no censorship of the television broadcasts and I assume he also means that there is, and will be no censorship in regard to sound broadcasting. In fact, of course, he has imposed—or his board have imposed—censorship recently in banning the songs from a particular popular show. I know what the Minister means by censorship but I think he should take powers himself or give power to somebody to censor the type of entertainment we get from sponsored programmes.

The Minister and many members of his Party talked about the revival and preservation of the Irish language and the protection of Irish culture. If they are sincere in that the Minister and the Government should take steps to see that there is a better standard of sponsored programme presented from Radio Éireann, and subsequently a better standard in television sponsored programmes that may be exhibited. The Minister, and listeners to Radio Éireann, must, I think, agree that the type of programme we hear is certainly foreign to what is regarded as Irish culture and the Irish way of life. I know the advertisers probably know their own business but very many successful sponsored programmes have been transmitted from Radio Éireann by certain firms or manufacturers and other companies which are very acceptable and very pleasant.

If the Minister and the Board are sincere in their desire to promote Irish culture and the revival of the Irish language they will have to pay particular attention to the sponsored programmes. I know sponsored programmes will be a tremendous source of revenue but I believe it should be possible to preserve that source of revenue while at the same time maintaining a proper standard in the programmes.

We have had a discussion about the restoration and strengthening of the Irish language. Deputy Faulkner from county Louth said something to the effect that the television programmes at present coming from U.T.V., I.T.V. and the B.B.C. were detrimental to our people, particularly our young people. I think we can extend protection to too great lengths in this country. We try by Government action to protect the morals of our people, to protect our culture and way of life, to protect industry—we have all sorts of protection. I do not think we can last forever on that. It is unfair that we should attempt to impose too much of that sort of protection. As Deputy Russell said, the world has become much smaller and we cannot expect to live in isolation. I shall not say the British people are as conscious as we are but I believe they are fairly conscious of the moral standards that must be preserved. It is true that according to what we feel and believe they err from time to time but I do not think they set out deliberately to destroy the morals of their people and, incidentally, those of the Irish people who view the television programmes from either I.T.V. or B.B.C.

Some Deputies were taken to task for their attitude in regard to the Irish language and the part television should play in it. I do not know whether I should say this or not because many members of the Government seem to distrust or disbelieve us when we say we are in sympathy with and desire to encourage the revival of the Irish language if that revival is conducted in a certain way. There has been some criticism about the methods of revival and the part an Irish television service might play in it. I do not think Radio Éireann is playing a significant part in the revival of Irish. I know one cannot talk about the revival of Irish vis-a-vis Radio Éireann alone. One has to think also about the teaching of Irish in the schools and so on. I do not think Radio Éireann are making any notable contribution to the revival of the language. Indeed, in some instances they seem to be giving us too much of the language.

I remember telling last year how there were three quarter hours each with different programmes entirely in Irish, one following the other. I forget now what the programmes were. That does not tend to give people who are not Irish speakers a love of the language, especially those who are anxious to learn it and have it revived. It gives the appearance of stuffing the language down the necks of the people. I know that expression is not liked but that is what it conveys to people when they see that sort of behaviour by Radio Éireann. It seems to me that Radio Éireann are not prepared to make a contribution towards teaching the language. As far as I can see, Radio Éireann put on certain programmes in Irish for people who are already fluent in the language. Let anybody listen to Radio Éireann from Sunday to Sunday in any given week. Can they honestly tell me if there is any attempt, apart from perhaps "Children's Hour," to teach people Irish or to encourage people who have some Irish to learn a little more? I do not believe there are such programmes from Radio Éireann. Radio Éireann should review their policy on the use of Irish in programmes so as to shed the bad reputation they have with a big number of our people because of the way the Irish revival is being treated.

I now turn to a matter about which I have had occasion to complain for the past 15 years; a sixteenth year will not make any difference, I suppose. I do not know whether Deputy Murphy or any Deputy from West Cork has complained about this, but at certain times of the day, particularly on Sunday evenings, there is no reception of Radio Éireann broadcasts in Wexford. I believe the same situation exists in West Cork. I have been 15 years in the Dáil; I have mentioned this matter every year and I am sure Deputies before me from Wexford and West Cork have mentioned it also. We do not get any worth while reception of Radio Éireann in Wexford, particularly on Sunday night and on week evenings. It is very difficult to listen to it at all. I do not know whether there is any remedy for it. The Minister and his predecessors have said: "We may be able to do something this year or next year." That has gone on for 20 years or maybe longer; I do not know. If we are to get that sort of reception with television it will be of no use to the people of Wexford or West Cork. I think the Minister said there will be booster stations in a radius of 60 miles to ensure overall good reception. If that is the case, we welcome it.

Despite all the criticism about finance, appointments to the board, the type of programme and so on, I think the country generally welcomes the establishment of the television service. Many people say it will destroy family life; some contend it will do away with the cinemas and others believe we cannot afford it. However, we must move with the times and we have to give our people the same standard of entertainment as people in other countries have. The people in Dublin and the northern parts of the country are enjoying that standard of entertainment at present and it is only reasonable that it should be extended to the remaining parts of the country.

I have no experience of television, unlike Deputy Faulkner from Louth who seems to get pretty good reception, as do the people in Dublin. However, it seems to me that the establishment of television in this country will do quite an amount towards providing a better type of life for our people, especially in the rural areas. It is true it may have an adverse effect on children but, if so, it will be the fault of the parents because they have a responsibility which they must accept in such a matter.

I think the Minister has been particularly lucky or fortunate in securing the services of a man whom I deem to be one of the best Irishmen of the day, that is, Eamonn Andrews, a man who has made his mark and who could be regarded as being one of the top television performers in Great Britain. The Minister now has him as chairman of the board of advisers. I think we can all be quite confident that he and his fellow members will do their utmost to give us the best type of television that could be got for this country.

Somebody expressed the view that if the Irish station is not to be a good station, we should have none at all. It has also been said that we are a small country and that our financial resources are not great. We can only cut our cloth according to our measure; therefore, we can only have the type of television service that the viewers and, I suppose, the general taxpayers can afford but, by and large, I think it will be a tremendous advantage.

In his opening speech the Minister referred to interference with reception. I quote from page 8 of his speech:

In provisions included in the Third Schedule, the Wireless Telegraphy Act, 1926, is being amended to give me power to control such interference caused by electrical equipment of all kinds and to ensure the fitting of suppressors on apparatus offered for sale or for hire. Under regulations to be made, users of offending apparatus will get reasonable time to suppress interference.

I do not know if I misinterpret what the Minister said but it seems to me that he will take steps to ensure that the users of electrical apparatus and machines will be compelled to have suppressors attached. Could he not go a little further and place the onus on the manufacturers if the appliances are made in this country, or on the dealers, if the offending equipment is imported?

We are going that far.

The onus will have to be placed on the manufacturers or the dealers and I think it would be better to tackle the problem at its source. This is apart from interference from defective electrical apparatus with ordinary sound radio reception; I think the effect on television would be much more annoying and much greater.

I welcome once again the establishment of a television station. Even if we do not get too much in the beginning, there is plenty of room and plenty of time for progress. We cannot expect to have the same elaborate programmes as the B.B.C., I.T.V. or U.T.V. because they have the financial resources which come from a great number of viewers and taxpayers. They can afford to pay top-line artists in their own country, from America and the continent of Europe. We shall not be able to do all that at the start but if we can in the future it will be all the more welcome. I think we ought to be content with a modest start which, unfortunately, is the only start we can make, having regard to our population and financial resources.

I welcome the Bill and I want to congratulate the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs on the very able way in which he introduced it, both here and in the Seanad. While there may be criticism about various boards set up from time to time, it must be remembered that anything that is human is not perfect. The Government set up the Television Commission and they have furnished their Report. We are anxious to have a television station because every civilised country has its own television service and we cannot afford to lag behind. It is the price of freedom that we cannot lag behind other countries. For that reason alone I welcome the advance which this Bill represents and I hope it will help to put our country properly on the map.

I trust we shall succeed in portraying the best side of Irish life and that television will be fully utilised, to depict our culture and natural talent and to enhance the prestige of our country at home and abroad. We have a number of topline artists among our own people. I am sure that when the television service is established many apt students will come forward to play a part in showing other countries that we believe in our own country and that we shall do everything we can to try to uphold its fair name.

I do not wish to delay the House on this Stage of the Bill but I should like to say that I welcome the point made by the Minister in regard to interference with reception. Over a long period we have had many complaints from ordinary wireless licence holders about interference with reception; in particular there have been very many complaints received from County Dublin. It occurred notably along the coast and I myself took up the matter with the E.S.B. some time ago. I had many complaints that where E.S.B. lines run close to the coast, people with both radio and television sets are gravely troubled by reception interference. I wonder if the Minister and his Department could have a consultation with the E.S.B. with a view to seeing if anything could be done to eliminate that interference? I shall deal with other matters to which I wish to refer on Committee Stage.

I welcome this Bill, the appearance of which, I think, is belated. It has been suggested by Deputy O.J. Flanagan and others that this service would be a luxury. Deputy Flanagan elaborated that point by referring to his own constituency and saying only the élite could afford television. Leaving aside his constituency for the moment, it would interest Deputy Flanagan greatly if he took the trouble to come with me on a tour of my constituency and see in Ballyfermot—which I suggest is as big as Waterford—and in Crumlin the immense number of television masts there, irrespective of how the people acquired them.

We seem to take the defeatist attitude in everything in this country, and to dwell on the fact that this is a small country. This is a small country but we have got Guinness; we have the Irish Hospitals' Sweepstakes and there is no reason in the world why, with the talent we have, even in Irish Equity, Irish television should not be equivalent in every way to that of our neighbours.

Much has been said during this debate about the Irish language. Indeed, the question of Partition was introduced, and I think that those two red herrings should be omitted entirely from the debate. Irrespective of what has been done for the language up to now, I wonder if the House would consider, in their wisdom, setting aside two hours each week in which we could be given an opportunity to brush up on all that we have forgotten of the Irish language, a language we acquired in school and elsewhere? I was a Fáinneóir 40 years ago. The fact that I am not fluent to-day is my own fault. It is not the fault of Radio Éireann or anyone else. Possibly by adopting my suggestion we would set a good example.

I think the Minister would be very wise to appoint a special censor of television programmes. After all, we have a film censor. We censor reading matter. It is very rarely one finds cause for complaint with the films shown because of the excellent censorship. I suggest the television censor should be responsible to the Minister.

A figure of 40,000 has been mentioned in connection with television sets. The manufacture of these must have provided considerable employment; so also must the erection of the masts and the maintenance subsequently. Possibly the 625 line would be more expensive, but the Minister should advert to the employment potential. We have firms manufacturing television sets. The manufacturers and the consumers are naturally agitated by the question as to whether these sets will become obsolete and whether it will cost more to make the change over. I hope the Minister will sympathetically consider the 625 line.

Finally, I would appeal to the Minister to issue licences free to old age pensioners living alone. These people in the winter of their lives are entitled to some consideration and there will be no criticism of such a step on the part of the Minister by any right thinking people.

Many of the speakers have welcomed this Bill. Most of them have suggested that it is long overdue. I am afraid we have missed the boat as far as a purely Irish television service is concerned. Some years ago I put down a question here asking the Government of the day when they would be prepared to embark on a television service. I was given the stock reply that we could not afford it. That was the principal objection. It was also suggested that television was still in the embryonic stage and it would be wiser to wait until it was established in Britain and elsewhere. There was, of course, an obvious danger in such an approach.

Television was established in Britain and our people have now become accustomed to a certain routine and a certain type of indoctrination. I am convinced that the greater part of the population in the eastern part of the country are now firmly fixed and rooted in their approach to television. The only purpose of this measure then will be to extend the television services already available in the east to the west coast. We could not, of course, suggest that the British should be permitted to extend from Ulster into the Twenty-Six Counties, but what will be established under this proposed Authority is an extension of the existing services, with possibly a little bit of chopping here and there to satisfy the multitude of self-appointed censors who seem to have sprouted all over the Twenty-Six Counties.

In many of the sections of the Bill before the House we have platitudes about Irish culture, the Irish language and Christianity. Side by side with the ideals which the Minister hopes to see achieved under this Bill there is one important point running right through the Bill: all these ideals must be related to and circumscribed by hard financial considerations. So, we measure our desire for the language revival, for culture, are and everything else, against hard financial considerations.

I accept the proposition that television, properly used, could be the most powerful force to elevate the intelligence and taste of our people but in order that it might be so it would be necessary for the Government to adopt a different approach to the establishment of a television service in the State. Television is new in the West and South of Ireland but it is established in Dublin, the greatest centre of population, and I understand from Deputy Faulkner and others that there are television aerials on practically all the houses in the towns on the East coast. With the establishment of a television service in the Six Counties, its scope has been extended to Cavan, Meath and areas such as North Roscommon and Sligo. There is quite good reception in parts of my constituency at the moment, from the North.

In those areas that have good reception, where set owners can view various programmes, there will be a switch-off unless the programmes meet with their wishes. If we had been able to establish a television service in time, we could have established a habit of listening to a type of programme that, I am afraid, at this stage, will not meet with the approval of the general public. The Bill provides that the service is to be self-supporting at the earliest possible date. If that object is achieved, it will be as a result of reaching the lowest possible denominator as a medium. If the television service is to be established on the basis of being a means of elevating the intelligence and taste of the community, it cannot be a paying proposition for many years. If, as the Bill provides, it must become self-supporting, it can only be on the basis that it will be a "Luxembourg."

I make these comments because, to my mind, the suggestions contained in the Bill are dishonest and far removed from reality. We are told that one of the objectives of the Bill is to help to restore the Irish language, Irish culture, to help Irish conditions generally. Yet, there is a revolutionary change from the Radio Éireann system in regard to advertising. I understand that sponsored programmes on Radio Éireann must advertise Irish products or products which, if not produced by a completely Irish company are produced by a subsidiary company based in Ireland. In this Bill provision is made for advertising products made outside this country.

I believe that quite a number of people who will sponsor television programmes as advertisers will be people outside the State. Due to our small population, there is no great scope for an advertiser here but we are a valuable source of income to outside industrialists and producers and, in my opinion, they will be large subscribers in the advertising field. While provision is being made to induce foreign advertisers to sponsor television programmes, Radio Éireann has, up to the present, kept them back. To-day, immediately after this Bill has gone through the House, we shall be discussing another Bill, the Imposition of Duties (Confirmation of Orders) Bill, 1960, which is for the purpose of restricting imports in order to protect home manufacturers. The whole thing is higgledy-piggledy. We intend to take the money from the foreign advertiser; there is a feeling that we can remove a certain number of barriers and, at the same time, there is a Bill to strengthen the barriers.

I want to make it clear, so that I shall not be misunderstood, that when I refer to censorship, the type of censorship I have in mind is that which exists to a great extent in Radio Éireann. I am not concerned with the censorship of discussions of birth control, free love, or anything like that. I am concerned with a censorship of contentious matters which may be of great importance to the nation. There have been debates on Radio Éireann time and again. It is the opinion of the public that there is no bite or cutting approach in many of them. The aim seems to be to keep discussions and contributions as noncontroversial as possible. That results in a "wishy-washy," milk-and-water production. That is what Radio Éireann is, and has been since I can remember.

That mentality arises from the fact that the country is full of people who object to what should be allowed in general discussion and debate. The result is that the people responsible for programmes lose heart and decide on a policy of anything for a quiet life. They fear that if they allow discussion of such and such a matter there will be letters to the Press and phone calls and that they will have to spend sleepless nights trying to justify their action. Human nature being what it is, they decide very often in Radio Éireann to take the easy way out and to take the bite out of discussions or not to publish certain items. The result is that Radio Éireann is now listened to only by people who want to hear the sponsored programmes.

Deputy Corish talked about the Irish language and what happens in Radio Éireann. I may not agree with him or he may not agree with what I say, because I would go much further than Deputy Corish. I have listened to Radio Éireann, particularly in the last twelve months, in order that I would be in a position to discuss it from experience. I must confess that to listen to the productions night after night was one of the greatest penances I ever had to impose on myself. I was often tempted to give way to the feeling that takes possession of a person and to put a sod of turf through the radio.

Deputy Corish referred to the question of the Irish language and Radio Éireann. It is beyond contradiction that there are people in Radio Éireann concerned with Irish programmes who have done harm to the Irish language. Once their voices are heard on Radio Éireann listeners switch to another station. It seems to be the policy of those responsible for programmes in Irish: "We must give so many hours to the language." It is like a religion. After that the directors of the programmes, like Pontius Pilate, wash their hands of the whole affair, and we find the same group there week after week. They are not there for the love of the language alone. They are very well paid by the taxpayers for the hours of nonsense they produce in the Irish language. The fees some of these gentlemen are paid are fantastic. One would imagine the people who produce those programmes are motivated solely by the desire to restore the language when, to a great extent, their motive is one of self-interest, £.S.D.

The worry that is in the mind of many people now is that in the immediate future we shall have an extension of the policy pursued in Radio Éireann to television. It is bad enough to have to listen to Radio Éireann. It will be a terrible penalty altogether if we have to look at these programmes as well. I hope the Minister will spare us that. I am speaking for areas in the west and south of Ireland where they have not the privilege and opportunity of turning the knob to get some other station. As it stands we have the safeguard of switching off this bilge when it is broadcast on Radio Éireann and tuning in to some soothing music even if it is only on the Third Programme of the B.B.C. The change may be elevating or otherwise but there is no compulsion to listen to Radio Éireann because there are alternatives. If there is an extension of Radio Éireann into the field of television in the west and south of the country, there is no alternative to looking at and listening to those programmes.

The Minister's estimates as to the number of people who will acquire television sets will turn out to be very inaccurate if the prophecies in connection with the Radio Éireann line of programmes come true. Many people who will take television sets will take them in the initial stages on a rental basis. Already I have listened to discussions among people about this and they will not even make hire purchase arrangements. They will take them on a rental system and when they use them for a certain period and find that their worst fears are confirmed or are likely to be confirmed, that will be the end of the rental system.

The Minister should provide that this legislation is for three, five or six years or for some specified period. I should like nothing better than to be proved wrong in many of the suggestions and fears I have expressed. Some date should be specified as to when this legislation would come to an end so that at the end of that period we could discuss the matter in the House and, from our experience, be in a position to bring in a more realistic measure. The Minister should disclose to the House if he has a date in mind because otherwise the television service will be cast in a particular mould that we shall find it very difficult to change.

I think the Television Commission that sat advocated that any authority that was set up should be for a limited period and that then the whole question could be reconsidered. While on the subject, I should like to pay tribute to that Commission for the excellent report they produced. Even though the terms of reference were such that this measure is outside its scope, they provided first-class material on the whole question of television and they deserve the grateful thanks of all the members of the House and the general public for their efforts in that regard.

The sincerity of the Government with regard to the platitudes in the Bill can be tested by their approach to the question of the type of television we shall have, whether it be on 405 or 625 lines. What amuses me is that for the past 40 years the Fianna Fáil Party could not get far enough away from Britain. They were always bemoaning the fact that they could not do anything about the influence of the cinemas which were Americanising the Irish people and destroying so-called Irish culture. Would you not imagine that when the first real weapon comes into the hands of this Government— when I say "this Government" I am referring specifically to the Fianna Fáil Government—they would seek to use this great gift, the 625 medium of projection, rather than the medium which will tie us in for all time with our neighbour?

I do not intend to state what my personal views are as to whether we should have closer association with Britain. That does not arise, but I want the general public to look at the antics of the Fianna Fáil Party in that regard. There are Deputies in that Party who attacked me in this House in the last fortnight because of my views on the Irish language and described me as a West Briton. These Deputies have very great influence in the Party discussions of Fianna Fáil; yet they have no influence when it comes to moulding policy on the television issue. If they had, we would see the 625-line system in operation here rather than the one which is in no country other than Britain.

Let us not hear any excuses from the Minister that one of the reasons we are taking the 405-line system is that we want to beam the programmes to the Six Counties. That line of approach was washed up long ago. That argument will not carry much weight, least of all with the people in the Six Counties who have been left in the lurch by all of them. Speaking on the bread and butter issue alone, is there not a first-class argument for bringing in the 625-line system because of the fact that it would give a tremendous fillip to the manufacture of television sets here for the export market? Are we not crying out for the export market? For the past three years has the Taoiseach not been addressing every "chamber of horrors" outfit in the country on this question of exports and exhorting business men to get into the export trade?

Here is a practical means that can be adopted by the Government. Let us get the truth from them at any rate as to why we must have the 405 system. The point we must remember is that in the next few years the two groups in Europe, the Little Six and the Seven which are clashing at the moment, must pull closer together if Europe is to make progress. We shall have to move closer to this European bloc, and the practical thing, to a great extent, would be to be able to use the system in operation in Europe and take advantage of various types of programmes. We should use the 625 system for that purpose.

We have often been accused of being very parochial in our outlook. That is quite true. We are obsessed with looking at the past, with examining Ireland as if it were the greatest country in the world. We have some crazy idea that the natives in other countries are like stage animals and that they are not in our category at all. That frame of mind is due to the fact that we have no contact with the stream of thought and life in Europe. My recollection of the past, from anything I have read about it, is that we had close contacts with European nations in our early development as a nation. Television could help us to restore that contact. The emphasis should be more on widening our horizons than on narrowing them and concentrating on programmes concerned with reviving what we believe to have been the former glories of the language, Gaelic pastimes and so forth. That, of course, would be a matter of balance so far as programmes were concerned.

I am afraid that what will happen —I may be wrong—is that the advertisers, including outside advertisers from Britain, America and all those who will be allowed use the television service, will have as their line of approach: "We shall put on whatever programmes you people in the Irish Government like. We are agreeable to have a few hours connected with the revival of the Irish language and culture in order to meet the wishes of certain people. We shall accept the Government's suggestion on that, but we must have the most important time periods to advertise our own programmes in whatever way we desire."

It may be suggested that if they use a few words in Irish to advertise a brand of tobacco, or some other item, they are contributing towards the revival of the language, that they are playing a part in that direction. That is nonsense. It is like the position which we have at the moment on Radio Éireann on programmes sponsored by commercial firms, where they use a few words in the Irish language so that they can get the programme at a cheaper rate than if they use English throughout. That is their sole purpose. It is a commercial approach all through.

I should not like to see the mentality displayed in the running of Radio Éireann brought into television. I am afraid that the fears I have expressed will come true. The start is very important and I suggest to the Minister that when the start is made, when this Bill becomes law, he should tell us that it will be in operation for a specified period.

Finally, the method of appointing the members of the Television Authority has been discussed here ad nauseam. I have not much to say on that point but perhaps the Minister would say something on the subject when replying to other Deputies. Will the Television Authority have on its board members who are attached to commercial or industrial companies in private life? If so, will they be requested to sever any connections they may have with such companies or concerns? It is an accepted thing that when a Minister of State assumes the responsibility of office, if he is a company director or if he is connected with any concern on which advantages might be conferred by reason of his being a Minister or if it appears that he might receive advantageous treatment from them because he is a member of the Government, all such directorships are shelved. This Authority will be one that will carry great influence and at the beginning we must know the facts about the personnel.

I am not going to mention any names because I am satisfied that if an assurance is given by the Government that they must sever their outside connections completely it will meet the wishes of the House and the country generally. It is not an unfair request to make to the Minister and I hope he will have something to say about it. If the suggestion is that these people can be associated with outside industrial concerns and when decisions have to be taken by the board, such members will just leave the room or stay away when that discussion comes up, that will not meet the wishes of the people. The people will not have confidence in that approach. It would be preferable that whoever is in mind for appointment should know that the people and the House would like to have an assurance that such connections, if they exist, will be severed when the members are appointed to this Authority.

I have no intention of delaying the Minister and the House for very long, but I have just a few comments to make on this measure. Whether we like it or not, television is here and is rapidly becoming as normal a feature of Irish home life as sound radio. With the technical advances which are inevitable, more and more people will be able to enjoy the entertainment provided by the British stations. The provision of an Irish television service is, therefore, both a necessity, and a duty, which no Government can hope to evade. This great medium of entertainment, instruction, and propaganda, is already with us——

What is that?

Perhaps the Deputy would allow me to make——

I was asking what is the great medium that is with us.

Would the Deputy allow me to make my comments on the Bill? The provision of an Irish television service has become as essential as was the provision of Irish sound radio. It is not, therefore, merely a question of—as has been suggested by a Labour Deputy I think—"keeping up with the Joneses," but rather a matter of keeping in touch with modern scientific development. The provision of this service will be a contribution to the solution of the problem of emigration. As the station develops a demand for workers of all kinds must arise: producers, technicians, designers, writers, and so on. Opportunities will arise here for young men and women with artistic or scientific leanings who would otherwise inevitably be compelled to emigrate in order to find employment of the type they desire.

The Bill states that, in order to pay its way, the service will be allowed to sell time. A justifiable fear has been expressed that advertisers will come to control the programmes and, in their anxiety to sell their products, may produce programmes of a low or unworthy standard. There is a real danger there but it can be averted if we see to it that the men responsible refuse to accept programmes which pander purely and simply to debased tastes. This may give rise to the type of criticism with which we are all too familiar, that we have heard over and over again about Radio Éireann. We are told people do not listen to the native station but listen only to Radio Luxembourg. If that is so—and I do not believe it is safe to make such a generalisation—then it is not criticism of Radio Éireann but rather of the listener. It is nothing more than a sad commentary on the inferior modern tastes which we have been forced to develop. It should be the aim of the new Authority to develop a higher and better standard and one which would be more suited to the Irish people.

It is possible for an Irish television programme to be entertaining, informative or educational—or all three combined—without resorting to the high-pressure, sensational cacophony which comes screaming at us on other wavelengths and other channels. Here is where our men and women of culture—our intellectuals—can come into their own, if they so wish. Our writers, composers, dramatists, actors, variety stars, comedians, singers and producers can all see to it, if they will, that the objectives for which the television service is being operated are achieved, from both the popular and the national viewpoints.

The service, I submit, will present a challenge to all those men and women to play their part in creating and sustaining a new tradition in Irish music, drama and entertainment generally. The Radio Éireann Symphony Orchestra and the Light Orchestra have done great work in their journeys through the Provinces and, in particular, by their concerts for school children. Inevitably there was a large number of children throughout the country who could not take advantage of the opportunity to hear these concerts. The television service, I submit, would remedy that. It would bring the orchestras into every home and thus help to foster in our children an appreciation of good Éireann in the name of Gaelic culture. music, music that is civilised, permanent and immortal and, at the same time, light and entertaining. That, in my opinion, would help to counteract the unhealthy effects of the neurotic, hysterical effusions which are sometimes described as modern.

I should like to comment on the speech of Deputy O.J. Flanagan in a general way. I do not know whether or not we are expected to take him seriously. I get the impression that even he does not take himself seriously but is happy to say anything, however wild and reckless, in order to gain for himself a little notoriety. In my opinion, that comes ill from a member of a Party which likes to protest its concern for the dignity of the Irish Parliament. He is doing the country a grave disservice by such thoughtless outbursts.

However, I am sure the men appointed to control the television service will be men with a keen sense of their duty to the people and the nation. I am sure we can trust them to see that no undesirable programmes are presented. The Bill, as I see it, contains all the necessary safeguards and should be welcomed by all sections of the House.

I had not intended to speak but I do so now to join issue with Deputy McQuillan on the question of the wavebands which he advocates for the television service. It seems to me to be rather inconsistent to deprecate the standards of the programmes which have been put over on Radio Éireann in the past and, at the same time, to suggest that we should adopt a television system which would deprive our people of access to the B.B.C. programmes.

I have considerable hopes for our television service but I have, at the same time, many misgivings. I feel our people will continue to want to view B.B.C. programmes and it would be undesirable that they should be deprived of the opportunity of doing so. I feel particularly strongly about that because, like Deputy McQuillan, I have so frequently found it distasteful to listen to the appalling gibberish which is put over from Radio We are inclined to be extremely hypocritical in our approach to what we call our national objectives in relation to things Gaelic. I share Deputy McQuillan's view in regard to such programmes. It is a penance and a mortification to have to listen to them. The pity of it is that very frequently such programmes are broadcast at peak hours, particularly immediately after the tea-time news bulletin. Invariably, it seems to be Radio Éireann practice to have some appalling fiddler or ballad singer scraping or groaning away.

There are many economists who, in recent years, have been concerned about the utility of the advertising industry. I am inclined to wonder if we in this country can afford to spend vast sums of money on advertising. In particular, I want to urge on the Minister that it is most desirable to exercise a very stringent control over advertising in the sense that one frequently sees most extravagant claims made for goods advertised in newspapers. Nobody, perhaps, takes them very seriously but similar claims made over a much more powerful medium such as television can have a much graver effect.

I am not sure, offhand, whether or not there are any provisions in the Bill which enable the Minister to discipline his advertisers to prevent them from making extravagant claims. I think it is a point which has caused considerable trouble in Britain. I urge upon the Minister the desirability of keeping such claims under control.

I think the Minister and the Government are on the horns of a dilemma in bringing such a Bill before the House. If the Minister and the board he sets up have a successful television service, we shall have to measure the cost—not just the cost in money for us here in Dáil Éireann but the cost to the cinema owners and the cinema industry as a whole in this country. They employ 4,000 people. They will suffer. They pay £1½ million into the Exchequer in entertainment tax. Goodness knows how much rates, taxes and property tax they must pay on the enormous buildings all over the country. This is something that must be faced. If this project is a success, where will the Government get the money that comes from the cinemas? Will they get it from the television licences? If they get it from the television licences, will they remove the entertainment tax from the cinemas?

Unquestionably, if this Television Authority is successful, then great losses will be incurred by the cinema-owners. There will be a reduction in their over-all intake per annum. That is just one side of the problem if this television project proves a success.

The other horn of the dilemma is that the Minister could find himself with another C.I.E. on his hands— something that would do away with millions of money. We should consider the matter carefully and measure our chances of success and our chances of failure. If we measure our chances of success in the light of our experience with Radio Éireann, I would say there is a very blue look-out. Radio Éireann is running on the revenue derived from the radio sets in the Twenty-Six Counties. I wonder how many radio sets would be in operation here if only Radio Éireann could be received on them.

A few minutes ago, a Government Deputy said that some popular programmes are a great reflection on the taste of the people. It is not for him or for me or for anybody else like us to say what the people, and especially the young people, should like. A hundred years ago, when the waltz first came out, if a couple were seen waltzing in this country, they were supposed to be waltzing to perdition. Then, when jazz became popular, jazz fans were practically excommunicated and with the Charleston they were gone. Now, the young people go in for rock 'n' roll and Mr. Presley and other such people. I cannot say I am impressed by rock 'n' roll but I would be tolerant enough of young people's views. I remember that I was young myself and was condemned, but, even though I was condemned, I was enjoying myself. If the young people want to switch on to Radio Luxembourg or to the B.B.C. Service, or to any other station, they will do so and they are doing it. That is what I want to point out and I think the Minister knows it.

The peak hour in Ireland for listening to the radio is when we get sponsored programmes. These sponsored programmes are popular because popular music is played as well as a good deal of light classical music in between and a good deal of pleasant Irish music. I do not think we can justify the type of programme from Radio Éireann that is commonly known as British Sunday night music which consists of dreary works and obscure pieces. That is one example of their idea of the classics and classical music. They do not seem to realise that there is available an enormous volume of very good popular classical music from all the countries of the world.

To-day several Deputies commented on the programmes in Irish. I said before, and I want to say now, that I have been consistently misunderstood by some of the Deputies on the Government benches. I attack these programmes not because they are broadcast in Irish but because they are not competently broadcast. It is not that somebody is supposed to be a wonderful traditional singer and has not a note in his head but in his nose. This person delivers himself of some very fine traditional airs mainly through his nose.

I attended a Gael Linn concert recently. I must compliment them. I heard some of their broadcasts and this much can be said for them that, when they put on a traditional air, they will have somebody singing who can sing. I think it is very important that the Minister should have that impressed on the people responsible for running this project. It is not enough that the piece of music is written in Irish; it is not enough that it is a traditional Irish air; and it is not enough that because it is something in the Irish language it must be put on. It should be put on well and competently or it should not be put on at all.

Some time ago, I attended a drama festival not very far from where I live. The adjudicator on coming to the section dealing with the plays in Irish —and there were a good many—rather shocked most of the people who had put on plays in Irish. He said he would make no adjudication. The plays were in Irish and they were looked upon as something sacred just because they were in Irish. The people who wrote them or those who listened to them were not concerned whether they were good or bad plays. This adjudicator said that they were unworthy to be put on in any language. These are the things that are debasing the Irish language and the Minister should see to it that that kind of policy is not continued in relation to this television project.

There is a good deal of conjecture as to who will be responsible for booking the artistes. Will it be the members of the board or somebody who will be employed? There is a good deal of conjecture as to whether there will be block bookings of programmes from outside.

It is very important to know how this board will be brought together. I have great respect for the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs as a man. I would appeal to him that, when this board is being brought together—and I think he is the man to do it because he has the qualification of decency— he will see to it that it is not brought together in the same manner as the Greyhound Racing Board and on the basis of the same qualifications.

I hope the Authority will use the new service for the broadcasting of all kinds of political news and that it will not be used for political propaganda for one Party. I hope we shall not be treated night after night, when the news is on, to Ministers of State making statements at dinners and so on and building both themselves and their Party up, unless there is somebody from the other political Parties there who will get an equal chance in the broadcasting. I only mention that because, of late, it is impossible to turn on the news from Radio Éireann in the day or evening without the headlines containing an account of the activities of some of the Minister's colleagues. I can say this, though. The Minister has not taken advantage of his own position, as Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, to have his activities broadcast to any great extent.

As I said when opening my speech, television is going to create great problems, whether this Authority meets with success or failure. If and when these problems arise, I hope the Government of the day will not shut their eyes to the fact that the people in the cinema industry, who once had a good livelihood, may be thrown on the waves of the world. The Government should help them not just by subsidising the cinemas or anything else but by giving the cinemas a chance of competing with the television by the removal of entertainments tax from the cinema.

Section 22 of this Bill purports to define the maximum liability of the Exchequer. So far, I have not heard from the Minister, either in the debates in Seanad Éireann or in his introductory remarks here, any very convincing estimate which would persuade me that the figure in Section 22 is the limit of the liability which the Irish Exchequer may be required to undertake in respect of this service. I seriously apprehend that if this service is to be maintained on a viable basis, after the licence revenue and advertising revenue have been aborbed, the Exchequer may be faced with very formidable demands and that unless they are met, any failure of the programmes to please will be charged to the failure of the Exchequer to make more money available.

I cannot help expressing a doubt as to the wisdom of undertaking this liability, especially in the absence of any more categorical statement from the Minister than we have already had. I can remember on some other occasions being told in a vague, general way that contemplated services would not cost the people more than a couple of shillings in the £ and then seeing those services, in fact, costing six, seven or eight times what was quite casually prognosticated when the services were first under review in the House. Unless we are dead to all sense of responsibility, we ought to make an informed and deliberate estimate of the benefits to be conferred by any service we establish against the burden that will have to be borne by the people as a whole, including those who will get no benefit from it at all.

I think we should bear in mind that the equipment necessary to enjoy television is expensive and only those who can afford to equip their homes with it will have any share in the benefits of the service. There is that fundamental distinction between television and radio: a radio set which will provide access to the services of Radio Éireann can be purchased for a rela tively trifling sum but a television set, to get any service, is a formidable investment and that limits the number of persons who will actually benefit from this service. But, in so far as the Exchequer is ultimately liable to provide such funds as may be necessary in excess of the licence and advertising revenue, everybody in the community will have to make a contribution.

When we come to look at the detailed provisions of the Bill, I do not think the provisions of Section 8 are sufficiently stringent. I do not think it sufficient for a member of this independent Authority which is being nominated by the Government to inform the Authority that he is interested in contracts which are to be made with the Authority. I believe that system will give rise to grave abuses. The Government ought to be able to find the relatively small number of persons who will constitute this Authority—not less than seven or more than nine— among those who do not intend to have contractual relations with the Authority itself. I think the Minister would be well advised to provide in Section 8 that a member of the Authority shall not have contractual relations with the Authority under which he contemplates a profit.

I am quite sure that unless a provision of that kind is made, sooner or later, we shall have some deplorable situation arising which will give rise to legitimate scandal in the eyes of the public. When I say "legitimate scandal", I mean the public will legitimately take scandal at the prospect of a member of the Authority entering into remunerative contracts with the Authority whether he informs the Authority of his interest or not. I think all such contracts should be void and, where made, should involve the resignation of the individual making it from membership of the Authority to which he has been appointed.

On the broad question of whether television should be controlled by such an Authority as is envisaged in the Bill, we are in favour of the establishment of such an Authority, believing, as we do, that the power of television as a medium of communication is so great that we could not, with equanimity, contemplate its being divorced from all control by the Oireachtas. At the same time, we agree that direct control by the Oireachtas would not be the appropriate means of retaining some degree of control over the service and that the best system is to appoint such an Authority as is envisaged in the Bill.

Doubtless, some people will query the propriety of the Government appointing the seven or nine members. I take the view that, in the last analysis, the Government cannot escape responsibility for them. They are the Government chosen by the Oireachtas and they will have to answer to the people if they do not faithfully discharge the obligation placed on them. Somebody must choose the members of the Authority and it is better that that responsibility should be squarely set on the Government who must answer to this House and ultimately to the country for the due performance of the duties with which they are charged. Of course, that duty imposes on the Government the obligation of picking a body of men or women who will faithfully perform with impartiality and detachment the several duties prescribed by the Bill.

I am astonished that the Minister did not avail of the proceedings of the Seanad to amend Section 31—I know it is not customary to approach a Bill of this character section by section at this stage and I am seeking to pick out sections where I think major principles are involved. In Section 31, I think a very great principle is involved because the section gives the Minister power to direct the Authority in writing to refrain from broadcasting any particular matter or matter of any particular class, and requires the Authority to comply with that direction. In its second subsection, it says that the Minister may direct the Authority in writing to allocate broadcasting time for any announcement by or on behalf of a Minister of State in connection with the functions of that Minister and that the Authority shall comply with such direction.

That is practically giving power to the Minister to direct the Authority to broadcast anything he tells them to broadcast in reference to a Minister because if he has authority to direct the Authority in regard to allocating broadcasting time for any announcements by a Minister or on behalf of any Minister of State in connection with the functions of that Minister of State, it seems that the Minister has power to compel the Authority to make radio or television services available to any Minister in respect of any activity in which the Minister is engaged.

It means the Minister's corporate functions, of course.

It says here: "by or on behalf of any Minister of State in connection with the functions of that Minister of State." One of the functions of a Minister of State, I believe, is to make known the policy of the Government to the people of the country and I believe that is a perfectly legitimate function for a member of a Government or a Minister of State. I think that power is too widespread as it is expressed, but when we come to subsection (3) I think there is a real potentiality of evil to which I would direct the very special attention of the House. Subsection (3) says:

The Authority may, subject to the consent of the Minister, announce that a direction has been given under this section.

Why are these words "subject to the consent of the Minister" put in? How can any Minister who is acting bona fide object to the Authority informing the public, to whom the message is addressed, that they are broadcasting this at the direction of the Minister?

While eschewing or desiring to eschew any language which could be understood by the Minister to be offensive to him, I am constrained to say that that section reeks of fraud. I use that in its technical sense. It is not uncommonly stated that a document, or a paragraph of it, reeks with fraud in that it immediately suggests the presence of fraud. I do conceive a situation arising—not commonly, but it is possible and I think it is reasonable to provide against possible contingencies—in which a Minister of State might legitimately request the Authority to broadcast something and the Authority would reply: "That is entirely outside the ambit of our functions." I could understand a direct, head-on conflict arising between the Authority and the Minister on that restricted issue and the Minister ultimately saying: "Well, it is the decision of the Government that it is in the public interest that this announcement should be made and so I direct the Authority to make it."

Up to that, I am prepared to say I shall not quarrel with the terms of the Bill, but when we come to the point that in those very rare and exceptional circumstances the Minister can go on to say to the Authority: "And you must broadcast this as your own and conceal the fact that I have directed you to do so," surely the Minister will agree with me that that proviso reeks with fraud? Why should the Minister wish to conceal from the public that he has directed the Authority to make the announcement, unless it is that he wishes the broadcasting of this statement by him to be made as though it were made voluntarily under the direction of the Authority, when in fact the Authority has refused to make it and has consented to do it only on receipt of a written order from the Minister himself? I would most strenuously urge upon the Minister that he should consider between now and Committee Stage deleting the words "subject to the consent of the Minister."

I think Deputy Lynch has properly directed the attention of the House to the repercussions of this new development, for which large sums of public money will be made annually available, on the existing industry of the cinema. The cinema industry has contributed substantially to the revenue of the State through the medium of the entertainments tax. We are now by Act of this Oireachtas contemplating the erection of what is notoriously a highly competitive form of entertainment. We are actually charging the Exchequer with £500,000 a year for five years in subsidising it and we are manifestly undertaking something which in fact will leave the Exchequer open to some charge indefinitely, because we cannot contemplate a service of this kind, once established, being allowed to fold up because it is short of cash. That will have consequences for the cinema industry here.

I think the Minister has a duty to consult with his colleagues to consider whether the consequences flowing from that development will not cause widespread unemployment in the cinema industry and involve a number of honest and enterprising citizens in very material loss. I think it will. I think all the evidence in Great Britain, in the United States of America or elsewhere where television has been established confirms my view. I know myself elaborate cinema theatres in New York and Chicago which have closed down and we are familiar with the fact in England that many cinemas are being closed and converted into bowling alleys because people are not going to them.

I have more than once remonstrated with the Government for what appears to me to be their detestable philosophy that you cannot have an omelette without breaking eggs. That is a very nice piece of philosophising if you are not the egg. This House has a very grave duty to remember the eggs, and if as a result of legislation of ours, individual citizens are subjected to serious injury or loss, we have an obligation to consider what steps this House should take to minimise that loss as far as it is possible for us to do. I am prepared to agree that on occasion the public interest must override private interest, where that is necessary, but, in that event, I do not think this House can with a clear conscience destroy people who are engaged in legitimate business without doing all in our power to protect those persons engaged in legitimate business from the inevitable consequences of the Acts that we deem it expedient to pass.

Whether the immediate problem of the cinema industry could be met by some form of mitigation of the entertainment tax is a matter for study and examination with those interests, but I feel that the Minister has on him a very grave obligation at least to meet those interests and discuss this development with them, so as to see what steps we might properly take to protect them from what I apprehend may be the disastrous consequences that could ensue for the cinema industry in many parts of the country if the television service becomes universally available in all parts of Ireland.

In conclusion, I should like to ask the Minister if he has made any estimate of the total capital cost of establishing this television service and, in making that estimate, if he has included the capital cost of the television sets which it is likely our people will install in their houses? I wish I thought our economy in its present state could light-heartedly accept that burden. I wish that I could see in our economy some dynamic element which would persuade me that in the early future so large an investment of capital could be justified. I regret to say that at present I see no such evidence.

Therefore, I express to the Minister, both on the score of capital cost and in relation to the annual charge that may fall upon the Exchequer for the maintenance of this service, some anxiety and apprehension. I think it right to tell the Minister that I have heard nothing from him calculated to allay those apprehensions and I think the House is entitled to hear something explicit from him on those aspects of the question before reaching a final conclusion in regard to the Bill. Subject to those observations, we do not propose to divide on the Bill but we would be anxious to have the reassurance of the Minister on the specific matters to which I have directed his attention.

I have not very much to say on this Bill, other than to express my doubts as to whether the establishment of a television service in this country will be an economic proposition. We have to take into consideration that we have approximately half a million families in this country and even supposing that each family had a television set—bearing in mind that there are isolated districts in which the inhabitants would not be able to receive any reasonable picture on a television set—and assuming that the licence fee per year was £5, it would give an income to the Television Authority of £2½ million. From that £2½ million, the cost of running and maintaining the television service would require to be deducted, and what would be left for the provision of reasonable programmes, programmes that would attract a wide television audience? I suggest that there would not be any more than £750,000 or £1 million, and that would give us nothing but a very fifth-rate service.

Deputy Dillon asked a very important question: what will the capital cost of establishing this television service ultimately be? At present there are constructional works in progress in the Wicklow mountains and it is difficult to say how much money will be required for them alone. We shall require a number of booster stations throughout the country to cater for the wide television audience that is expected, and the capital cost of providing these will, I suggest, be far in excess of what is visualised at the moment. My reason for saying that is that the capital costs of any proposals that have come before this House have been far in excess of the figure that was in the mind of the Minister introducing them. It was pointed out by some of the speakers that at one time we were told in this House the health services would cost a certain amount of money but they now cost at least eight times what was first visualised.

On behalf of the television audience within the radius extending from mid-Wicklow around to Longford and up to Sligo, I would ask the Minister if he intends to provide a television service for these people at an approximate licence fee of £5 per annum—a service which many of us understand will have to be considerably subsidised by the taxpayers, though already this television audience has a choice of two free services.

I am in no way qualified to express any definite opinion on television because all I know about it is to switch it on and switch it off, but I hear people suggest that the signal we would receive from the home television would be so strong that it would interfere with the signal we receive from the two outside stations. I do not know if that is correct or not but I think the Minister should ask what effect our local television station will have on the existing television services.

When this Television Authority has started operating, the Government should abolish entertainment tax on theatres and cinemas because the Government will be going into competition with people who are in private business in entertainment. Within the past few years, thousands of cinemas have closed down in England and I am told that, in 1948, when television was only in its infancy, 35 cinemas closed down in Chicago alone.

When the service comes into operation the Minister should make it obligatory on all people connected with heavy industry or who are using strong electrical appliances to fit suppressors, because at the moment the failure to do so hampers the reception of a good picture. There are many concerns in which the State and local authorities are directly concerned, such as hospitals and so forth, that could, without very great difficulty, fit suppressors to the appliances they use.

I suggest that the Minister has a difficult job ahead of him to produce a television service that will be an economic proposition. By this Bill, a sum of £500,000 is to be contributed for a period of five years to enable the Television Authority to carry on its work, but I suggest to the Minister that the taxpayers will have to meet a bigger bill than that and I do not think the new service can give us good programmes unless it is very heavily subsidised. I think it was Deputy T. Lynch who suggested that the people here are using Radio Eireann only for the purpose of listening to the news and, as far as Dublin is concerned, I am in full agreement with him. The most popular station for radio listeners in the city of Dublin is Radio Luxembourg because it is producing modern programmes that have a greater interest for radio audiences than other programmes. If our Television Authority produces programmes in line with the programmes which we have from Radio Éireann, I suggest there will not be any great demand for the television service.

I would ask the Minister to pay special attention to county Donegal—I shall be quite parochial—for the reason that within a radius of 40 miles from any part of Donegal, we have a booster station in the Six Counties; and I am afraid that, no matter what station we establish here, we shall have interference from this booster station. It is, therefore, essential that we should have a number of booster stations for our television service in the country. At the moment, those with television sets are troubled, strange as it may seem, with calls from police cars and radio-controlled taxis in New York. It is quite a common experience to switch on one's television set and pick up a radio-controlled car in New York being communicated with by its headquarters or garage.

I would ask the Minister to look into that and to give Donegal special consideration. Whatever station may be set up here, we want to be able to see and hear it. Unless we can eliminate the station in the North in such close proximity to us, and with a very powerful booster, we shall be in the unhappy position of being able to get no signal at all from any station of our own. I shall be quite satisfied if the Minister will undertake to look into the matter and do what he can to enable us in Donegal to have clear reception from our own television service.

Whatever differences of opinion there may be about the detailed provisions of the Bill, I am glad that there is general agreement on the broad principle that the best way to provide for broadcasting here in sound and television is the establishment of a public service or organisation of the kind envisaged in the Bill. I shall deal first with some of the complaints made in regard to reception from Radio Éireann. I shall leave the more important matters in relation to the television service until the debate is resumed after Questions.

It has been said that television will have a detrimental effect on social life. I do not subscribe to that view at all. Coming from a rural area, I think television will be a decided advantage to those living in the rural areas. I am in favour of families providing their own entertainment. In most families, the ability to do so is, of course, restricted. I admit that not all families in rural areas will be in a position to provide themselves with the benefits, or otherwise, of either our own or any other television service because of the cost of sets and all the rest of it. Nevertheless, the service will be enjoyed and appreciated by a very large proportion of both the urban and rural population.

In that connection, I wish to refer to the advice given by several Deputies in regard to interference with both sound and television broadcasting. As I pointed out before, there are two types of interference. One comes from stations outside the country broadcasting on a limited band. Such stations broadcasting on the band used by Radio Éireann interfere with reception of our own programmes here, but there is very little that I or the Department can do in regard to that type of interference. Wavelengths are arranged at international conferences. We get the best deal it is possible to give us at such conferences.

With regard to non-reception, and interference of that nature, in areas such as Wexford, West Cork and other parts of the country, we can, of course, do something. This is a matter that has been shelved for a long time because of the cost involved in providing the necessary V.H.F. transmitters. Governments which have preceded ours have shied off providing the necessary moneys for such transmitters. The question arises as to whether it is worth the cost in view of the small number of people involved. If this Bill becomes law, the obligation will no longer be upon the Minister of the day to deal with the matter. The obligation will be on the Television Authority.

I am sure that the Television Authority will in due course look into this problem. They will not be obliged to do anything in the matter, either under existing law or under this Bill when it becomes law, but I am providing them with a sum of £500,000 by way of capital advances and I hope that the Authority will give some consideration to this problem and find it possible to spend some part of this £500,000 on the provision of V.H.F. transmitters where they are needed. I have no authority to compel them to do so but I hope they will look into the matter and take some steps to remedy the situation.

Some Deputies had unkind things to say about our present broadcasting programmes. They seemed to think that the programmes are not of sufficiently high quality to warrant people listening to them, Deputy O.J. Flanagan was very critical of Radio Éireann. We should bear in mind that Radio Éireann have operated at a consideraable disadvantage. They have never had a building specifically built for the purpose of broadcasting. They occupy offices which were designed for the administration of a Government Department. In the early days, the equipment provided was not the sort of equipment that would induce people to put much confidence in the future of the service.

We propose under this Bill to hand over the present broadcasting system to the new Authority and it is hoped that, in time, the new Authority will provide the sound broadcasting system with a proper building from which to broadcast programmes. It is not, of course, true to say that nobody listens to Radio Éireann. That was categorically stated here by Deputy O.J. Flanagan. But that is not the fact; and there are other opinions in regard to the quality of the programmes broadcast. I do not have to quote people on this side of the House or people with an interest in Radio Éireann. I can quote from a speech made by Senator O'Quigley, who is not a supporter of this Party. As reported in the Western People on 20th February—that is not so very long ago— he had this to say: “There is seldom a time when I myself listen to Radio Éireann that I am not always gratified with the standard we get in comparison with the B.B.C. and other stations. A great deal of the criticism comes from people who do not listen to it.”

Debate adjourned.
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