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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 30 Mar 1960

Vol. 180 No. 10

Committee on Finance. - Vote 43—Universities and Colleges (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
"That a supplementary sum not exceeding £10 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1960, for Grants to Universities and Colleges, including certain Grants-in-Aid."—(Minister for Education.)

I hope that the welter of flattery which the Minister has deservedly had from the Deputies will suffice to sustain him for the duration of my speech which will largely concern itself with criticism of his decision as to whether to build the new University within the precincts of the city or to take it out to Belfield. I suggested —possibly the Minister will be able to correct me—that he has made no case at all, no valid case, and I hope to show an unanswerable case for retaining the University in the city.

I pointed out that, with the distinguished exception of the Leader of the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Dillon, there has been practically unanimous agreement on the desirability of keeping the University in the city. The Governing Body—as referred to by the Minister in his speech at page 12: "...the College Governing Body, despite their anxiety to remain on the present site..."—were anxious to remain in the present position. The distinguished Commission also recorded:

We began our work by seeking for a solution of the College's accommodation problem in the vicinity of the main college buildings at Earlsfort Terrace...

and then went on:

...every circumstance indicated to us that that was the proper course.

A very reputable authority, Professor Denis Brogan, writing in the Cambridge Journal, 1952, had this to say:

The great civil University, closely integrated with the life of the city, has a considerable advantage over the older, more isolated, cloistered foundation. Let the rulers of the civil Universities in England and Scotland reflect that they, not Oxford and Cambridge and Yale and Princeton, are the normal Universities of the modern world.

My point is that the Minister should first have established to our satisfaction that there was absolutely no alternative to the decision to move to Belfield.

Might I ask the Deputy does he accept Brogan's view?

I am accepting the many views I have quoted here.

Does the Deputy accept Brogan's view?

As a composite opinion on the whole question. I say, in reply to Deputy Dillon, that I carefully reread with pleasure his speech—the same pleasure with which I listened to it—and all I can find in his speech in justification for his belief that it was not desirable to retain the University within the precincts of the city was this inconsequent reflection, in my view:

I should like to think that as the oldest undergraduate, perhaps, of that Institution I would be given the opportunity of sauntering through its leafy bowers and rejoicing in a work well done.

That is at Column 996, Vol. 180, of the Dáil Report. Sustenance and comfort in his old age! I hope he will have every such comfort but responsible opinion, the Governing Body, the Commission and, I think, the Minister also, have all established that if they had their choice, they would rather stay in the present site as close to the heart of the city as they possibly could.

I believe that Deputy Dillon, the Leader of the Fine Gael Party, owed it to the House to develop very much more fully than he did his reasons for taking this very contrary decision in this very important question because the whole matter seems to hinge on that question: is it desirable that the University should be retained in its present position? As I pointed out, leaving aside the historical considerations and the sentimental considerations that could be involved, the major consideration is that in its present site, it is in close proximity to the many magnificent cultural institutions situated in the neighbourhood of this House, the National Museum, the National Gallery, the National Library, Trinity College and its Library, the Institute for Advanced Studies, the College of Art, the College of Surgeons, the College of Physicians and various other institutions. These altogether, with a university at their heart, could provide probably the finest cultural, educational unit in Europe, if not in the world.

For that reason, I think Deputy Dillon should have dealt very much more fully with his reasons for stating that he did not think it desirable or possible—I shall deal with the "possible" aspect later on—that the University should remain within the city boundaries.

I differ from both and I agree with the Report, with the Ó Dalaigh Report. Surely the Deputy would not wish me to quote the whole of the Ó Dalaigh Report? I merely referred him to it.

I am merely stating that if we get the supreme authority, together with the University authorities, to decide that they would like to keep their University in a particular place in a city of our size and position, then I do not think there is any power on earth that could stop them, if they were really determined. Looking at it reasonably, I think it is relatively easy to achieve this objective and I hope to show that. I think it is relatively easy for the Government to do that, if they are determined that the University should stay in the centre of the city.

I do not know whether to quarrel with the Commission, or with the terms of reference under which they worked, because to some extent, there might be justification for suggesting that they were rather limited in the ambit of the questions which they might consider. I think that they allowed themselves to be unnecessarily restricted in the questions which they did consider. Clearly, they were restricted to the needs of University College, the National University of Ireland, and its three Colleges, Galway, Dublin and Cork.

I believe it was unfortunate that they were restricted in those terms of reference and that the other matters which could be considered, that is, an examination of the possibility of devising a great town planning conception for the whole of this area, involving the future of the Houses of the Oireachtas, and, in addition, the alternative position which would be created by displacing the Houses of the Oireachtas to some other site—as once suggested, to Kilmainham—were not considered by them. By transferring the Houses of the Oireachtas, alternative accommodation could be provided in this area, and the Commission might have examined the future of this whole area in relation to the various cultural institutions in it to which I have just referred.

It is regrettable that the terms of reference did not encompass that very much greater and very much wider project but, even within their terms of reference, I think the Commission failed to examine the position objectively and in the national interests, as was suggested by the Minister at that time. I think they examined the situation in the exclusive narrow interest of University College, Dublin, because it seems quite clear to me that they have eliminated serious consideration of the very important question of the co-ordination of the activities of the many different bodies which are now organised in the State, dedicated towards cultural activities, on the one hand, and educational functions, on the other.

Even if we leave aside what I consider the desirable terms of reference involving a very much wider scope altogether, and coming back to the three University Colleges, Galway, Dublin and Cork, from the financial point of view and from the practical point of view, it is open to question. I should like to include in that the position of Trinity College, but I shall deal with it separately and specially. From the financial point of view and the practical point of view, the activities of these three colleges— four, including Trinity College, and five, including Queen's University Belfast—should also be integrated and their activities rationalised. The total resources in personnel, the scientists, the educationists, the technocrats and the space and other resources available to the State could all have been very much more usefully employed if the Commission had applied themselves to devising a plan in which all these could have been integrated in the national interests.

The Commission have failed in that regard and have restricted themselves to an examination of a problem affecting one University, only one within a group of three Universities, so that we are really discussing, despite the improvements for Dublin and Cork, a piecemeal solution of a vast problem which has been practically ignored by the Commission, and I think also ignored by the Minister.

To a certain extent, the Minister is harried by the fact that the problem has been ignored by so many people before he ever got near to it, so that he has no personal responsibility, and he is now faced with such an urgent dilemma that he must take some sort of immediate action. This is most undesirable and most unfortunate, and I still believe the Minister should not allow himself to be harried into what, in my view, is a solution which will adversely affect the life of a University which we hope will be there for three, four or five centuries to come. The two years which the Commission sat, from 1957 to 1959, are only an infinitesimal second of time when compared with the vast considerations involved in this decision as to where University College, Dublin is to be shifted.

As I say, the Minister appears to have allowed the Commission to evade their responsibilities on this question of the duplication, triplication, quadruplication of services in these Universities. That is a very serious failing. It must be clear to the Minister that, taking the whole country, there are the College of Surgeons, Trinity College, the three constituent colleges of the National University, Queen's College — that makes six — and there is the Apothecaries' Hall, which we can dismiss as unimportant. There are six medical schools. Leaving aside the impossibility for the time being of trying to take seriously the consideration of the position of Queen's College in the future of the country, it is quite obvious that one or more of these medical schools should be prepared to submerge themselves or to alter their present status as medical schools and serve some other useful purpose, that there is no real need for the number of medical schools which we have in the country at the moment. The Commission have virtually ignored the existence of that problem.

The Commission ignored the problem and, to a certain extent, appear to me to try to blame the narrowness of their terms of reference for this fact because they suggested that if they had been given wider terms of reference, they might be able to find other solutions within the colleges. At the same time, they recognised in their reference to the Agricultural Colleges that if, for instance, Cork got its own Agricultural College, the Agricultural Faculty of University College, Dublin, would have to be adjusted to a certain extent by any changes taking place in Cork. That is quite true but it is equally true in relation to the rationalisation which should take place in relation to the various medical schools in the country.

I think I am justified in suggesting that if we were not bound by this decision to provide the University on what is known as the campus form of lay-out instead of the two other types of building, it would be quite feasible to keep the University within the city walls and that there is a good case to be made for that because it is quite feasible from the architectural point of view; the space is available and there could be no valid or sustainable aesthetic objections at all.

I think I must try to justify that statement in detail. There are, regrettably, in the Commission's Report many, to me, inconsistencies. I think it is fair to say there are some half-truths and there are many evasions. The evasions are concerned to justify the decision to go outside. One of them concerns the decision about compulsory purchase. A good case can be made for suggesting that the University could be kept within the city boundaries without any resort to compulsory purchase at all but how could the Commission make a recommendation like this:

We would hesitate to recommend the granting of compulsory powers——

and then go on to say:

The disturbances to homes and businesses would be too great.

One would think the members of the Commission lived in the moon or were remote from the activities of our society over the past 40 years. They were not breaking any new ground in suggesting that compulsory powers could be made available or should be made available to the University authorities. Why, in Heaven's name, not recommend the use of compulsory powers if they thought, first of all, that it was desirable to retain the University within the city boundaries and, secondly, that a reasonable solution could be found within the city boundaries?

I am, of course, discounting completely any suggestion that you could build a campus type of university within the city boundaries. That is an absurd proposition and I am ruling that out. But it would be possible to build a perfectly reasonable collegiate or city block type of university within the city boundaries in the very special circumstances of the city area to which we are referring and which I dealt with in detail last night—the very considerable advantages of open spaces—Merrion Square, College Park, Stephen's Green, Iveagh Gardens, St. Peter's Place and all the Government buildings and the various other considerations which do not arise in the large cities in Britain to which the Minister referred.

Compulsory powers are exercised every day by many Government Departments. The E.S.B. uses them consistently. The Department of Lands, of course, has used them all its life. Local authorities have powers of various kinds for road building, improvement of sites of one kind or another, the provision of houses, the provision of hospitals. The ultimate absurdity, I suppose, is the fact that the vocational education committee sees nothing wrong in taking powers of compulsory acquisition. Yet, this great University authority demurs at the suggestion that they should recommend the use of compulsory purchase in regard to this, the greatest educational project that has ever been carried out in the country. There is an element either of stupidity or hypocrisy in that suggestion because, in the Belfield project, it is recommended that they use compulsory powers for purposes of road widening, and so on.

The other consideration is that the compulsory powers which the Commission would not recommend the University authorities should have will be exercised by the Dublin Corporation, which is not an excessively progressive body or a militantly anti-private property body. It will acquire quite a lot of property in that area, 3.6 acres between the railway viaduct and Charlemont Street, and another five or six acres in an area to the west of Charlemont Street. Therefore, I do not understand the attitude of the Commission in its diffidence about the decision to recommend the University to use compulsory powers in order to retain the University within the city boundaries.

Most of us who have asked for advances in relation to education here over the years have been told by Ministers that there is a limit to the amount of money they can spend. That is understandable but a good case can be made—although I do not think it is the most important one, as I said last night—that this new expenditure will involve very considerable avoidable cost. I know multi-storey building tends to be more expensive than the two-storey type but there are the considerations as regards the new roads that have to be built, the replacement of usable buildings within the existing University, the duplication of buildings which will be required. In spite of the horror expressed at the thought that the University should be divided up into different components the University authorities have now accepted that they will have to retain a city unit of the University separate from the Belfield project.

The Belfield project will not achieve the unity which is the most desirable ideal in University life, that it should all exist within the one four walls. This solution will not achieve that unity. Although we shall have the additional cost of the new roads, new buildings, and so on, there will also be the necessity to retain buildings within the city boundaries. Furthermore, because the buildings are situated in a relatively inaccessible place many of the men who act as part-time lecturers and professors will more than likely have to become full time in that capacity, which will increase costs.

There is also the consideration that this sprawl-type lay out notoriously increases administrative and maintenance costs. We came up against that in the designing and building of sanatoria. Although the initial cost of the multi-storey building may be greater than the campus type, in the end the administrative and running costs of the campus type building are so increased that in the final analysis there is very little to choose between the two.

The Commission have not even achieved the objective of having the University in the one place at Belfield. It is necessary to retain a city centre. On the one hand they say that to divide the college would make it less than a university and seriously affect the quality of the graduates. Then they say that a town site would be needed for the very important work of evening classes, university extension lectures, and so on. That is an inconsistency which I think is unworthy of the calibre of mind which was applying itself to the solution of this problem.

There is another consideration which needs some explanation from the Minister, that is, the fact that the acquisition of land on a vast scale has gone on and on, largely from overdrafts in anticipation of the approval of the Dáil. It might be said that because the property is there it is possible for us to cut our losses and get out of the project. The properties acquired have a very high value which I understand they are likely to retain. However, without any commitment as to the ultimate decision on the campus-type building, if this debate is to have any sense at all we must retain the right to make the final decision as to whether the building goes to Belfield or stays in the city.

The necessity to retain the University here seems to me, to a certain extent, to hang on the question of cost and, one of the most important points, the question of convenience for the 5,000 students and some 500 people such as lecturers, professors and various administrators. This will impose on every Faculty in the University a considerably increased amount of inconvenience, unnecessary work and exertion.

It is interesting to note that in the brochure issued by the University authorities they make the point that the distance between its present main centres at Earlsfort Terrace and Merrion Square, though only half a mile, has been found for the past 30 years to constitute quite a serious and troublesome diversion. Then they make the point in page 17 of the brochure, that there is disturbance caused by the fact that the Veterinary College and the Agricultural Colleges are all in different parts of the town.

That half a mile constitutes a real difficulty for the students, the distance between Earlsfort Terrace and Merrion Square, the necessity to travel across that half mile through a pretty busy city at all times of the day. It is a practical illustration of something which would occur to any Deputy without the necessity for having that point raised. The fact is that some 5,500 men and women will have to increase the distance they travel from this relatively small half mile to another two or three miles out to Belfield.

In relation to the medical school, the practice, as Deputies will probably know, is that a doctor has to attend at hospitals for his clinics which take place every morning, and he then has to go back to the University for various lectures. The hospitals which University College students attend are scattered all over the city, of which the three main ones are St. Vinocent's, the Meath Hospital and St. Laurence's Hospital, giving a total of about 700 or 800 beds. These three hospitals have a special position because they happen to have full-time professors of surgery and medicine and of them two, the Meath Hospital and St. Laurence's Hospital, are situated on the north side of the city, and they will be made very much more inaccessible to hundreds of students and their teachers by this move out to Belfield. The other hospitals which are also attended by the students include the Meath, which I have mentioned already, the Adelaide, Mercer's Hospital, Baggot Street Hospital and various fever hospitals and mental hospitals.

The University of itself cannot be a self-contained unit and must use the general hospitals, the specialist hospitals and the fever and mental hospitals, and it is a very important consideration from the point of view of medical schools that a University should be as closely linked as possible with the hospitals where clinics are held.

The Faculty of Architecture is in much the same position. I understand that students in architecture take two years, their second and fourth year, in the College of Art. They also use architects' offices to a considerable extent for gaining experience, and they use the Library of the Royal Irish Architectural Institution and the Building Institute in Baggot Street. These people will all be equally inconvenienced by the move out to the Belfield site.

The same is true of law students. They must attend the King's Inns, the Law Courts and solicitors' offices, and equally the various part-time lecturers who have to work in the Law Courts will be inconvenienced by having to travel across town at the busiest part of the day in order to give their lectures.

The Art students are to be separated from the National Library, the National Museum and Trinity College Library and, to a certain extent, from the Institute for Advanced Studies where some of them attend from both Universities.

There is the belated appreciation by the University authorities that the continuation classes, the excellent continuation classes carried on by the University, the evening classes for adult education and the classes for the various diplomas which the University gives in nursing, physiotherapy and radiography, will have to be given in the city or elsewhere. If given elsewhere, it means that adults, who probably have done a very hard day's work, will be dragged out from the centre of the city to the suburbs in Belfield. The obvious undesirability of that has at last appealed to the authorities and they have now recognised that they will not be able to have a completely self-contained University at Belfield and that they will have to keep a city centre for these evening classes.

That means there will be a separate University, a miniature University in the city, which will not provide the advantages hitherto enjoyed by adult-students, and which will not have the atmosphere of a University about it. It will not have the meetings with other students and it will mean duplication of accommodation and duplication of staff in the running of two different centres. It will not have full library facilities and the usual inaugural addresses, or the benefit of hearing all the visiting lecturers, and the various courses that are run from time to time will be removed from ready accessibility to the general public, with the possibility that the general public will get tired and will not bother to go outside the city. They will look elsewhere for the facilities which the new University should provide for them. For instance, they will use the Trinity College Library and many architectural students, I feel sure, will be drawn to the new school at Bolton Street where they will be able to get a perfectly useful and adequate degree, and the University itself will gradually find itself growing more and more remote from the life of the city and ultimately from the country.

On the question of costs, the Minister tells us that this project will take 20 years to complete and that the initial expenditure is something in the region of £7,000,000. With our economic position, we must bear in mind that there will be other expenditure on educational projects throughout the country, and one wonders whether the likelihood will arise that some Government may find they cannot go ahead with the University project because of over-commitment of our relatively limited resources. There would then be the position that the University would be half in Belfield and half in Earlsfort Terrace, and left in that situation for years.

The prospect is bad enough as it is of a divided University for 20 years. That could be avoided by insisting on staying in Earlsfort Terrace and continuing to build as the money becomes available, without any likelihood of the great hiatus that could occur if our educational projects go ahead at the rate at which the Minister assures us they are likely to go ahead in the years to come. The total expenditure on University College, Dublin, Bolton Street and Kevin Street Technical Schools is, I understand, just under £10,000,000.

There is, then, another £2,000,000 for the provision of a clinical institute. We see no extra provision at all for the Faculty of Agriculture and the Veterinary Faculty of University College, Dublin, and Trinity College, Dublin. There are various schemes associated with both University College, Dublin and Trinity College, Dublin. It is quite clear we are committed for the next 20 or 30 years to a very considerable expenditure on education. That expenditure is very badly needed. It is long overdue. At no time would I be opposed to expenditure on education. At the same time, there is this special consideration which helps to weight the case heavily in favour of University College remaining on its present site and extending its existing facilities. It can use either the sites available or sites that can be acquired to provide a fully equipped University in complete accordance with the needs of our community.

The question of a merger between University College and Trinity College is a delicate one. Indeed, its delicacy is a measure of our relative immaturity. Listening to Deputy McGilligan the other day, and to the Minister a little earlier, I was sorry we had no Sam Thompson to write a play for us on the same lines as that magnificent Over the Bridge dealing with the position of our Universities in order to exorcise this absurd sectarianism and bigotry which is found on both sides in the hierarchies of our two Universities. One does not find that bigotry and sectarianism amongst the undergraduates. The higher one goes the more one finds of this narrow-minded sectarianism, a sectarianism so inappropriate, so undesirable and so patently absurd in these days of cataclysmic change in world affairs. It is manifestly ridiculous that we should have two Universities in this relatively tiny capital city, going their own ways independently. The absurdity of it strikes me so forcibly that I cannot understand how anybody else cannot share my view.

As time goes on, and as the wounds are healed—those wounds of the past which have caused this bigotry—there will probably be a greater effort at integration. I know the wounded bigotry can be justified by some people but, as generation succeeds generation, I believe a time will come when it will be possible to bring about some form of amalgamation, a merger, or some closer liaison between our two Universities. Generations in the future will have no knowledge or experience of the animus of 20 and 30 years ago. Because of that animus, I can, to some extent, appreciate Deputy McGilligan's approach. At least, I can understand it. I cannot forgive it quite easily coming from the Minister though he made a most plausible case for the attitude he adopts. In present circumstances, I think he could have taken a more advanced attitude.

I believe in non-denominational Universities. I cannot see the necessity for having a specifically Protestant University and a specifically Catholic University. When one enters a University one should be capable of standing on one's own feet from the moral, spiritual or religious point of view. Essentially a University should be a training ground to fit one to take one's place in adult society, not alone from the professional point of view but also from the point of view of one's particular ideology or religion. In a University there should be room for every view and for all points of view. To a certain extent, Trinity College can be blamed for the present position because of its record of obscurantist bigotry in the years gone by, and for its retention of a predominantly Protestant atmosphere in its governing authority and its Governing Body. I should like to make it quite clear that I would not recommend any merger of the two Universities assuming a continuance of the present outlook of the respective authorities.

I do not want it to be suggested now that I believe that Trinity College, Dublin, is the home of liberal thought, outlook or ideals in the true sense of those terms. I think it is just as obscurantist and bigoted, so far as its hierarchy is concerned, as is University College, Dublin. That is the most regrettable feature of our intellectual life in the city of Dublin at the present time. Very considerable changes would have to take place before we could look forward to a non-denominational unification or amalgamation of our Universities. Very considerable changes would be necessary before such an amalgamation could become a reality because, whatever we may feel about the regrettable bigotry of the controlling authorities, the life of our Universities must be measured in terms of centuries and not in decades. The present invidious situation must pass with the passing of the individuals concerned.

As far as I can see, we have more hope under the strictly non-denominational, as I understand it, Charter of University College, Dublin, of eventually finding a common ground, assuming Deputy McGilligan's threat of a change in the Charter to make it more acceptable to him does not become a reality. Assuming the existing Charter remains it is possible that, a generation or two hence forward, we may find a solution to the absurd division which exists between the two Universities at the present time. Thompson's play is concerned with the division between the vested interests and the workers in the shipbuilding industry in Belfast, the one envious of the other. I think there is no fundamental difference in the animus in the two Universities. It largely concerns the vested interests of the professors, lecturers and others who hold particular positions and who are jealous of those positions. I do not think it has anything to do really with their religious beliefs, philosophies, ideologies or anything else. It is something very much cruder and much less laudable than a difference in religious conviction.

It is quite obvious, looking at it from the practical point of view, that rationalisation of the services provided by these two Universities is long overdue. I do not think they should start going down to one another's garden overnight, but they must begin to look forward to the time when that sectarianism will be exorcised from both universities, and they will behave in an adult way, providing a university education for all who come looking for it, irrespective of religion, race, colour or creed.

The governing body of University College, Dublin, now accepts in a grudging sort of way that ultimately there may be some solution, and that the time may come in which it will be desirable to have some form of understanding. I think they are quite right in that. It is inevitable that it will come. There is one the Order Paper a motion concerning the expenditure of some money which the American Government have kindly given us in relation to the acquisition of certain nuclear research and training equipment, materials and so on, so it is obvious that we are going into the realm of scientific equipment which is vastly expensive and which simply cannot be duplicated. We cannot have it duplicated, triplicated and more in Trinity College, in University College, Dublin, in the three other universities and in Queen's as well. It is childish to behave in that way. There are instruments such as electronic computers, nuclear reactors, and various other scientific and engineering instruments which we simply cannot afford to duplicate. We must site them in one of the universities and then give ready access to them to all our students.

To a certain extent, we have accepted that principle in relation to the Veterinary faculties. I understand they are to use the same equipment and the same facilities, and I understand there is likely to be a merger in relation to agriculture, or some sort of inter-use of the agricultural equipment and other amenities. I should like to see some more enlightened consideration of this whole problem from the practical and the national point of view. From the practical point of view, I have referred to the tremendously costly equipment which we must have if we are to keep our place in the scientific advances of the present time.

Further, from the point of view of advanced mathematics and physics, the teaching personnel is so scarce at the moment, that, even if we had the money to pay them, we could not find them, so it is necessary to try to find some understanding under which the teaching staff will be used by all the under-graduates irrespective of their religion. This sectarian conflict at present is, as I say, symptomatic of the relative immaturity of the nation. Relatively few concessions would, in fact, have to be made by University College, Dublin, because of the remarkable undenominational character of their Charter. I am not talking now about the de facto position but of the non-denominational nature of the Charter.

It is quite clear in relation to Trinity College, Dublin, that many changes will have to be made, including getting rid of the Divinity School from within the College walls and toning down or diluting the predominantly Protestant character and sectarian outlook of the governing body. Many major concessions will have to be made before we can get rid of the bigotry which exists on both sides. I do not know how we can continue to talk bitterly about these problems and continue to harp on the old, even though legitimate, grievances for which certainly the present generation of Catholics and Protestants can have no direct responsibility. Certainly I do not think they can be blamed. It seems to me that the position is rather a microcosm of the whole national problem of the reintegration of the national territory.

If we are to try to create a situation of isolated existence in relation to the Universities because one is Protestant and the other Catholic and an isolation based on religious grounds and on no other reason, I do not know how we could look forward to a solution at a national level of the greater problem of Partition. It is difficult to envisage a society where we would have a united Ireland. It is surely in our success in solving this microcosm of that partition problem here in Dublin that we can lay the foundations for the solution of this very much greater problem of the integration into our whole national life of the non-Catholic population in the six north-eastern counties.

If we are going to take the rather detached and abstract view of the Minister, the retreat from involvement or the washing-of-his-hands attitude of the Minister to this problem pretending it does not exist or ignoring any positive attempt to solve it, I cannot see how we can establish much sense of confidence amongst the minority religious groups in the North of Ireland about their position in a united Ireland.

We tend to criticise apartheid in South Africa—and we have done so recently—but we are trying to retain this kind of religious apartheid on sectarian and religious grounds in the city of Dublin. It is surely the ultimate in absurdity and it is about time some serious attempt were made to get rid of that absurdity. Certainly, as one of my generation, for the life of me, I have no sympathy with this whole question of sectarianism and I can only hope that they who come after me will have even less than I, and refuse to tolerate its continuance.

I do not think then that, pace Deputy Dillon, there is any case at all for the removal of the University to Belfield on the grounds of desirability. Everything points to the desirability of retaining the University within the precincts of the city. All that remains is to try to show that it is possible to build a University—excluding the suggestion that it should be a campus-type University which I think is not necessary—in the city, because the advantages, whatever they may be, do not outweigh the considerable disadvantages which must flow from the transfer of the University to the outer boundaries of the city.

The total needs of a completely new University are in the region of 18.7 acres: for the immediate needs, 15.6 acres, and for the 20 per cent. expansion in the future, 3.1 acres, a total of 18.7 acres. These are the figures of the governing body.

The Earlsfort Terrace and Iveagh Grounds area consists of 13 acres of which only three are built upon. That leaves ten acres available for building expansion. Present needs for immediate building are in the region of 2.6 acres. If the University holds on to the Science Buildings which they have from the Government at present then the need is reduced by a further two acres. Therefore, from the point of view of building land, leaving out compulsory acquisition, the land is there for the immediate needs of the University. They can start building tomorrow if they want to. They can build at a reasonable cost a first-class University to meet modern requirements without going to the trouble of any form of compulsory acquisition.

The Iveagh Gardens site is composed of eight and a half acres. It is possible to build on that site a four-storey building which would leave a central area of six acres completely free. The Commission's objection to building in the Iveagh Gardens was that they were bound by the Iveagh Trust. With a multi-storey or four-storey building, it would be possible, on a ground area of two acres, to provide the eight and a half acres of floor area and leave a centre area, as requested by the Iveagh Trust, of some six acres free. There is no reason in the world why a University could not be built on the present site.

As I have already said, the Corporation is considering the compulsory acquisition of quite a considerable section of land, some seven or eight acres, in the area. The land in Peter's Place could be acquired, which would give another four and a half acres. Then there is the magnificent property in Harcourt Street with another 4.3 acres. All this land is in the immediate building area of Earlsfort Terrace. All this land is readily available. The Harcourt Street site was advertised for weeks on end. Eventually, it was sold for a mere £67,000 which is not much for such a valuable property. I am quite certain that any Government would readily have found the money for the governing authority if they had wanted to acquire that site.

There is no doubt, then, that it is possible to build a University in its present area. It is suggested that the University will be built in two storeys as high buildings such as four-storey buildings, which would probably be needed in a relatively restricted area— it is not the 200, 300 or 400 acres area that the authorities want—would not be suitable for a University and would be out of keeping with the surrounding area. That is one of the evasions in the Commission's Report. Anybody who knows the area will admit that that part of the city is pretty nondescript. The houses are not great works of art. They are fairly nondescript in their appearance and most of them are four or five storeys high. The provision of high buildings there for the University would not be out of character in any way. In itself, the existing University is a very high building. It is suggested that high buildings would be unsuitable in the area but Comhlucht Siúicre Éireann are said to be about to build a great skyscraper there. It is understood, furthermore, that there are proposals to build very high buildings in very much lovelier parts of the city. The Liberty Hall building is likely to go up in the Georgian area.

I understand that the proposition for the Harcourt Street site which was not acquired by the University but by a private interest is a multi-storey luxury hotel or something on those lines. Apparently there is no concern on the part of Comhlucht Siúicre Éireann or the people in Harcourt Street about conflict with the aesthetic values of the surrounding area. I do not think anybody could take seriously the suggestion that the reason they did not want the multi-storey type of building which would give them as much floor area as possible—if they wanted it, that seems the crux of the problem—was because it would destroy the aesthetic values of that part of the City which in many ways is one of the least attractive areas of all in the City. If they had wanted to build there, they could have done so.

On the ground that high buildings generally are not suitable for the ordinary purposes of a University, that objection is demonstrable rubbish. The fact is that, practically anywhere one chooses to examine, one will find that there has been a tendency to go in for the multi-storey type of building in Universities. I have a list which shows the height of modern University buildings under construction, completed or planned. Sheffield University has a 13-storey Art block. Southampton University has a ten-storey Engineering block. Birmingham University has a 7-storey Chemistry block. Liverpool University has a 9-storey Physics block. Aberdeen University has a 5-storey Chemistry block. Cambridge University has a 7-storey Chemistry block. Oxford University has a 7-storey Science block and a 9-storey Engineering block. Dundee University has a 12-storey Teaching and Administration unit. The Imperial College Institute has a 9-storey Mechanical Engineering unit. The new Technical College at Sheffield has 11 storeys and that at Glasgow has 7 storeys. Various colleges for further education have a high number of storeys such as Harrow 8; Ipswich 8, and so on.

There are many multi-storey University buildings. Even recently in Rome, which has to concern itself with surrounding buildings of extraordinary artistic value and quality, and which could not reasonably offend the standards laid down for them by preceding generations, there are relatively new University buildings in municipal Rome which are five storeys high. Some of the Commission were aware of this when they said that high buildings were not suitable for Universities. In fact, I understand that it is impossible to take any modern University which confines itself to two or three storeys in its buildings. I understand that is one of the prospects under this scheme.

I personally can see no objection at all to the multi-storey conception of a University. I am not an authority on it; I am merely giving my opinion as a layman; but even if it were true that you could bring in the multi-storey idea and not provide yourself with an unworkable University, the fact is that it is possible to provide the University on existing ground available to the University authorities in the Earlsfort Terrace-Iveagh Gardens area without the necessity to go in for the skyscraper type of University building.

In one of the Universities—Nottingham University—which has decided to go in for this kind of sprawl layout and plan, which I might say incidentally is very much neglected so far as hospital design is concerned, they are now trying not to cut their losses but to limit the sprawl. Realising the great difficulties of communication, administration and maintenance involved in this campus type of layout, they are now attempting to start building vertically and in that way are trying to retrieve some of the mistakes they made by opting for the campus-type building in Nottingham.

I have tried to point out that the decision being taken here is a very serious one. I have attempted to put to Deputies a point of view other than the point of view which they heard from all Deputies, in so far as they heard any point of view at all. The only reasonable attempt to deal with the desirability and the feasibility of retaining the University on its present site was made by the Minister in his opening statement.

I wish that other Deputies would apply their minds to the considerations involved. It is not a matter which concerns our own generation. This will affect the lives of thousands of our people for centuries, I hope. It is a decision of the greatest possible magnitude. It is a decision about which there need be no acrimony of any kind. There is no political question involved at all. All of us are only too anxious to see the money we are to expend is spent to the best possible advantage on the University for the advantage of the students who will go there.

I want to make it quite clear that I am not opposing the expenditure of money at all. Any criticism there is is criticism of the fact that successive Governments have left the National University, designed for 1,000 people in 1912, for 40 or 50 years in the grossly overcrowded and ill-equipped situation in which it has found itself for all that time and leaving it until this very late hour to deal with the problem.

There has been gross under-expenditure on this University during its existence. It is a shameful commentary on native Governments which have neglected the University in the way they have. At the same time, I am most anxious, when we do spend, as we propose to spend, many millions of pounds, as I think the ultimate expenditure will be, on provision for the extension of higher education for our people, to ensure that the money will be spent intelligently so that we can provide for the maximum number of our people.

I am not interested in buildings, Universities, or institutions as such. They mean nothing to me at all. It is merely their purpose to educate the mind of our boys and girls. That is the only importance they ought to have. We should be able to provide the most efficient instrument for the education of future generations of our young people. I am deeply and solely concerned with that consideration and no other. All the personal considerations involved to-day will fade away. The people involved in them are utterly unimportant and will not be remembered. The buildings we create will last and their efficiency or inefficiency will impose its mark on successive generations.

I suggest that in the consideration of this grave problem, unfortunately personal decisions played too great a part. The great safeguard against a wrong decision is debate in this House, objective consideration in this House of the problems involved, independent of the personal, University, political consideration which might concern other people and need not concern us. This debate could be a great safeguard against taking what I believe to be a wrong decision.

Once it is taken now, there can be no going back on it. This is a very serious discussion and a very serious question. We are committed to take a decision to displace this University from the heart of our capital city—its rightful and proper place—to the suburbs, the outskirts of the city practically exclusively, on the sole consideration that the governing authority insist upon having a particular type of layout.

We have no case, in my view, if it is conceded that either of the other two forms of layout permissible in a University, a more compact form of building, is acceptable to the University authority, against retaining the University in the heart of the city. Because of their adherence to this idea about a design there has been no rational defence, as far as I can see, made for this particular design as being a design in any way superior in its end-product—which is the qualified graduate — to the other two designs which are available to a planning authority. There was no attempt made by the Minister to defend his acceptance of their insistence on this type of layout. There was no defence on either ground by the Leader of the Fine Gael Party for his belief that it was neither desirable nor feasible to retain the University within the heart of the city. On architectural grounds, there is no reason in the world why it should not be retained in the city.

On the question of cost, there is very little to choose between, but I would not allow the question of cost, within reason, of course, to interfere with my decision if I believed it to be in the University's interests, and in the nation's interests, to retain it within the city walls. The space is available without the necessity for resorting to compulsory acquisition. I think we should dismiss as completely unimportant and completely unrealistic the suggestion that we should not, in order to provide this new University within the heart of the city, resort to compulsory purchase. Of course, we should resort to compulsory purchase. We have done it elsewhere in so many aspects that I do not need to mention them. Aesthetically, there is absolutely no objection and there could be no objection. From the point of view of advantages, they are unlimited. The necessity for staying within the city boundaries appeals to so many, is established in the minds of so many, that no reasonable case can be advanced against it.

An understanding of the unique position here in Dublin, and the unique privilege of having a University in the heart of our great and ancient city, appears to be lost on the University College governing authority. In my view, nothing should prise them apart from their right to stay in the heart of the city because of any consideration that could be humanly surmounted and I think these considerations are surmountable. The views of Professor Stanford in relation to the position of Trinity College, Dublin, are interesting. Writing in the Trinity Handbook, 1959, he said:

No other ancient residential University in Ireland or Great Britain lies in the heart of a sovereign metropolis, within a few minutes walk of the Parliament, the Government Departments, the Courts of Justice, and all the main nerve-centres of an independent State. Inside the walls of the College we find a precinct dedicated to learning and teaching; but even the most dedicated learner and even the most absorbed teacher must feel at times the urgencies of metropolitan life and national government that seethe outside. For better or worse Trinity's destiny is to hold the finest site in the centre of a great city—and to justify her holding of it.

I think that right is there, too, for the governing authority of University College, Dublin, and the fact that they have repudiated that right seems to me to suggest the validity of the old saying, of the unwisdom of trying to cast pearls before swine.

Major de Valera

This debate has now ranged over the whole problem and the whole field of University education in our country. There are really two separate matters which have come up in this debate. Properly speaking, one should have been postponed until the Minister has taken the further measures which he has indicated he will take, namely, measures in regard to the whole question of our higher education. The other is the narrower one, the immediate consideration of this Estimate, the provision of funds to meet the immediate and long-term needs of University College, Dublin. Although the first question is one for the future, it has been touched upon by Deputy Dr. Browne in a manner that demands some comment before this debate closes.

First of all, I wonder if people who talk about the integration of our Universities and who seem to say that, particularly in Dublin, Universities should be integrated, have thought as deeply on the problem as they might like to think they have done, because in this question there are two elements which simply cannot be brushed aside in the consideration of the problem. One element is, if you like, a spiritual one, a matter of the mind; the other element is a very concrete one, the question of capacity. But if you take it on either score, you can dispose of the argument that we should amalgamate the University institutions already in Dublin. It was said proudly, and I understand the pride of Deputy Dillon when he referred to it, just as I can understand the pride of the Minister and others of us who are graduates of that University, how much tradition and how much background matter.

The National University of Ireland was not merely a growth of something required for modern times, to give us a material education. The National University of Ireland, with all its shortcomings, was the outcome of a tradition, a frustrated tradition, the outcome of all the feelings of Irish nationality in the 19th century which every effort was made to kill. This was the century when, following the imposition of the Union, every effort was made in the educational sphere to concentrate, through such things as the system of primary schools and the killing of the language, on destroying us as a people. Nevertheless, the end of that century saw the move of our people not only to fight the very pressing material battle of the time but also to fight the battle for the freedom and development of the spirit. No apology need be made, nor is it bigotry to refer to it.

There is not an Irish Catholic graduate who is not in his heart proud to be a graduate of a University that was founded by our people and of the fact that they were led by our Hierarchy in their struggle to found it. It is no harm to say these things because we are proud of them. Therefore, in our University, there is at its root a tradition of sound and faithful Irish nationalism, a spiritual and philosophical tradition, something not to be brushed aside by materialistic or socialistic considerations. These things of the spirit do matter. They are the philosophy behind the outlook of the University Colleges in the National University. Are we to be asked to sacrifice these?

I have spoken for our University. Perhaps it will not be taken amiss if I comment on the other. As Deputy Dr. Browne has said, it is right that we should discuss these things in the House. I shall also agree with him that the Tuairim report was a perfectly proper matter to discuss. But in regard to the University of Dublin, have they not got their traditions, too? If we were to ask his University of Dublin to do so, would they throw their traditions over? They have different origins, different traditions, a different continuity of history and they are different in the things of the mind, too. Anybody who sees in a University something more than a technical school or an institution for the training of professionals, anybody who thinks about it will see the fundamental distinction between the institution of the National University, which has three constituent Colleges, and the institution of Dublin University with one constituent College, Trinity College. Before I go to the material aspect, I am prepared to say that, even with their divergent backgrounds, traditions and fundamental philosophies, if you like, there is a role for both Universities to play and there is much that both can do for our people and our country. Therefore, I can accept these premises, as the Minister did in the speech he made introducing this Estimate. More specifically with regard to the existence of two Colleges in the city of Dublin, is it very realistic to suggest the amalgamation of these two Colleges into one, no matter what their University background is? Let us take the things canvassed abroad, sometimes by some people who do not think very deeply into these matters. Is it a practical proposition to amalgamate both these institutions? I shall answer straight away: only if you restrict entry, restrict the number of students and restrict your University activities.

I know the argument has not been made in this House but I know there are some people outside who will more or less cynically say: "There already are too many University graduates." That kind of thing is not to be taken very seriously. Short of saying you must have limitation, I think you will have to face up to the fact you will need at least two Colleges in Dublin, anyway, whatever their University background. Do not be fooled by people talking about two Universities where one should do. Do not confuse it with the question of how many University Colleges you should have. They are two distinctly different things.

It is all right, referring to London, to say there is only one University, but there are a number of University Colleges. You can have a number of University Colleges in a University. I ask: are two University Colleges too much for Dublin? I do not think so. On the rather interesting figures supplied to us by the Minister, by the Commission's report, by the Tuairim report and the other information available to us, it seems to me that at least this comes, out of it: there is a case for two University Colleges here; in fact, you cannot do with less than two University Colleges in Dublin.

All right—will you suggest closing the University Colleges in Cork or Galway? I think an examination of that problem will also show that there is at least justification for the existing University Colleges in Cork and Galway. If, therefore, we come to the conclusion, and I want to stress this, that we cannot do without two University Colleges in Dublin, the alternative would be one colossus here. You would not be able to cater for the demand and organisation would force you to break down into what would be effectively two Colleges, if you take the student population of the two institutions in Dublin. If you are to have two Colleges in Dublin, and a College in Cork and Galway, you really have no problem in regard to how many Universities you have. You can carry on very nicely as you are.

When you take into account the traditional and other aspects of the matter to which the Minister referred in his speech and to which Dr. Browne referred from the other point of view, I personally can see no reason for confusing this issue with the suggestion of amalgamating the Colleges in Dublin. With its traditions, the University we have can cater for three of our Colleges and the University of Dublin can remain and flourish on its own. To say that to the extent to which I have said it is, perhaps, labouring the point, but I do not think we can approach this problem if we do not get clear in our minds what Colleges we require. I make no comment whatever on the claims of any other city to have a College for the simple reason that I have not the facts upon which I could express myself definitely.

There are obviously abroad two contradictory points of view, one suggesting the establishment of additional Colleges in other centres and the other suggesting we have already too much University duplication. Very good. We shall have to approach the narrow part of this Estimate from the point of view that we must have two University Colleges in Dublin. It is vitally important that University College, Dublin, which has justified its existence, and to which I shall refer more specifically in a moment, should have the facilities it needs for its proper development. After all, it is representative of a very large portion of our population and of our student population.

Before going more narrowly into that question, perhaps I might touch on one other point which has reason in it and to which reference was made by Deputy Dr. Browne. Although I feel Dr. Browne has confused the question of the two Universities and although I know I would completely differ with him on the question of the importance of tradition, when he raises the question of elaborate facilities of certain types I believe he has a point. Under modern conditions, certain technical equipment may be too expensive to duplicate. There may also be a question of certain specialisations but these are ordinary problems of what I might call co-ordination. There are instances to be found already of the working out of these things. These problems do not go basically or radically to the root of the problem which we have to discuss on this Estimate, namely, the problem of facilities available to University College, Dublin.

There is a considerable amount of academic intercourse at present in that way. Possibly there may be more in the future. I know as a fact that if there is a piece of important equipment available to only one institution —this goes beyond Universities, in fact —if we have in the country a piece of equipment that is needed, I have never heard of its not being made available to another interest that legitimately wants to use it. I do not think that the fundamental question of the two Universities is in any way affected by any reasonable approach to the question of sharing certain facilities that cannot be duplicated. Strictly speaking, this matter does not arise on this Estimate.

Coming back to U.C.D., Deputies may quite properly feel they have a big responsibility in dealing with this Estimate and there is a large sum of money involved. It is also quite right, I think, that the pros and cons that have been argued outside the House in this matter should be adverted to when the decision is being made in this House. These matters may be crystallised perhaps in two reports—the Commission's Report and the Tuairim Report. Incidentally, I should like to make this remark about another speaker referring to people who act on Commissions: I agree completely that it is not sufficient answer to us in this House to say we have a Commission's report. We are entitled to, and we should as is our right and our duty, read and criticise it constructively, but I think it is not proper to make disparaging remarks about people who give their time and do their best on commissions and if ever a commission worked objectively and tried to find the facts and do its job to the best of its ability, this commission did. It is going a little too far to express opinions that people are “nuts”, or anything like that. I think we are hardly fair to people who do this type of work when we tend to disparage them and suggest that they have not examined this or that aspect of the matter. We should give them credit for examining all aspects that should have been examined, especially if there is evidence in the report. We should of course criticise any omissions and disagree with any recommendations that are made, if we feel we should do so.

In regard to U.C.D. we must realise that it was in a unique position in the sense that, of all our University institutions, it started off with the worst handicaps and had to grapple with certain problems that had not to be faced in the same degree by our other Colleges. We must face the fact that fighting to achieve and to maintain standards, and keep step with four other University Colleges in the country was not very easy in the expanded position of U.C.D. If we go back a little on the history of the College, it is not hard to understand why. U.C.D. had its origins in the semi-abortive attempt to set up a University in Newman's time. That experiment had failed in all aspects except the Medical School. Therefore, when the new College did come into being with the establishment of the National University in Dublin, you had merely a scattered, rudimentary accommodation voluntarily acquired without much resources in the Earlsfort Terrace area. You had the very inadequate accommodation of the Medical School in Cecilia Street.

That is the basis on which U.C.D. was established. In its establishment, it had not only to compete with the other University, Trinity College, but also with the College of Science which technologically and in many ways was in a better position, perhaps, to deal with technical subjects in those days than U.C.D. was.

U.C.D. grew on that tenuous foundation by getting the Earlsfort Terrace site and doing its best there and later, under the first Government here, it got the College of Science, the rere half of the block we know as Government Buildings. It is to be noted here that, from the accommodation point of view, U.C.D. was founded in a backyard, one might say, and it had to live from hand-to-mouth as it grew up.

On the other hand, thanks to the vigour of the tradition behind it, to the devotion and the quality of its foundation staff and later staffs and to the fact that it got the support of Irish students, mainly because it could give them the education which they sought, it rapidly became, in every sense of the word, a full University College, the graduates from which could take their place as to academic qualifications, the excellence of their degrees, their general knowledge and technical proficiency on international standards, with the graduates of any other University here or in England.

When you take into account that in Dublin already there was an old University of very considerable reputation, a University which is justly proud of itself, in Trinity College—in its own tradition, I hasten to add but, nevertheless, a University of very high reputation and high achievement in the 19th Century—and that, later, the development of Queen's University in Belfast was one that kept pace and in some respects outdid many universities on the other side of the Irish Sea, and consider the situation and the handicaps of University College, Dublin, one can only marvel, and I think history will marvel, at its success. Its outstanding success is to be attributed to a combination of its tradition, its high standards and the quality of its professors, lecturers and administrators.

By contrast with University College, Dublin, University College, Cork, and University College, Galway, had a certain advantage because they were already Queen's Colleges founded and functioning as such colleges, with some recognition behind them. They had a relatively easy task of establishment, although, let me hasten to add, lest anyone should think I was suggesting that they had not their problems, all four of our University Colleges have their problems in this modern world. The four University Colleges in this part of Ireland have their problems in keeping abreast with standards in every sense, with University life and University development, particularly across the water, which would be the nearest standard, in keeping abreast with the other University in this island, Queen's College, Belfast, with its development and its endowment. I do not want to disparage University College, Dublin, but its situation was so much the worse in its being scattered, its remedies being ad hoc at every stage and, then, let us face the real fact, whereas in Galway and Cork even — and they certainly have their disabilities, too—you at least had University Colleges that were some kind of units, the poor college in Dublin was scattered or never really placed with proper housing.

I hope to come to the actual terms of the motion in a moment and I think I should try to answer some of the points made by Deputy Dr. Browne in that connection, but, before I come to that, I think this opportunity should be taken to look a little more closely at the problems of University College, Dublin.

We are talking about unity and getting unity in Belfield and some people talk about breaking the unity there is already in the centre of the city. But what unity have you in the centre of the city? In my time as an undergraduate, you had the Medical School in Cecilia Street and you came to Earlsfort Terrace where you had Arts, Law and some of the Science Faculty, and then you had to come down to Merrion Street to get the other part of the Science Faculty and the Engineering Faculty and the students had to come and go between the lot.

Let me point out that it was not a question of having Faculties in separate buildings. You had the position that remains up to this very day, that the Faculties are split. If it were the situation say, that you had the whole Science Faculty in Merrion Street, it would not be quite so bad. Reference was made by Deputy Dr. Browne to the half-mile, the inconvenience of moving from Earlsfort Terrace down to the College of Science. Take a first year student. He does Physics in Earlsfort Terrace and Chemistry in the College of Science and he may have to rush back for another lecture in Earlsfort Terrace, and so on.

We must really face the fact that, as things are and have been, the situation in regard to accommodation was thoroughly and completely unsatisfactory and that there was a make-do situation which militated the whole way through against the proper functioning of University College, Dublin, at all. I certainly feel that this matter should have been remedied long ago but it is easy to say that. There are other problems to be met in solving a problem like that and, let us be frank about it, there are always for Governments political problems also in these matters.

Before dealing with the site problem, I have indicated the real nature of the accommodation problem but I instance the Science Faculty. I should like, in anticipation of another debate possibly, and with relation to this, to refer to the problem that science has posed for our Universities in our day. The Minister has touched on the point. Deputy Dr. Browne has adverted to the question of equipment in regard to it. But the real precipitating factor in this case is largely the question of the training of science graduates and engineering graduates and facilities for them. I do not think that that can be disposed of completely on the basis of accommodation and the general aspect of it has a very great bearing on the question of accommodation and the urgency of making available accommodation not only adequate to numbers but accommodation adequate in every sense to the demands of University science in modern times.

The importance of the role of science, of course, in our modern Universities, for us, is one that many people discant on from many angles but we should bear in mind that our Universities have a very big role to play in this field, particularly for a small country. Not only is there a problem of turning out the technical graduates, the science graduates, we need and maintaining the adequate standards of knowledge we need, but there is the problem of our Universities as advice and thinking centres, particularly in scientific matters, in a country like this.

This is not the time to go into the difference between the approach to science in a University and the approach to science in a technological institute but it is the time to point out that our Universities in this country will have to play a role that is supplemented in other countries by big industrial undertakings.

We must look to our Universities for such research facilities as we need. I am not advocating that our Universities should be merely local institutes of research, narrowly tied down to the immediate problems of Irish industry or Irish agriculture. I know how important free fundamental research is and without any qualification I would claim for our Universities the prerogative to do that. However, in mere training in research, in the mere keeping of a research organisation going, our Universities are playing an essential role in modern times. In other greater industrial countries, that need can be supplied to a large extent by other technical institutes which we cannot afford to maintain particularly for industry, and we have no industry of the size which would retain these research institutions and compete with the Universities.

For such research, you need two things: first of all, the person who is to direct and work in such an organisation needs deep training in the modern scientific sense. He cannot get that training, theoretical and practical, without getting the education for it. When he has got it, he must be to a large extent held in some type of employment and he can be held. In this country, only our Universities can supply such a base. The aim of our Universities then has to be to produce graduates with a wide and deep knowledge of their own subject, capable of doing research, and having a scientific education, as one professor put it, enabling him to deal with the technology and the demands of tomorrow rather than the technology of to-day. Where can we maintain such people? We can train and maintain them only in our University Colleges.

These two things, the freedom of research the Universities should have, and the importance of fundamental research, strictly speaking, do not come into this debate, but I mention them here in order to save myself from the charge that I was merely looking at this question from a narrow, utilitarian point of view. Having said that, I wish to refer to another role which, given the facilities, our Universities can play. When research problems and advice problems are met in industry, in agriculture or in any other field, it is to our Universities we look and the only place to which we can turn to get that advice and assistance.

To illustrate what I am saying, I shall go back to the time of the last war. During the war, we found ourselves, quite suddenly, with a number of industrial and supply problems, whether it was the problem of trying to carbonise turf or trying to make phosphorus for the match industry, or something else. Generally speaking, the processes for making some of these things were known, but one thing was proved, that no technician, no professional scientist, certainly no research worker, could be trained merely out of books.

You learned the "know-how" only by experience in the laboratory or in the workshop. When it comes to practical problems involving research, you have to get down to the reality: there has to be experimentation. There has to be equipment and experience to enable you to use that equipment. That was brought home to us in regard to various projects—and they were very modest projects—that it was inevitable that some experimental and scientific research would be involved, and one did not get very far with any of the problems before one came up against the necessity for a high degree of scientific knowledge and a considerable degree of expertness and familiarity with the direction and execution of experimental research.

Therefore, when these problems occur, whether in emergency time or in ordinary peacetime, where can we look for a solution? Are we to export that problem for solution elsewhere? If not, where can we look for its solution. The answer is obvious: we turn to our Universities and there we shall find two things, a readymade organisation with some experience in dealing with such problems and the prerequisite basic scientific knowledge.

It is very significant to note in relation to the emergency, that the people who came in to direct these efforts were largely members of University staffs, University lecturers and professors, and then, in almost every case afterwards, University graduates with research experience.

Apart from teaching science graduates and giving modern training, our Science Faculties have thus another big role to play. Although I have digressed on that, we should realise what is involved and the extent to which that problem has a bearing on the urgency of the move to Belfield. The situation is at breaking point in the Science departments in University College, Dublin, in spite of the devoted and extremely energetic efforts of the professors and administrators involved.

I am tempted to refer at this stage to the Tuairim report and one of the reasons I personally cannot accept it now, but I think I had better leave that to its logical position at the end, and continue on the science schools.

In our science schools, we have the problem of teaching undergraduates, of training graduates in research, and I hope it will be taken for granted that the teaching of our graduates to international standards is a necessity. I also hope I have indicated the importance of the role of research in our Universities. A University which does not do research in modern times is hardly a University at all— that is one of the things they are there for.

The second problem is that of staff; the third is of equipment and library; and the fourth, which we are dealing with here, is the problem of building. I have dealt with the problem of teaching and research and perhaps I should say—and this may be a sobering thought for many of us—that not only are our Science Faculties sorely pressed in the matter of doing any research at all, but the professors are seriously perturbed about the difficulty of maintaining international standards. Heretofore in University College, Dublin; University College, Galway and University College Cork, we have been able to maintain these international standards, as judged from the fact that the external examiners who adjudicate at examinations and without whose concurrence no degree can be given, come from British Universities and other Universities abroad. They come also from Dublin University and from Belfast, and our professors are accepted as extern examiners in other Universities elsewhere.

I say this deliberately, and I think it is a matter of grave concern, that thanks to the combination of the problems of staff, equipment and space, the thing most on the minds of the professors in our University Colleges is the problem of maintaining international standards to ensure that the graduate, particularly the honours graduate who leaves a Science Faculty in any of our Universities, has got the full training as well as the full knowledge required by international standards. In other words, it is a question of the standard of our degrees which has been nobly maintained by our University staffs up to the moment.

I think this House would be very perturbed if there were any suggestion that the standard of our degrees was in danger because the implications of that are too frightening. It would mean, first of all, that an Irish graduate abroad would be regarded as second-rate, and has other implications which anyone with an ounce of brains can work out for himself. Straight away, I adopt the attitude that we cannot allow the standard of our degrees to deteriorate and, if that is so, we have to grapple with a problem which is extremely urgent, and none the less urgent because the disaster has been staved off by the magnificent work done by the professors leading the various schools in the Faculties of Science in our University Colleges.

As I say, there are three main problems and one is staff. If we are to maintain standards and have the research facilities I spoke of, we shall have to deal with staff, equipment and buildings. We have been very fortunate in the standard of our professors in the National University of Ireland. Looking back on the history of the National University in its Dublin College, one example of its extraordinary success and viability is the standard of professors which it has had, such as the late Professor Hugh Ryan, professors who were renowned in their research work as well as in developing their own departments.

That standard is all the more extraordinary in that one might say the College came into being in a haphazard way, and yet could command professors of the quality which it had at its inception, and continue to maintain that standard in the quality of its professors during the past 50 years. These professors have been wrestling vigorously with day to day administrative problems and still have managed to keep their research going and the standards of their degrees up to the highest level. I think that is a great tribute to them, and one which we can all justifiably pay to them. However, I was about to point to the urgency of the measure we are advocating today.

We should advert to the fact that our University professors have two very difficult staff problems. First, there is the question of the number they need to do their job. When I was an undergraduate about 30 years ago, the Physics Department in University College, Dublin had a professor, two lecturers, one or two assistants and a number of student demonstrators. It was a small staff adequate to the number of students but a very important factor to remember is that that was in the days before the modern developments in physics. We were still in an age when so-called classical physics was sufficient.

In the Chemistry Department of U.C.D., to the best of my memory, at that time, there were two professors but one had been taken over from the College of Science, two or three lecturers and a few demonstrators. The school was small but in both cases significant and important research was being done. Some very good students were being turned out; there was publication; and the standards of degrees were high. Since that time, there has been such a development in the subject that there has to be a multiplication of staff. In other words, the staff that got by, even for the same number of students as that time, will not do now because the field has become so expanded. A graduate who went through the Physics Department in, let us say, 1930, would be lost as far as the breadth of the subject in certain fields is concerned now. Consequently, we need more lecturers and more specialists. In other words, we need a bigger academic team to deal with the problem.

The first problem a professor has is the development of the subject over the past 30 years and present day staff must cater for a greater number of students. I have a note—I do not know if I can put my hand on it now— of the actual numbers in the chemistry department. It is rather instructive. Thirty years ago, you would have had one physical chemistry lecturer. Physical chemistry, as a subject, has grown so wide today that a number of people are required to cater for the subject alone, to say nothing of catering for the students. Multiply that then by whatever factor is necessary as representing the increase in student membership and you will see at once the appalling problem that faces the staffs of our Universities. You see at once how many more are needed and the quality that is required.

Then, of course, one comes up immediately against the biggest bugbear of all, the question of remuneration. This may be wandering from the immediate substance of the Estimate but the debate has been enlarged somewhat to embrace the whole concept of University education. We must face the fact that we have a problem here and, in the last analysis, it will come back to our building problem. We have the problem of supplying our Universities and their professorial staffs with their potential successors in the future and, in the present, the staff they require to run their departments, staff of such a standard as to ensure that there will be no deterioration in research and in the maintenance of adequate research and teaching standards. Above all, we must have such staff as will be able to cope with the ever-increasing student intake.

What I am about to say now should be of interest to those who think we are turning out too many graduates. I have some statistics in relation to the professional chemist. One gets an indication of the numbers from the membership of the Royal Institute of Chemistry. As Fellows, associates, or graduates, there are approximately 20,000 professional chemists. Not all of those members are in England, admittedly, but one can see from that how very large the number is. I have here, too, particulars of the remuneration paid in the teaching institutes. It seems to me that a professional chemist employed in a University can expect on an average—many do much better— £1,000 per year at 30 years of age; by the time he is 40, he will be earning £2,000 a year; at 50 years of age, he will be in receipt of £2,300 roughly. That is the average standard of professional remuneration for a trained chemist. Remuneration for trained physicists will be at the same level because of the demand for physicists in modern scientific conditions.

One of the big problems we have to face then in all our Universities is the problem of attracting and holding the brilliant graduate with a flair for research and a flair for academic life, so that his potentialities may be harnessed to reproduce the technical knowledge required. When the salary scales are compared, one inevitably grows a little perturbed as to the chances of getting such graduates to stay. One of the problems besetting many a University professor is the problem of the promising graduate who goes away to get experience. A certain amount of foreign experience is essential in specialisation. As well as that, it is a good thing to have some coming and going. The real problem is to get the brilliant graduate to come back, and if he does come back, to hold him. From what I have said earlier, it is obvious that there is not much hope of paying more. Indeed, if one decides to pay more, that is just another problem on top of the problems I have already mentioned.

Most people of that calibre would be prepared to work at their own subject for, perhaps, less. I remember one case in my own student days. I knew a very brilliant man who was working for a pittance in one of our Universities simply because he loved his work. But it is scarcely reasonable to expect people to make such a sacrifice right through life merely for the advantage of working in their own locale. And such brilliant prospects offer elsewhere.

Another of the worst problems facing University professors is that of facilities for research and the proper training of students. There are really no adequate facilities. Some professors have to do their teaching work twice over. Classes which should have run together have to be broken up. A professor will take a practical class in physics and chemistry. If he has accommodation for 100 students, he can bring them into a lecture theatre and give them a lecture there. They can then go to the laboratory and do the practical work with the help of demonstrators. If he has 200 students, he cannot do that. He must give the lecture twice over. He must organise for the one class twice. Now, I admit 100 is a rather large figure. I took it merely for the purposes of illustration.

The brilliant student, the brilliant graduate, is our investment for the future. Not only does the question of remuneration arise but, more particularly, the question of facilities for research arises. Both are needed to attract and hold him. There is all the unnecessary drudgery of duplication of teaching effort because of lack of accommodation. These are the problems that militate against our professors in the organisation of their classes, in securing the best staff and, above all, in research work. I can assure the House that these are very real problems in the technical departments of University College, Dublin.

The next problem that arises is the question of equipment. One can look at this from several different angles. One can look at it from the point of view of the man actively engaged in research, from the point of view of the teacher and from the point of view of the student who wishes to be trained. Having ensured the adequate potential in brains, one has to find out the best way in which to get the adequate potential in material.

The problem in relation to University College, Dublin, is so acute that, having the apparatus, it is a question of finding a place in which to use it; it is a question of finding a space in which to do research; and it is a question of being able to leave one's apparatus long enough assembled in the one spot—a point to which the Minister adverted in his speech. It is a question of having one's apparatus long enough assembled to get satisfactory work out of it.

If anyone doubts me when I say the position is acute, I am sure one quick visit could be arranged with the President of the College. It is fantastic, but I have heard of a case where it was decided not to get certain equipment; there was no sense in getting it because there was no place in which to put it.

It is a very real problem because, whether it is for the graduates doing research work, the professor himself, or the honours student who is doing work for his final year in the honours course, the apparatus is set up, and kept set up for considerable periods of time, if it worth setting up at all. Research is not done by going into a class for two or three hours a day. It involves continuous weeks and months, and it might take years to pursue a problem. That means the apparatus and the facilities must stand where they are in the place allocated to them for long periods. It has actually happened in University College, Dublin, that owing to a shortage of space required for teaching and research, people have been compelled to dismantle their apparatus and put it up again. That is completly inefficient and fantastic.

I am pointing this out to show that the problem of accommodation goes together with the question of the maintenance of the degree standards. The degree standards will depend on the excellence of the teaching and facilities and if the standards fall, and the excellence of the school deteriorates, then the potential graduate will not come to the University. Let us look at the terrible consequences of letting the standards fall. It would mean that brilliant young Irish boys who knew they had a future in science in some way or another, would go to some other University and, therefore, our own University would attract only the second best. That is the danger we are running into. Accommodation has a vital bearing on the problem and we must not overlook it.

I shall refer now in passing—before I go on to the final question of buildings—to the question of technical and laboratory assistants and library facilities which are so important for the students or for the graduate who is doing post-graduate research work for a higher degree. In my own time, I saw a very brilliant research student who had come back from a studentship abroad—he was one of the best-trained graduates which University College produced and one of the most brilliant—waste the best part of a year glass-blowing because there was not the technical assistant there to do it for him.

Space for technicians and technologists in the College is vitally necessary. How can they work if there is not space? The same applies to library facilities. One has only to look at the problem of Galway or Dublin with regard to library facilities. If anyone doubts what I am saying, or thinks I am exaggerating in the least, he has only to look at the Report of the Commission on Accommodation Needs of the Constituent Colleges of the National University of Ireland. I shall not delay the House but shall merely mention some of the pages. If you look at page 14 of the Report, you will see the disadvantage of the separation from Merrion Street discussed. If you look at page 15, you will see an observation like this:—

Many engineering operations can be conducted more conveniently and more safely in the open air. This applies particularly to pilot plant experiments in chemical engineering. Large hydraulic models can also be made in the open, and for this kind of work a large yard or working space should adjoin the engineering school.

Need I add, there are no such facilities in University College, Dublin. On page 25 of the Report of the Commission we read:—

The provision in the estimate for postgraduate research is limited. We saw enough of research facilities in English and Danish Universities in the sciences to say that in this field the University lags a long way behind. In our opinion—and for economic not less than for academic reasons—members of university staffs and post-graduate students will have to be afforded opportunities for research, and accommodation provided for it. More than ever the standards of to-day are international standards.

I am quoting at random because I do not want to delay the House by giving too great detail. That refers to University College, Dublin, but if anybody doubts that there is a problem in Cork, they should read the Report with regard to Cork. One of the most urgent things in Cork and Galway is to have the staff and the facilities to do a four years' honours course. These facilities have to be maintained in order to provide the standards and it is as vitally necessary for them to maintain the standards as it is for University College, Dublin.

The Galway situation is, in many respects, I might say, pathetic, in the matter of accommodation. One professor had to go so far as to say that he thought the professor of mathematics and physics should have a room with a blackboard! If that is not a note of extreme urgency, I do not know what is. At page 97 of the Report of the Commission a professor of chemistry is reported as saying:

...A most undesirable feature of the overcrowding in this class—

He was referring to the third year class—

—is that final-year students must work in pairs during a most important part of their training. It is generally agreed that a Four-Year B.Sc. is desirable and the longer Course has been provided in University College, Dublin, during the past 10 years. The lack of laboratory and lecture hall space at this stage makes it impossible to extend the B.Sc. Course to four years in this department.

Anyone who reads that, and anyone who thinks of the history and achievements of National University must be disturbed and must see the urgent necessity for taking action.

I have indicated, as I say, the main heads of the problems of the maintenance of standards, the securing and keeping of staff and the equipment in the library. Many of these problems are in some way vitally affected by the accommodation problem. It frightens me to some extent that we have allowed our University problems to grow to such proportions. When we have solved the accommodation problem—I am talking of University College, Dublin, now—which is a vitally urgent one, and one which, in fact, must be solved here and now unless there is to be a breakdown, we still have to deal further with the problem of University education at the technical end, the debate on which must wait for another occasion.

Now let me come to the question of the Report. Like Deputy Dr. Browne, I think this matter should have got a pretty thorough discussion here. I was rather surprised that nobody else adverted to possible alternatives. Deputy Dr. Browne is right in saying, though I fundamentally and, I might almost say, violently disagree with him in much of his approach to this problem, that we should consider the alternative. It has come up in a very special way through the research group of Tuairim. I have read the Tuairim report with great interest and a good deal of sympathy.

I am sorry this research group did not make its report available to the Commission beforehand. The Commission were sitting for a year or more. I know it takes time to prepare a report even such as this. However, if it had been before the Commission, it would have given them some information and it would have given us an easier task in that it would have made us all feel that all aspects had very thoroughly been examined. That statement however is not to be taken as subscribing to any suggestion that the Commission did not thoroughly examine all aspects of the problem.

The Tuairim report is an interesting document. I think I would be lacking in something if I did not say that it is a very fine production of a sort—as a point of view—but coming at this stage, it fails. It is too late. It leaves itself open to the suspicion that it is aimed at knocking down a proposal without adequately putting up another proposal. I can quite understand that the Tuairim organisation would not be in a position to put up a complete constructive proposal as an alternative to that of the Commission. They would not have the same facilities. I would not criticise them for that. However, it is a pity the document was not available to the Commission.

I find myself, now, starting from near where the Commission started, something like the Tuairim approach. I accept whole-heartedly the statement of the members of the Commission. I see no reason to doubt their sincerity when they say they started off with the idea of keeping University College in its own area. I think all of us would start with the same idea. A certain tradition—the tradition of a hard fight, if nothing else—was linked with Earlsfort Terrace and, for some science graduates, with Merrion Street.

Everyone will admit that there are dangers and that there will be unforeseen difficulties in uprooting University College and re-establishing it in a completely new site in the Belfield area. Are these considerations enough to dispose of the problem? Let us start where the Commission started. Let us say we want to keep the University College in its own area.

The proposal is to expand in the Earlsfort Terrace site. Before I go into the details of that site let me ask this question: Will that give unity of the college? When we run into difficulties on that site, we hear it said that there are the Land Commission buildings and the Merrion Street buildings. Let anybody who says that face the problem that there has always been and still is a lack of essential unity for University College, Dublin. There will be no great improvement, even if we expand the Earlsfort Terrace accommodation, if we must leave some of the Science Group down here. Even if you rationalise it to the extent of whole departments, is there space for unity in either the Earlsfort Terrace or Merrion Street areas?

I imagine the expert advice available to the Commission would at least be as good as the volunteer advice available in this Tuairim report. It has been suggested that the station at Harcourt Street would be ideal as it is only across the road from Earlsfort Terrace. In itself, it would not be enough. Where the rest? There are two suggestions. The first is compulsory acquisition and the other is the Iveagh Gardens.

There is a condition attaching to the gift of the Iveagh Gardens. No matter how autocratic or dictatorial modern Socialist trends may be, surely decency would draw the line at overriding the conditions of what was a valuable gift to the nation? We have to go on the premise that the conditions attaching to that site will have to be honoured.

There are questions of degree in a compulsory acquisition. Compulsory acquisition is very dangerous and unpleasant. It is dangerous unless it is really essential. It is likely to involve long delays. There must be delays because the equities of the case have to be decided by the Court.

Compulsory acquisition will involve delay and I wonder if it will give a really good solution. For instance, if we are to continue with Earlsfort Terrace, the natural thing would be to point out that the site is there for a unified block. However, Wesley College and a couple of churches are there also. Will you suggest compulsory acquisitions in those cases?

I am not enamoured of any suggestions of compulsory acquisition. When it is brought down to a compass on a map and a definite survey, I fail to see where you can find an adequate answer in the Earlsfort Terrace area. I do not think you will. I am not unsympathetic to the argument which points out the distance of, say, medical schools from the clinical centres, that points out the distance that Belfield is from library facilities. There is a great attraction in the centre of the city in, say, the National Library, the Royal Irish Academy and, to a lesser extent, the Museums. The library facilities for research in the Royal Irish Academy and so forth will have to be used as they have been used.

There are quite obviously disadvantages in regard to the Belfield site. Nobody, not even Deputy Dillon, will suggest that the Belfield site has not some disadvantages associated with it. It is a question of advantages and disadvantages weighed against each other. What is the solution? The Earlsfort Terrace proposition—and I have read the reports of the Commission and of Tuairim at least as well as anybody else in the House—does not seem to be a solution. I would be less than honest if I did not point out that there would seem to me to be another possible solution even in the centre of the city but it too has its drawbacks.

The College problem could have been met. Some of us advocated a solution as far back as the end of the war. I happened, towards the end of the war, to be involved in an activity which brought me fairly close to the University and its problem. I tried to press on a previous Minister for Education and some other members of the Government a point of view. It was a point of view that did not originate with myself. Some time or other the problem of University College, Dublin, would have to be grappled with. There was only one way of doing it. It was a major job. The idea was to shift all the Government institutions.

We talked about compulsory acquisition but there would not be any need for compulsory acquisition if you were prepared to move Dáil Éireann and this block of buildings, the Department of the Taoiseach, the Department of Finance and the Department of Agriculture away from Merrion Street. If you were prepared to take the whole side of the road, which is Government property, and build on that you could get the Science-Engineering section of the College more or less completely in this area with the College administrative headquarters probably here.

Then you would have in the Earlsfort Terrace site the Medical School confirmed in its temporary accommodation there, and the limited expansion needed to carry the general Faculty of Arts and other Faculties of the same kind. I must confess that I never saw this proposal reach the stage which these two documents reached in the matter of details but it did seem to me that there was a solution available on that basis. That was canvassed in 1945.

Today that solution seems to me to be the only alternative solution. Even if we were to say: "We shall move from here and give University College, Dublin, this site and they can establish their technical sections and expand the Earlsfort Terrace site," it would be a solution but what advantages would that solution have? First of all, what advantages would it have for the country in regard to the net costs?

I know that some Deputies were very vocal and violent on the question of Parliamentary buildings in 1945. Looking back now, had we the new Parliament buildings and more Government accommodation as then envisaged we would have a different problem to-day. I do not want to draw the acrimony of that question into this debate. I shall put it in the present tense. Do we move the Dáil and Government buildings, the Land Commission and the other institutions? If we move these institutions, we shall have to provide accommodation which will involve a very big amount of expenditure for buildings. In addition to that we shall have to find a considerable sum for University College, Dublin, to develop the site. I think that at first blush I would be entitled to ask what the comparative costs would be and to suspect that the comparative costs would come out very much in favour of the proposals made by the Commission.

I do not want to disparage the Tuairim Report in any way. There is much to commend it but it can never have the same authority as the Commission. They had not the same resources. When I take the assessment of the Earlsfort Terrace site on that basis and the assessment of the Belfield site on either document, and consider the alternative which seems to be the only practical alternative to the Belfield project, I think we must answer as the Minister did.

Let us follow that a little bit further. Even if we did that, you would have the essential problem. You would still have the College split. You would still have left the problems of accommodation not laid out to the best advantage. You could, for instance, bring the department of physics down to Merrion Street but what problems would be brought up there? Would that help to solve the existing problems in regard to chemistry which are there already? Would that help to solve the problems of the engineering department which are there already, particularly the problems connected with the lack of space to carry out research?

In that connection, I was very perturbed at one thing in these documents before me when it was pointed out that research on hydraulics is going away from the University where its natural centre would be. I understood that was a question of space. The engineering department has no facility for research at all. That is the fact of the matter. Would that give them the facilities? Would any proposals such as were canvassed and not worked out in detail in regard to the Earlsfort Terrace site, be able to satisfy that demand either? No.

As I see it, we have three possibilities canvassed. We all started off with a strong bias to the central position here. We were all very much alive to the dangers of moving to the Belfield area. Notwithstanding all that, I feel constrained to say that I can come in the long run to no other conclusion than that arrived at by the Commission in respect to the Belfield site. I have taken a long time to say that I suppose but, on the other hand, we were criticised for not having adequately dealt at length with this problem.

Incidentally, I, too, was frightened by the words "20 years". The suggestion in regard to 20 years brings up other possibilities. We talked about physics and chemistry. We did not say anything about the biological departments. We did not advert to the fact that one important department—the department of biochemistry which is world famous and is one of our great schools—has already had to move out to Belfield. The physics department is merely making do with the additional accommodation made available to it by the flitting of the other department.

We are living in an age when we cannot see the end of the expansion in chemistry or physics and we are living in an age when we can expect expansion in other sciences as well. Who can say what the various branches of that young science, biology, will bring in the future or what demands they will make? Already, everybody knows, biologists of every kind are employed in industry, in fermentation industries and so forth. We may have to face expansion in those schools as we have had to face it and are facing it in what I might call the conventional sciences.

We may find that the plight of the engineering side is to become more critical as our community become more dependent on them, with more factories, more industries, more artificial production of products in agriculture and industry, inevitably resulting in more chemical and mechanical engineering. Remember that what the scientist does today is the problem of the engineer tomorrow and the tempo is quickening.

I once heard one of our professors point out that while Faraday discovered the electro-magnetic effects, which are the basis of modern electrical power, in the 1830's, electrical power development did not come until towards the end of the century, but nuclear fission was discovered only in 1939 and they were able to drop a nuclear bomb in 1945. Things are speeding up and as yet, we are industrially undeveloped. You have the engineering problems as well as the scientific problems and now is the time to make adequate provision if you are making provision at all. I would therefore strongly urge, on the merits of the case, that the report of the Commission should be adopted.

One of my last words is this, and it is for those who like myself might have a feeling of trepidation about the move, who might feel an old attraction for the area of the college, and fear that it might lose its tradition and lose all that has been associated with the battle of the Earlsfort Terrace site: let us remember that there is nothing static in history for communities or for universities or anything else. Let us remember that in the future in many ways things will be as different for our people as conditions today differ from conditions of 50 years ago when the National University of Ireland was founded.

I feel no apprehension about this. There has been a wonderful tradition behind the National University and behind our Dublin College in particular. Its vitality and its viability are a guarantee of its progress. The battles of its professors to maintain their standards, particularly in the subjects I have mentioned, standards they achieved so quickly and which they have never lowered, are further guarantees that, given the facilities, this College will blossom into something even more valuable than it has been to the community to date. I do not dispute its value nor do I forget that it was from that College largely, and from the National University largely, that the trained personnel came to set us going in that part of the country which we now have free.

I think that the thing to do is to accept the Commission's report. Let us take the Tuairim Report too on its merits. Let us take it on the basis that we have no time to go back to reopen subjects interminably. Perhaps the reopening of subjects and the accentuation of the difficulties would have been one of the very things the enemies of this country would have wished for at the time when we were developing our National University. When the fight was on for higher education for our people, one of the things which those who had us down feared most was that we would be intellectually free and intellectually developed. The people who took that point of view at that time and who dominated us, if they were here now, would probably take the attitude of obstructing and stopping this project.

We here as a national Parliament should accept it in the spirit in which the Minister put it to us, and he put it very frankly and fairly from all the aspects of the case. I would urge on the House now that there is no time left for any further discussion on the matter. It is as acute as that.

I should like to finish with a word of appreciation for the Minister for Education and his own speech. He is a graduate of the National University of Ireland. His speech showed him to be a worthy graduate of that University and showed the standard which that University has maintained.

I regret that the Minister has failed, as he has failed, to relate these proposals to the national requirements. He had so little to say about the duplication, and indeed the triplication, of facilities for University education; so little to say about rationalisation and the obvious need for co-ordination and the elimination of the waste of our resources. In this, of course, the Minister was following the line of the Commission who failed to examine objectively the problem before us. They placed a very narrow interpretation on its terms of reference. On page 3 of the Report, the Commissioners state:

We have not been concerned with solutions which might suggest themselves if the terms of reference had invited our views upon co-ordination within the University, or over a wider field.

That is notwithstanding the fact that the Commission were enjoined at their inaugural meeting by the Minister to examine the matter objectively and relate their proposals to the national needs. They have failed to do that, in my opinion. Having regard to that, it is essential to take account of the problem in the light of this exclusion.

I must say at this stage that I can agree to quite a considerable extent with the views expressed by Deputy Dr. Browne on the subject of the co-ordination of facilities for University education. The case for such co-ordination was made in the Minority Report by Mr. Aodhogán O'Rahilly. Not all the Deputies here present may have read that Report and I should like, if I may, to quote from part of it. Mr. O'Rahilly said:

This country possesses in Trinity College one of the oldest and best known Universities in the English speaking world. The history of our country over the last 300 years is intimately linked with Trinity College. Most of the famous Irishmen and indeed most of our famous Irish Nationalists during that period were graduates of Trinity College. To reject this heritage of history, of culture, and learning and start building from scratch a red-brick University on a new site seems to me to throw away a great asset.

The position of University education in Dublin is that University College, Dublin, is utterly overcrowded, attempting to accommodate 4,000 students in premises designed for about one-fourth that number and at the same time Trinity College is struggling to keep open by taking in foreign students.

I would solve the space requirements of both Universities by amalgamating them and rationalising the courses. The details will require careful study and working out, but given tolerance, goodwill and compromise it should not be impossible to work out a modus vivendi between them.

Later on in his report, Mr. O'Rahilly says:

We are constantly complaining about the evils of Partition which has been imposed on our little country but the partition of academic life in Dublin is of our own making and can be removed by Government decision. Would it not encourage people from the North to join with us if all denominations were working happily together in academic fields in Dublin?

The Minister very properly pointed out that there exists in regard to this matter a certain situation which he must realistically face up to. We would all have him do that but I would have hoped the Minister could have seen fit to express a hope—a pious hope maybe at this stage or a vain hope—that that situation would at some stage be resolved.

Is there no way out of the impasse? Surely given that degree of goodwill, tolerance and compromise which Dr. O'Rahilly postulates, a solution can be found. Let there be no mistake about this. Trinity College is to-day playing a most honourable and worthy part in the life of a free Ireland. In a few weeks' time, she is conferring on the President, Mr. de Valera, her highest honorary distinction. Mr. de Valera, in accepting that distinction, is in his turn paying tribute to Trinity College, recognising and accepting her most significant part in the life of this country, indeed her distinguished place in the country. These are facts which we must very seriously consider.

He has gone out of Fianna Fáil now, of course.

We must not here arrogate to ourselves the right to legislate for posterity. A Deputy here last week expressed the hope that we had heard the last of this question and that nothing further would be heard about it for 50 years. If we delude ourselves into the belief that we can legislate for posterity in matters such as this, we are making a very grave mistake. The Minister must have regard to Article 42 of the Constitution. That is as it should be. We are not asking anybody to violate his conscience; still less should the State force him to do so. At the same time, I express the pious hope that at some stage of our growth and development as a nation the root cause of this apartheid in our academic life can be removed. There are many reasons for urging that, if for no other reason than the appalling waste of resources which we, a poor country, cannot afford.

Again, in relation to the question of co-ordination and rationalisation, there is a necessity for co-ordination within the National University itself. There is the position in regard to the Bolton Street College of Technology, upon which we are shortly to spend £1,000,000. Again, there is the Kevin Street School of Engineering, on which we are to spend £500,000 on development. We have three medical schools in the city of Dublin, five in the whole country. None, I believe, is up to international standards. There is a great problem there which this Report and these proposals have not faced up to. The Minister is establishing yet another commission to consider this question. It seems to me to be a bit late in the day.

There was a most interesting comment in the Press on this matter a few days ago. It was a letter from Professor Roger McHugh, of U.C.D., who expressed a very reasonable viewpoint. Referring to Deputy McGilligan's remarks here last week, he said:

I do not consider that Mr. McGilligan had made its work any easier by presenting his brief as if there were no alternative between the amalgamation of U.C.D. and Trinity College and the segregation of what he described as people among whom there could be no unity. A maximum of co-operation between both Universities would save the taxpayer a great deal of wasteful expenditure and would benefit relations. This can be done without any sacrifice of principle and without either University losing its identity.

Perhaps the Deputy will give the reference?

It is from a letter from Professor Roger McHugh in the Irish Independent last Saturday.

I want to emphasise that I am not suggesting we should ask anyone to violate his conscience in regard to this matter. I am merely suggesting that, looking perhaps into the distant future, we should allow for development of our ideas on this matter. Essentially, what I am doing is expressing my regret that the Minister has dismissed Mr. O'Rahilly's report with such remarkable finality. I think that is most regrettable. Perhaps I have said enough about that subject now.

I want to draw the attention of the House to a matter which was referred to at very considerable length in the Report of the Commission which has annexed to it lengthy submissions from three Gaelic language organisations, the Gaelic League, Comhdháil Náisiúnta na Gaeilge and An Comhchaidreamh. The background to this matter is that for some considerable time the Gaelic language organisations have been squabbling with the authorities of U.C.D. regarding the position of the Irish language in that institution.

Deputies may be rather shocked to realise the nature of the submissions made by the Gaelic League to the College. The League went so far as to advocate that no further moneys whatever should be made available to U.C.D. and that instead a new Charter should be given to a new independent institution to provide for the establishment of a new University outside Dublin in which courses would be given in the Irish language only.

I think it is extraordinary to see how violent these people are in their concern for the Irish language. Because they have been unable to resolve their disagreement with University College, Dublin, they are now prepared to jeopardise all that has been achieved in that University and to penalise future generations of students and their parents by refusing to make any further funds available. In other words, they are resorting to the routine with which we are familiar in this country, coercion and dictation. They are trying to cut the ground from under the College authorities because they are trying to drive home their point in regard to courses through Irish in this College.

It is well that we should understand that and appreciate what bullies they are because that is what it amounts to. Indeed they are veritable martinets, determined to ram their views down the throats of U.C.D. and if they cannot, by reasoned argument, gain their point, then they will cut off the funds.

Returning to my remarks of a few moments ago, just to make myself perfectly clear on this rather delicate matter, I want to state that I am a graduate of U.C.D. and I am not prepared to accept second place to anybody in giving expression of loyalty to the democratic foundations and traditions of that institution. Having said that, I think that the view I expressed a few moments ago may be considered more sympathetically than somewhat similar views when expressed by Deputy Dr. Browne.

There is one matter which interests me very much. It is getting away from the main principle, perhaps, but it is an important one embodying a lot of money and I would ask the Minister to clarify our minds in respect of it. In introducing the Vote, he said that among the matters of detail which had yet to be considered was the fact of an architectural competition. This project will be the biggest project undertaken since the establishment of the State, and the Commission have recommended that there should be an architectural competition so that we shall be assured of the best possible design. I hope it will be an international competition—that is what the Commission recommended. We are entitled to an assurance that we shall have the best-designed buildings in the world, relatively speaking, for the expenditure involved. The project is important enough to be thrown open to competition by the architects of the entire world. I ask the Minister to tell us if the Government have accepted the recommendation that there should be such an international competition and will he in fact make it a condition of these funds being made available to the College.

Last week, I was most interested to know how the figure envisaged, £7,000,000, has been reached. Have the details been worked out? I should like to ask the Minister how much of the £7,000,000 is for architects' fees and has that been worked out? Making a rough guess, I should say it might be as high as £360,000 or £400,000, which is a lot of money. The Minister should ensure that no architect or group of architects will make a private fortune out of this project. In my opinion, architects' fees in this country are a complete ramp.

The Minister has an opportunity of doing something about it in relation to this important project. Normally speaking, I think architects are remunerated on a percentage rate of the gross cost. Therefore, an architect has almost a vested interest in pushing up the cost. I have seen certain public projects where money was wastefully expended and it is quite reprehensible, I think, that architects should be remunerated on this unprofessional basis, in particular where public funds are concerned. I suggest the Minister has a duty to see that nobody makes a private fortune in this case.

The Minister has said that he intends to introduce a comprehensive scheme for the creation and extension of scholarships. That is essential because in expending as much money as these proposals envisage, the Minister is taking upon himself and his successors a very grave trust. He will be under a very grave obligation to see that University education facilities are fully availed of by the most talented students. I hope the thousands of talented young people at present denied, through lack of means, an opportunity of getting advanced education will have places made available for them in the new educational system. I also hope that from the national viewpoint more will be achieved in the future in this sphere than in the past and that we shall succeed in turning out a University graduate more prepared to take his place in the community as a leader of society than the majority of our graduates have been in the past.

We have not succeeded in creating here an intellectual middle-class on which would really depend the maintenance of a civilised culture. We have thrown over the old Ascendancy leaders of society and failed to replace them. I should hope that our graduates of the future will prove more worthy of the privileges they have received and the sacrifices made by the community at large for them.

The Minister made no reference to the Tuairim report. I want to make my position quite clear, that I favour the proposals now before us, the move to Belfield. My observations of a few moments ago regarding the elimination of waste, regarding co-ordination and co-operation, do not necessarily conflict with a move to Belfield. At the same time, I have been impressed by the case made by Tuairim and I would agree with Deputy de Valera that it is unfortunate that this document arrived on the scene so late in the day. I think it is important that the Tuairim group must not be accused of being nosey-parkers. We are all indebted to them. For my part, I should like to pay tribute to their disinterested zeal and their altruism in this matter. I am also tempted to remark, and I am sure everybody here will agree with me, that people who can produce a document like this have a rightful part to play in this country as leaders of society. At present, their hands are tied behind their backs. Their rightful place is in politics, here in this House, and let us hope that we shall see them here in one form or another, in any of the Parties of with their own Party. They are educated people. They have a duty to society. Their place is in this House.

I should like to join with other speakers here in what, to me, has been an attenuated debate for the past two weeks, in congratulating the Minister on giving the House an opportunity to discuss in general the question of higher education. The fact that that has been done through the medium of a £10 Supplementary Vote is rather unusual, at least to a new Deputy like myself. At least, the intent behind the Minister's introduction of this Vote is quite clear. He was quite open in inviting comments and, where necessary, criticisms, on his report in regard to this proposal, which does contain a very important principle, that is, that this House should agree with the proposal to transfer University College, Dublin to the new site at Belfield, at a cost estimated at some £7 millions, to take place over the next 20 years.

I should like to quote from the Minister's introductory speech one significant paragraph which will form the central theme of the remarks I have to make on this whole proposal. I quote from Volume 180, No. 7, column 949 of the Official Report:

...every child of sufficient talent, be he poor or rich, in any type of school should have the opportunity of climbing right to the top of the educational ladder. The nation needs the services of all the talent it can find.

I do not think there is anybody either inside this House or outside it who will disagree with the sentiment expressed in that sentence, but I wonder if the proposal before this House is in accord with that sentiment. I have listened to every speaker in this debate. Most of them are graduates of the National University of Ireland. I have not had the advantage of a university education. During the debate, I got the impression that we were being presented with a fait accompli.

The contribution to the debate made by Deputy McGilligan a few days ago rather reinforces my view that the passage of this Estimate through the House is largely a formality. That is deeply to be regretted. Deputy McGilligan said—I do not think I misquote him—that in 1951 he urged the then Government to get on with the plans for University College, Dublin, and he mentioned that in 1954 the then Taoiseach, Deputy John A. Costello, had, at a public function in the College, announced that the Government, and the previous Government in 1948, had agreed in principle with the idea to transfer University College, Dublin, to the site at Belfield.

The Minister gave a somewhat different impression because he said quite definitely that one of the reasons for introducing this Estimate was to give the House an opportunity of agreeing in principle to the transfer to Belfield. So there does seem to be a certain inconsistency between the Minister's statement and the statement of Deputy McGilligan.

Furthermore, I do not like the procedure which has been adopted over the years in the acquisition of the site at Belfield. I do not blame University College, Dublin. In fact, in many ways I admire their enterprise in doing the best they could in what they believed to be the best future interests of the College, in acquiring, even through the medium of a bank overdraft, various estates in the vicinity of the Stillorgan Road, but I do think that when the time came for a Government to repay the purchase cost of those lands, that was the time to give this House and the country in general an opportunity of knowing what all this was leading up to. If that had happened, we would not now be in the position of discussing what I feel in my bones to be, as I said a few minutes ago, largely a fait accompli.

I have read the report of the Commission set up with the very narrow terms of reference: "To inquire into the accommodation needs of the constituent colleges of the National University of Ireland and to advise as to how and in present circumstances these needs could best be met," and I must say I followed with very great interest the trend of the expansion of University College, Dublin, for the past 40 years, beginning with the original estimate of the then President, made in 1912, of an enrolment of not more than 1,000 students. As has been pointed out here by several Deputies and by the Minister, that original estimate has quintupled and the College today is bursting at the seams endeavouring to cater for almost 5,000 students.

It should not be overlooked that the main part of that expansion has taken place in the last 20 years, from just prior to the war up to the present time and that between 1939 and 1959, the number of graduates has more than doubled. That rapid increase in the number of students at U.C.D. has largely been responsible for the difficulties in which the College authorities find themselves to-day, and that increase has been particularly rapid in the past 15 years. The same is not quite true of the other constituent Colleges, especially in Galway, where the figures appear to have remained fairly static in recent years.

As the Minister and subsequent speakers have pointed out, the College authorities themselves were of the opinion in earlier years, certainly up to 1945, that Iveagh Gardens and the Riding School could be used to give them the accommodation they required. In 1946, certain plans were prepared by Professor Downes and from that onwards, over the next five or six years, the College was active in endeavouring to carry out plans, which then appeared to be well formulated, to transfer the entire College to the new site at Belfield. These plans were submitted tentatively to the Government on two occasions and apparently nothing was done about it until 1957, when the Commission which issued its Report recently was set up.

I do not want to go over the ground that has been covered particularly by Deputy de Valera about the difficulties of University College, Dublin. I appreciate those difficulties and I do not think any Deputy who has studied the question and read the various reports disagrees with the contention that the College is urgently in need of additional accommodation, especially for its Science and Chemistry Faculties.

The Commission began its task by seeking a solution in the vicinity of Earlsfort Terrace. Like a number of Deputies, they felt that that was the proper course if it could be implemented. They believed it was desirable to maintain the physical unity of the College and they spoke of the physical unity of the College even in present circumstances. A point which I do not think was mentioned in the Report and which strikes me as important is that although U.C.D. is established in its present site less than 40 years, if you take 1919 as the date of completion, it has in that period built up a tradition, and I am one of those who feel that tradition should not be lightly cast aside. The mere fact of being established in a certain centre contiguous to libraries, galleries, hospitals and the various other institutions used by undergraduates, the mere fact of having that close liaison and having that tradition established, is important and that situation should not be upset easily. If this transfer to Belfield is carried out, it will, to that extent, disrupt the established tradition.

Deputy Byrne has already mentioned the submission to the Commission made by Dr. Roger McHugh, who spoke very strongly in favour of continuing the tradition of the College and its association with the city of Dublin. I got the impression from some of the speeches here that Dublin was being compared with some industrial cities like Manchester, Birmingham and Liverpool, where you have closely built-up industrial and slum areas contiguous to the Universities and where there is a necessity to move out at the earliest opportunity. That does not apply in Dublin. Dublin is not an industrial city as we understand it in relation to England. Dublin is a gracious, open city and that fact should not be overlooked in considering this whole scheme of transferring to Belfield. You are not transferring out of a closely built-up industrial area; you are transferring out of a spacious, Georgian city with plenty of open spaces, particularly in the vicinity of U.C.D., Trinity College and this House.

With the building up of this tradition on its present site, the College has established a liaison with those who, as night students, have enjoyed the opportunity of taking extra-mural courses. The question of hostels and lodgings may be a secondary consideration but all these things are part of the tradition which is now to be disrupted. This is a decision which should not be lightly taken, even though the College is suffering grave inconvenience through overcrowding.

Tributes have been paid here to the authors of the Tuairim report and I should like to join in those tributes. Whether we agree or disagree with their conclusions, we should be grateful to them for offering constructive criticism and alternatives to the plans of the College authorities. As a result of their, and other, views I am not completely satisfied that University College could not remain on the present site and acquire the necessary extra sites, if not at Earlsfort Terrace, certainly near it.

I am sorry that the question of the acquisition of Harcourt Street Station which, I think I am correct in saying, became available when the Commission were sitting, was not adverted to in their report. It does seem to offer at least a partial solution to some of the overcrowding problems in the College, and I would like to have had an expert opinion on what difference the acquisition of that site would have made to the overall problem. I would like to say further that if the only solution is to transfer the College to Belfield then I completely approve of the suggestion that the College in its entirety should be transferred. I would not approve of transferring the faculties at Earlsfort Terrace, and leaving the science, chemistry and engineering departments in Merrion Street. I think it is very desirable that in the largest University in this country the physical unity of the college, with all its various faculties, should be preserved.

I do not feel competent to discuss the merits of a University campus site as against other types of University buildings, but I must say that the idea does appeal to me of having plenty of open ground, having the various faculties reasonably contiguous to one another and having the various sports-fields and other recreational facilities readily available. If the College is to move, and there is weighty opinion in favour of that, I would certainly favour that it move out lock, stock and barrel out of its present location but, as I said a few minutes ago, I am not completely happy about that decision. I am not happy about the way the land was almost secretly acquired, about the way the purchase money was reimbursed to the authorities, and I regret that the then Government did not decide that the time was opportune to discuss the question of higher education in the country as a whole.

I get the feeling that there is an impression that what is good for U.C.D. is good for the rest of the country. I do not know if any other country Deputy feels the same but I think that is the idea which permeated this debate so far and was behind many of the trenchant contributions which I heard from both sides of the House. We have been almost swamped by stories of the difficult conditions under which undergraduates are working, and we are told that if something does not happen soon, there will be a collapse. At least the students who are enabled to go to University College, Dublin, are getting a University education whereas there are hundreds in the south-west of Ireland who, under no circumstances, can even hope to get inside an overcrowded University College.

The Commission's Report referred to the visits paid by members to outside Universities and I was interested to note the comparisons between these Universities and their problems and University College, Dublin, but I would have liked if the Commission had gone to some University that was not in favour of moving out from the centre of a city, a University situated in a city the size of Dublin with 500,000 or 600,000 people, and was quite satisfied to remain in it and to be a part of the city and its people. I think it is always useful in these things to get the other side of the case but the Commission's Report is a list of outside Universities who all appear to have the same problem as University College, Dublin, and have all arrived at the same solution. The question of cost in their cases is not mentioned anywhere in the Commission's Report.

There are a number of other matters that also have not been mentioned in the Commission's Report. One is the question of the Faculty of Agriculture, already referred to in this House. It did state that the Albert College grounds are not extensive enough to be associated with an efficient Faculty of Agriculture, and suggested it should sell the grounds at an estimated sale price valuation of £300,000 and acquire another farm at an estimated cost of £100,000.

There is no reference in the Commission's Report to the cost of running a new University at Belfield, and I think the question of running costs is at least as important as that of the capital cost of the University itself. Again I say I am not competent to touch on the question of the standards in the principal University Colleges, but I would like to ask is it not more important to spend money on staffs even if they are teaching in overcrowded conditions? Is the present standard of the three constituent Colleges in Ireland as high as Universities on the Continent of Europe, and are the degrees which our Colleges issue at the moment as valuable as degrees issued by Universities on the Continent? These are questions that are not touched on in the Commission's Report. Indeed, they could not be dealt with having regard to the Commission's narrow terms of reference but I think they are all very relevant to the question of higher education in this small country.

I was interested to read the submissions made by the Dublin Vocational Educational Committee and I give one small quotation which I think is very pertinent to this whole discussion. It says: "Our country is small, its resources limited and economy therefore is most important." I wonder how much the question of economy came into consideration when these plans were being proposed.

The Commission arrived at certain conclusions and one of these was that they agreed that present accommodation of approximately 200,000 square feet was inadequate and suggested that University College, Dublin, in order to function properly would require something like three times that area. They stated quite categorically that the Iveagh building site was not adequate and was too small, even for a multistorey building, and they felt that compulsory acquisition powers should not be recommended.

That is a very debatable point. A vocational committee has powers of compulsory purchase and, in spite of what Deputy Vivion de Valera said, I think in a question like this where the building of a new University is such an important thing that, if it were a question of giving compulsory purchase powers to the College authorities or moving out, and if the Government were satisfied that by giving these compulsory acquisition powers a solution could be found in and near Earlsfort Terrace, those powers should be given to the authorities. In other words, I would not like it to appear that the only reason they were moving out is because they could not get the necessary powers to acquire sites in and near their present College buildings. They made other recommendations with regard to the question of design, recommending an open competition and the setting up of an international board of assessors.

In regard to the Commission's Report, I have already said that, in my view, the terms of reference were too narrow. It is wrong at this juncture to base what is virtually a decision on future higher education on the situation obtaining in U.C.D. at the present time. We should be quite clear about it: the decision we make in regard to the transfer of University College, Dublin, to Belfield, will influence decisions in relation to higher education elsewhere in the State for many long years to come. It is not just a question of merely agreeing to such a transfer, voting the money over the next ten, 15 or 20 years, and then getting down to considering what we shall do about the rest of the State.

We must be realistic in our approach and appreciate that, having once taken this decision, we shall of necessity influence very much any other views we may hold on higher education as a whole. No reference was made in the Commission's Report —perhaps no reference could be made —to the possibility of co-ordination within the existing Universities. As previous speakers have pointed out, we have five schools of medicine, four schools of engineering. The position is complex enough to warrant very serious consideration of rationalisation of the Faculties in the three constituent Colleges. If such a plan had been put into operation, would that have affected the decision to transfer to Belfield? The Report seems to consider each of the constituent Colleges, not as constituent Colleges of National University but as virtually three independent Universities, all having duplicate Faculties and none having, with the possible exception of Science and one or two other Faculties, the requisite standards comparable with those of Universities outside the country.

Deputy de Valera mentioned the alternative considered in 1945, namely, that Government offices here and in Merrion Street should be moved out and this area should become part of the educational and cultural centre. That was referred to by the President a little over a year ago. He made it quite clear that, in his view, the educational and cultural complex around this area, between here and Trinity College, should be preserved, and he hoped to see the day when Leinster House would be available to the College authorities. That is a view contrary to the views expressed here since this debate started.

No consideration was apparently given to the question of expanding the two constituent Colleges at Cork and Galway and adding a fourth constituent college at Limerick. At the moment we have the peculiar situation in which Dublin, with a population of some 600,000, has two Universities catering for a total of 6,000 out of a total 8,000 students in the State as a whole. The Minister mentioned that Leinster, with the three Ulster counties, constitutes a little over half the population of the country. That is, of course, perfectly true. I think he might have gone on to explain that that part of the country is more than adequately provided for in the matter of higher education. There are two Universities in Dublin, National University with almost 5,000 students and Trinity College with almost 2,000 students. As well as that, there is the College of Surgeons. By and large, Dublin is very well catered for, indeed.

One should not overlook the fact that the remainder of the country— Munster and Connaught combined— have a population of almost half the total population of the State. They have two Universities—one in Cork and one in Galway. The total number of students in an area that is almost half the entire country is 2,000, or less than one-third of the total of the two Universities in Dublin. That shows, to say the least of it, that there is an imbalance as between the welfare of the eastern side of the country and the circumstances of the western and south-western parts of the country.

If the policy of this decentralisation means anything—we were talking earlier today about decentralising Government Departments—surely the first thing to do would be, even if there never was any question of establishing a University in Limerick, to encourage expansion of the two existing provincial Universities and equipping them with a full range of Faculties. If these suggestions were implemented, concommitant with a scheme of rationalisation, there is no reason why we should not have a better balanced University population than we have at the moment.

I should like to touch now on a question which is naturally very dear to myself. I refer to the question of Limerick. The Minister in the course of his speech said that the idea of University education had not been received in University areas with the enthusiasm it deserved, judging by the exiguous grants which the Universities receive. That criticism could not be implied in the case of Limerick. Limerick has been agitating for University facilities for the past 15 or 20 years. It has been persistently building up a case. As the years have passed and conditions have changed, the claim by Limerick to a University has grown and grown. It is the third city in the State. It is considerably larger than Galway, and Galway has a University. It is not as large as Cork but, in area, it covers an area as big as that part of the country. The vast majority of parents in the area catered for by Limerick city—Limerick city and county, the Minister's own county, Clare, North Kerry and North Tipperary—cannot afford to send their children to Universities in Dublin, Cork and Galway. The policy in regard to Limerick, to my mind, cuts completely across the sentiment expressed by the Minister in the sentence which I quoted from his speech.

It does not matter to parents in Limerick and the contiguous areas what you do out in Belfield. If you spend £5,000,000, £10,000,000 or £20,000,000, you still cannot assist average parents living in or near Limerick in providing their children with an opportunity for University education unless you are prepared to take further steps to meet their problem. I think the Minister would be the first to agree that the ideal is not to provide University education only for children in Dublin, Cork or Galway, who have the advantages of living near a University. This would enable young men and women, irrespective of where they live, to get to the highest rung of the educational ladder. That sentiment was expressed by the Minister himself, and it is an objective which I hope the Minister will achieve during his period of office.

Limerick parents pay, through taxation, for the sons and daughters of other parents, and do not benefit their own families by one iota. As the Minister pointed out in the course of his speech, there are approximately 8,000 University students. I do not think it unrealistic to relate that number of students to the number of secondary students, which is something over 70,000. In other words, on average, something like one in every eight secondary school children gets a University education. If the Minister looks at the figures, he will find that ratio bears no relation to the ratio in the Limerick area. Not one in 100 gets an opportunity for higher education in Limerick, North Kerry, or in his own county.

At present, two classes enjoy the benefit of University education; those who can afford it—and good luck to them if they can afford to send their children to a University—and those who are fortunate enough to win scholarships. Very few scholarships are made available by the local authorities. The Limerick Corporation make two scholarships available worth £200 per annum, and that is about the highest in the State. Other county councils in our area make two or three scholarships available so one can see that the problem is not even scratched at the present time.

The Minister mentioned the increases in the number of, I presume he meant, State scholarships. That is a possible but only a very partial solution. Unless he is thinking in terms of giving 100 scholarships in the Limerick area of £150 or £200 each, he is only toying with the problem. Again, to talk about financing 100 scholarships at £200 a year is coming very near the cost of running a constituent College. As between spending money, or anything like the same amount of money, on scholarships or building constituent Colleges I think the Minister would have no doubt which was the better course to adopt.

Apart from anything else, the whole status of Limerick, as a city, would be raised by the building of a constituent College. Every Deputy will appreciate the fact that during recent years there has been tremendously improved development in that area. The Minister is aware that the Department has built new schools. We have a teachers' training college in the area, the only women's training college in the country, and that, of course, at some time, will have to be brought into the general scheme of University education. Shannon Airport, the possible development in the Shannon estuary, and the new Limerick Regional Maternity Hospital have raised and improved the status of Limerick, and have increased the necessity for having University education available to the sons and daughters of the people who live in that area.

Some four years ago, when I was Mayor of Limerick, a committee was set up to report on the secondary schools, and we went into the whole question of providing University facilities for Limerick children. The committee presented a report about seven or eight months ago to the Limerick Corporation, and the substance of the report was handed over to the Limerick University Project Committee. I should like to mention some points from that report which are very relevant to Limerick's case:

All over the world, and particularly during the past two decades, there have been important advances in science, technology, engineering, agriculture, industry, etc. Unless the people of this area can keep abreast of these modern developments they are going to fall even further behind in their efforts to promote the prosperity and advancement of the community.

It is desirable that students of an impressionable age should receive higher education as near as possible to their homes.

While the Committee would not favour extravagant outlay in the matter of University accommodation, the construction and staffing of a University would give valuable employment while the influx of outside students would bring additional revenue to the City.

Parents in this area contribute heavily, through direct and indirect taxation, to the upkeep of the existing Universities with little or no benefit to their families.

Limerick City within easy reach of some sixty secondary schools, and with its long and distinguished history in the fields of primary and secondary education, is a logical centre for the provision of University courses.

Limerick cannot expect to attract and hold men of ability in all walks of life until the City is in a position to offer their children the opportunity of University education.

That latter point has been demonstrated on a number of occasions. Recently we had men of ability in various Government and semi-Government positions who have gone out of Limerick because they could not secure in that town a University education for their children.

I feel that before any question of transferring University College, Dublin, to Belfield, was considered, a commission should have been set up to consider the whole question of higher education in this State. I believe that question is too important to be taken piecemeal. The Minister by deciding now to set up a commission to consider all the aspects of higher education is, to put it bluntly, putting the cart before the horse. The matter is too important, and it will affect the whole future of higher education for centuries to come. The time is opportune now when we have a new young active Minister with ideas of his own to have the whole question of higher education considered by an impartial, independent and competent commission and I ask him, even at this late stage, to set up such a committee. The Minister would be in a much better position today if he had the backing of the report of such a commission. This House would be more confident about the steps they are now taking if they felt they were moving on to its implementation not in regard to one constituent College, but in regard to University education as a whole.

I do not think that in this small country it is necessary to have one colossal University in Dublin. In fact, I think that with our philosophy and way of life we should all be thinking in terms of much smaller Universities. I do not think the quality of the teaching would suffer in a smaller University. In fact, there is much to be said for the argument that in a smaller University, with smaller classes, and a more intimate association between teacher and pupil, the quality would be higher rather than lower. For that reason, I fully support the submission of the authorities of University College, Cork, to the Commission. They said:—

While a case could be made for the centralisation of University training in one place, the College—

University College, Cork—

authorities would not agree with the concentration of large numbers in a single institution. They do not favour the cult of the Colossus. Beneficial teaching can best be achieved in the smaller institution where the opportunities of personal contact between teacher and student are greater. Further, the quality of the teaching depends in large part on the maintenance of a reasonable ratio between staff and students; it is not more costly to provide and maintain this ratio in the smaller institution, and the result is likely to be more beneficial.

With a population of some 11,000 secondary students in Limerick and contiguous areas, we can claim to have the basic material for a University such as is visualised by the University College, Cork, authorities.

There are other points which should have been considered. Although they were touched on by the Minister, particularly in the concluding part of his report, they were not adverted to in the Commission's report and should be discussed and thrashed out again before a decision of this nature is taken. I refer to the association between higher education and secondary education. When I speak of secondary education I mean secondary and technical education.

The Minister stated that an avenue which formerly did not exist, whereby a brilliant student in a technical college can have access to higher education, is now to be opened up. I welcome that development very much but the whole question of secondary education is not touched on in this Report. The Minister might have dealt with that again before bringing this Supplementary Estimate before the House.

If the college in Belfield becomes the king-pin, as it will, of University education in this country, there is a danger that technical education will suffer because of the emphasis on what I might describe as the teaching of the Humanities. I strongly favour the teaching of the Humanities but in this country where we are so far behind in scientific and technical achievement and with the necessity for raising the status of technical teaching and giving greater opportunities to technical students to go further afield, as the Minister said, to have access to the highest rung of the education ladder, we want to think and plan out very carefully the procedures before we adopt this scheme.

At the moment, there is a social bias in favour of a secondary education. Parents, particularly middle-class parent whose children have gone to a primary school, in nine cases out of ten desire to see them go to a secondary school even though the child concerned may not be able to benefit in later life from such a secondary school education. If one were to suggest to such parents that they should send their child to a technical school they would be horrified. That attitude must be changed. The idea to be aimed at is that every child should have the opportunity to reach Intermediate standard and, from that on, there should be a diversion either to continue to Leaving Certificate or else to go on into technical education. That necessitates that the status of technical education is raised and that our technical schools are not looked on merely as "Techs" but as a very important part of the whole system of secondary school education.

Some months ago, it was stated in one of the Limerick papers that there were 42 Honours Leaving Certificate students walking the streets of Limerick because they could not find suitable employment. If the same boys had secured a technical training some of them would by this time have found their way into quite well-paid jobs. It is vitally necessary to give that matter very close consideration. Apart from the Minister's desire, which I share, to allow these boys and girls who go to technical schools to have access to University education, I still think the Minister will have to solve the problem lower down in the educational ladder and not as high as in the age group he suggested in his speech, 17 or 18 years. When a boy or girl comes to 16, they should be diverted either into the normal secondary school or into a school with a technical bias.

I am not quite clear from the Minister's speech of the position of schools of technology. As the Minister, I am sure, appreciates, a diploma in technology is not the same as a University degree. We shall have to have regard to the fact that big numbers of young men, especially those who cannot afford to go to a University but can go to a school of technology, should have the right, at the end of that course, by some form of association with the Universities to get a University degree. The bigger posts in industry, particularly outside this country, are open to those with University degrees. Even though the man who gets his diploma in a college of technology may be a better man and probably is a more practically trained man, still, from the point of view of securing good employment, the University degree is certainly the more important attainment.

I should like to conclude with this comment. In a small country like this which is not rich in natural resources or industrial tradition, it is vitally necessary that we should make the best use of our young people who represent our most important asset. The building of a University colossus in Dublin will not solve that problem. I urge the Minister most strongly—he himself coming from a rural constituency—to look at the matter from the point of view of the boy or girl coming from a remote country parish who has plenty of brains and ability. I urge him to solve the problem from their angle and to ensure that they, as much as the person living in Rathmines or Rathgar, will have access to the highest rung of the educational ladder. If the Minister can seek a solution from this point of view, rather than ensuring that this already overpopulated area is further provided with teaching facilities, he will do a tremendous thing for this country and his name will be an honoured one in the history of education in this country. I need hardly say that many thousands of parents will be grateful to him.

I feel that this whole project is going in the wrong order. I could not be more strongly in favour of spending money on education. It is money well spent. That has been proved in other countries. The primary necessity should have been an independent and proper commission to inquire into the whole question of higher education, particularly having in mind the needs of areas outside the areas at present served by the University Colleges. I hope it is not too late for the Minister to put that into practice.

Like other speakers, I should like to compliment the Minister on his very comprehensive statement of policy on higher education, particularly as affecting the Universities. Various alternatives were considered and all aspects of the problem were dissected but our first and fundamental consideration in dealing with problems of this kind is to provide the means for making University education available to the talented members of our people in accordance with the country's needs and opportunities.

Like any other walk of life, we could have over-production in regard to students of University standard, without having any employment for them in this country. We would be training them for export. It is well if our people have to go abroad that they should be well educated. The cost to the country is very great and perhaps if they went into other walks of life, as Deputy Russell said, they would get on just as well and would find opportunities in their own country. The cost to the parents and the State of their education might have more fruitful results for all of us.

There is one alternative which was not considered. It was one that struck me when I saw this acceptance in principle of the transfer of University College to Belfield. Instead of doing that, there should have been a certain decentralisation in this matter. Medicine is a very long and expensive course. To my mind, the pre-med. courses which are now being done in the University could easily be done in the secondary schools or in other schools throughout the country provided for that purpose.

After all, what do they learn in their pre-med. courses? They learn chemistry, physics, zoology and botany. A person would fail to convince me that that year's course could not be done in outside colleges and relieve the University to that extent. Medical students have a long course of six years, even if things run lucky with them afterwards. The question of the physical unity of the University or even of the faculty would not come into play because they have a long number of years for association and experience.

Let us now deal with the Faculty of Arts. At one time, we had the Classics. I would not suggest that we ought to educate just with a little Latin and less Greek as was sometimes said but the Romance languages are now taking the place of the Classics. There is more intercourse between the nations. It is more useful to have a knowledge of continental languages, in addition to one's own. I see no reason whatever why the first year's course in Arts could not be done outside the University and the first examination taken in appropriate colleges. I see no reason at all why that could not be done. It would cut down costs for the parents, in the first instance. Secondly, there are generally post-graduate courses. Those who have taken out the B.A. do their H.Dip. in Ed. in one Faculty or another. They have three years' association with what is called the physical unity of the College. That would be a great relief to the present University Colleges also.

Let us come now to the Faculty of Commerce. Most of those who spoke of this subject did not refer to any of these faculties. In regard to the Faculty of Commerce, surely we have adult education courses sponsored by the University all over the country. There could be built up courses in secondary schools or in the schools of commerce run by the vocational education committees. The first year in commerce could also be done in that way. The University could set the papers and the students could take their first examination for entry to the College. They will also have three years in the College which will give them all the education they need. There will not be such a strain on the resources of the University, the country or the parents. I do not know whether these matters were considered at all. They should have been the very first things to have been considered.

We do not want a multiplicity of Universities in the country because the standards are bound to go down. You will not get qualified men of the highest standard because they have to compete with the students of Universities from every other country, if our standards of education are to be justified. We had inspections of the medical schools by medical men from America and other countries. What was their complaint? Their complaint was that there were too many students; that many of our doctors were going abroad, but, apart from that, there were too many in the classes and the careless students at the back did not pay sufficient attention to what was going on. In consequence, they were a drag on the University, the professors and the parents by remaining in the College over the years and making little or no progress.

The needs of our country in medicine could be filled possiby by one medical school. There are four but look at what you do for the country. If you decided on a policy of that kind, you would bring all the professors and specialists into one centre. It is good national policy to have a kind, you would bring all the professors and specialists into one centre. It is good national policy to have a medical school attached to each of the colleges. Then you would have a certain number of tip-top medical men associated with that college and available to the people round about.

We should get rid of all this idea of centralisation because it would be more economical in the long run. It would not. The lives of the people are more important than having a big campus in Dublin with everything centralised there. I do not agree with the policy that in this country you have to crash down on one thing in order to develop another thing and that you can do only one thing at a time. That is one of the things that has kept us back in many ways. We are told that if we undertake one big job, we can do nothing until that is completed. I would say the same thing about arterial drainage—a subject which is not relevant. We are told that until you have the big rivers and catchment areas done, you cannot do the small rivers.

That kind of policy is detrimental to national progress. We have a Commission's Report here and it is very hard to go against it but one can have one's own ideas, put them forward, have them considered and hold them as strongly as one can. The fact that a thing was adopted in principle some years ago probably puts us in a position that we are not as free to put our proposals and have this whole matter considered on its merits as otherwise we would be. But there is no acceptance in Cork yet of what is needed there. The previous speaker, Deputy Russell, was, with me, a governor of that University for some years. He cannot have failed to have seen that wooden huts had to be built in various parts of the grounds for the Engineering Faculty and other faculties because there was no other accommodation. They were huts from military stations or something of that kind, and they are there for everybody to see. Recently, owing to the action of the Government and to the progress made socially in the State, the nearby jail was demolished and it is there now as an undeveloped area, covering a couple of acres, instead of being devoted to providing proper accommodation for the professors and students and for the better operation of the faculties.

Somebody in the United Nations, speaking the other day about undeveloped areas, said that the most widespread undeveloped areas in the world were immediately under men's hats. There is an area in which the accommodation can be provided, in which the children can be educated in a proper way and in a proper atmosphere with the professors obtaining the best results. The needs of University College, Cork, were put at something in the region of £600,000. That will require a certain number of years.

I do not agree either with this "Fiche Bliain ag Fás" attitude as far as projects are concerned. When it is decided to do a thing, it is well that it should be done as quickly as possible and it should not be dragged on for years until several generations have passed. That would mean that some four generations of University students would have to be satisfied with the present more or less makeshift position. If it is decided, and evidently it has been, I do not think there is any alternative. We should go ahead now but we should go ahead with Cork and Galway as well and do whatever is to be done in these centres.

I agree with the suggestion made by the Minister regarding technological education. Many young lads are intelligent and very adept with their hands, perhaps more so than with their heads, and as Deputy Russell said, that can be seen at a certain stage in their education. Undoubtedly it is also true, as he said, that many people who get the honours certificate are not fitted for anything. There are not sufficient opportunities for them and unless they get into the E.S.B. or the Civil Service, or one or two other places, they are not doing so well.

There has been a development under our vocational committee in the South which has been welcomed by the teachers, that is, that now many boys when they reach the Intermediate Certificate, or in some cases the Leaving Certificate, go into the School of Commerce and do a commerce course for a year. That equips them for going into industries and for getting a position in life. After all, that is one of the aims of education, to provide young people with a competence in life. The same opportunities should be there for everybody. There is a place in life for everybody and it is there to be filled. Parents and advisers have only to try to do the best they can for them through their advice.

The point I want to stress to the Minister is that it should not be all Dublin for 20 years, or even five years, or even three years, and nothing else. The programme should be a national programme. Whether the resources of this country are £7,000,000 or £10,000,000, another £1,000,000 would do Cork and Galway and get them going. Whatever number of millions are to be expended, the rural parts of the country should get their fair share and their progress should not be delayed in order to facilitate all the progress in the capital city. I would be very much against that, as, I am sure, would every member of the House.

On general lines, the Minister can be complimented. As I said at the outset, undoubtedly more scholarships are necessary to give talented children an opportunity, those who cannot get that opportunity from the resources of their parents but who have the brains to get ahead if they are acceptable to the College authorities and if they pass their initial examinations and show that they have some aptitude for whatever walk of life they are going into.

I thought for a while that we would have a marathon race between Deputy Russell and Deputy O'Malley as to who would last the longer in putting forward the claims of Limerick. We have not the slightest objection to any city putting forward its claims, but I think what is there should be built on and expanded according as opportunity offers and according as a case is made for it. I would depend on the Minister not to forget the outside areas and not to concentrate entirely on developing Dublin.

I am afraid, like Deputy Russell, that unfortunately I also cannot speak as a graduate of any of our Universities. I do think, however, that I have a duty as a Deputy and as a representative of a rural area to speak on behalf of the people in rural areas to make sure that so far as it lies within my power as a member of this House, decisions regarding the welfare of the community are not made outside this House over the heads of the elected representatives of the people.

It would be highly undesirable if the problem of higher education were left in the hands of our University professors, just as it would be highly undesirable and very bad for the community generally if the whole question of our medical services were left in the hands of the Irish Medical Association. This is a matter of vital importance not alone to the select few who may hope to get the benefits from higher education but to the mass of the people who will pay for this education and who themselves will never be able to avail of these opportunities for their sons and daughters.

There is a duty on every backbencher to express his views on behalf of the brilliant children in his constituency, brilliant children of poor parents who will never have an opportunity of entering into this proposed establishment. These Deputies should have the courage to suggest to the Minister and the leaders of the Opposition that they are trying to roof a house before it is built. If you want a good sound structure, you should put in a good sound foundation. If you have a good wall and you want to go higher, you put in a sound stairs on which to climb. You do not put on an exotic type of roof or one too heavy for the walls to bear. I feel no engineer or architect would suggest that a heavy roof should be put on a structure without a prior examination of that structure to see whether or not it could bear the weight of that roof. I want to suggest to this House that the Commission the Minister is now about to set up to inquire into and report on the whole question of higher education should come before a decision, is made on transferring the University from Earlsfort Terrace to Belfield.

Before I came into the House last week and to-day I discussed this Supplementary Estimate with a number of Deputies from both sides. I was horrified to find that they accepted without question, without study and without reading one iota of the report before them, the viewpoints of their leaders. There is no doubt whatever that this is a question of a fait accompli. This House is to be used as a rubber stamp to endorse and put the sanction of legality on something concocted outside. Deputy Carty came in here the other evening and made a case in connection with the extension of buildings in University College, Galway. He told the House that along with the Archbishop of Tuam and some other very respectable gentlemen he waited on the Minister for Education recently to implore him for permission to go ahead with the present plans in University College, Galway. According to Deputy Carty, the members of that deputation were informed by the Minister that his hands were tied and that he could not move until this House gave its consent. That is the position in regard to University College, Galway.

What happens in regard to the proposals we have before us in connection with University College, Dublin? The President of that establishment, in this booklet brought out by U.C.D. to make their case for the transfer, says that as far back as ten years ago he had his mind made up that a tansfer was to take place from the existing site to Belfield. Prior to coming before this House and prior to the Minister giving a decision, the President of that establishment had made up his mind. I quote from his own booklet:

The President of the College, as an act of faith in the future, took up residence in 1952 at the former White Oaks, transformed into University Lodge. Since then, the old houses, one by one, have been reconditioned as research departments. In some instances this has enabled us to gain precious teaching space in our main buildings by moving out a research laboratory....

He goes on to say:

Valuable preparation for the future use of the campus as a site was made possible in the winter of 1956-57 when a Government relief grant of £20,000 was used for fencing, tree-planting, draining and levelling, and the construction of an inner communication road.

Yet we are told elsewhere that the grant of £20,000 given by the Government was for the purpose of developing the athletic field sites in that area and not for the purpose of preparing the ground for this proposed campus. I suggest that money has been used illegally by the University authorities and in particular by the President of that institution.

There is something very peculiar about the background of the decision to move from Earlsfort Terrace. Deputy McGilligan, in the course of his contribution last week, emphasised that the go-ahead signal was given by him and by the then Taoiseach, Deputy Costello, both in the first inter-Party Government and again during the period from 1954 to 1957. He said that a decision had actually been taken by the Government at that stage to allow the University authorities go ahead with the Belfield site.

How can we reconcile that position and the actions of the University authorities with the present Minister's statement last week? He said, at column 937, Volume 180, of the Dáil Debates:

When all the property available at the time in the contiguous area had passed under the hammer and when the open ground further out on the South side of the city was gradually being taken up, the College took steps to extend its sports ground at Belfield and they approached the Government for the necessary capital therefor.

This is the important part:

This the Government provided, but on the clear understanding that it was not thereby to be taken as agreeing in principle to the transfer of the College to those grounds.

In other words, as far back as that period of 1949, 1950 and 1951, there was no real decision made on this except in the minds of the people in charge of the University itself. The authorities of the University have suggested that they are anxious to stay in Earlsfort Terrace and do everything possible to stay there but that the pressure of space, the demand due to the increase in the number of new students was such that they could no longer hope to stay within the bounds of their existing area or within any area closer to Earlsfort Terrace even with the aid of compulsory powers. I cannot accept that because, according to Deputy McGilligan, he took steps when Minister for Finance to ease the position in regard to overdraft accommodation for the College authorities. The idea of easing the overdraft accommodation was to enable them to purchase sites adjacent to the University but we find that when the financial accommodation was made available to the authorities it was utilised in Belfield rather than in the areas surrounding the College.

The argument is put forward that all suitable buildings had gone under the hammer by 1948-49 and that consequently it was too late for the College authorities to acquire these buildings and plots. I do not think we can accept that in view of the evidence that has been given and the speeches already made here by Deputies who have given details which I do not propose to repeat. I believe a decision was made a long time ago to go to Belfield but that the people who made it played their cards very cleverly and led others far more innocent up the garden path until finally it was suggested that a critical situation was allowed to develop. The result of it was that the present Minister had to come here with what are described as "rescue operations" to deliver the authorities from their predicament.

The House is asked to take a decision which affects generations to come because that is what this Supplementary Estimate envisages. Even though the sum involved in small we are now committing ourselves in principle to the transfer of the University in in toto to Belfield although the process may take 10,15 or 20 years. We are committing ourselves and the Government to that programme in a hasty manner without due consideration, without having this further commission which the Minister tells us he is now about to set up and without having the advice of that commission on the whole question of higher education.

There was a commission which was undoubtedly set up to report on the accommodation needs of the College. I do not criticise the members of it; I believe they acted in good faith but I suggest that the terms of reference of the inquiry were much too narrow and that the commission that is now to be set up would have been the correct one in 1957. I believe that what we should be talking about here is: whither education in Ireland? It cannot be denied that education is the rudder of the State and I challenge contradiction when I say that rudder has been steering us in the direction of America and Britain for the past 40 years so far as higher education is concerned. It is beyond contradiction that we have educated in the higher field principally for export. Our saints go out to convert and our graduates go out to employ their skill to the benefit of other far wealthier countries than ours. It is, of course, a splendid idea, a grand achievement, but it is pretty hard on the country itself to stand that strain.

Deputies talk about freedom of the individual and how wrong it would be to suggest that anybody should be prevented from going abroad; how grand it is for our graduates to get good positions, to have great influence in the various countries to which they go. I do not suggest that we should put any limitations on the freedom of the individual to go where he pleases but I suggest that we have a responsibility to the community as a whole and that with the limited scope and facilities for higher education and with the subsidy given for each individual who receives such education, these people in return should show a sense of responsibility towards the community that gave them that chance.

Would it be possible for the Minister, when replying, to let us have from the Universities the figures for the number of individuals who qualified as doctors since 1922 and how many of them are living and practising outside this State? I can visualise—because it is easy to understand, or it should be—why foreign countries are so anxious to obtain Irish graduates at their peak, in the best part of their youth, educated at the expense of this country and ready to give of their best to whatever State they go to. I shall not refer further to the other section we export, the missionaries, because I believe we have a direct contract with Heaven, so far as they are concerned, to convert the world.

It cannot be taken as a very narrow outlook on my part if I suggest that there must be a certain amount of intelligent control exercised over the number and selection of people allowed into the University. It would be a most desirable achievement if every individual in the State were in a position to get University education but that is something we shall not see in our lifetime.

It seems to me that the Deputy is widening the scope of the discussion considerably.

I am basing my remarks on the Minister's speech and I could not think of anything wider than that. I shall certainly not go outside the scope of it.

The value of University education certainly does not arise on this Vote. The Deputy may find an opportunity of expressing himself in regard to it on some other Estimate, but I suggest this is not the Estimate.

I must bow to your ruling. On a matter of that nature, a mere £8,000,000 is just a few shillings thrown away as far as education is concerned, when it comes to discussing the broad field in this House.

When it is relevant but it is not relevant on this occasion.

I shall stick my heels in on this. I thought I was entitled on this Estimate to discuss the question of higher education in view of the Minister's suggestion that a Commission to deal with that is to be set up and I put it to you that I am entitled to suggest that that Commission should have been in operation and that we should have had its report prior to the decision to move to Belfield.

The Deputy has already said that without any interference from the Chair.

I want to repeat——

Repetition is not in order.

I do not think we can afford in the field of education to allow the position to continue that 45 per cent. of our graduates are trained for the purpose of the export market. This project, in my opinion, will mean no reduction whatever in the number of graduates for the export market. As far as entrance to Universities is concerned, the real test should be ability, not wealth. If the proposal would remedy the situation obtaining to-day, we could sacrifice a certain amount of the advantage in having the University within the city by transferring to Belfield in order to implement the principle that ability should be the test rather than the wealth of the parents.

The question of wealth comes into this matter. There is a far more just system in operation in the Six Counties and in Great Britain in the matter of giving opportunities to brilliant or able children of poor parents. Approximately seven per cent. of the University students in the Twenty-six Counties are scholarship holders. In Britain 70 to 75 per cent. of the students are State assisted. There is a big difference. The total aid to students of ability in the form of grants, bursaries, scholarships in this State is in the region of £150,000 per annum, The corresponding figure in the Six Counties is over £600,000 per annum, although the population there is only 45 per cent. of the population in this State. If that does not bring home clearly to the House that many of the best brains in this country are deprived of higher education through lack of means, I do not think there is any better way of proving it.

University education in this State is subsidised although the parents of many of the students are very well off. As I have said, 40 per cent. or more of the students must leave the country. We pay over £300,000 per annum in taxation in order to send that 40 per cent. to England, Scotland, America and elsewhere, giving the benefit of their training to those countries. We do that while the majority of the pupils in the national schools have no opportunity, perhaps, of getting even secondary education.

To make matters worse, national teachers are deprived of University education on the grounds that there is no room for them in the Universities. Admittedly, a teacher, when he qualifies as a national teacher, can attend a university in his own time and take out the Higher Diploma in Education and the B.A. Degree but that is left to the individual and he must do that, very often, against great odds.

For the primary school pupil the national teacher is the nearest approach to University education and that national teacher should be able to avail of every possible source of education in the State. Instead, he is deprived by the University authorities of the opportunity to train as a teacher and attend University lectures at the same time. Is it suggested that the proposed move to Belfield will remedy that situation and will make it possible to integrate the course for primary teachers with University courses?

The Minister patted himself on the back because of the fact that 89 per cent. of recognised teachers in secondary schools are University graduates and he said that that is the highest figure that he knew of in any country in the world. I agree with him. Does he know how it came about? Does he know that while that is the percentage in the case of secondary schools, the percentage of teachers with degrees in the primary schools is amongst the lowest in the world? If we have not the proper foundation on which to build, how can the structure be sound? If we have not the graduates teaching in the national schools how can we suggest that our system is one that compares favourably with the best in the world?

Perhaps the Minister would give us, before the end of the debate, the figure for the number of graduates teaching in the primary schools rather than the number teaching in the secondary schools. Then we would have a truer picture of the situation. It is indefensible that our primary teachers are excluded from this University training. It should be brought home to the public that what we are doing here is allocating millions of pounds for the select few in the field of higher education while the mass of the people who will have to pay for all this are airily dismissed with a vague promise of a commission to be set up to examine the situation.

The Minister spoke about the pride some of the people took in the establishment of a Catholic University and how one hundred years ago the pennies of the poor people were collected outside the church doors in order to pay for the establishment of a Catholic University where people would receive a good education on sound Catholic lines. Heaven help the poor for the past 100 years and Heaven help them for the next 100 years because poor they will remain. Their children will never see the education which they hoped to see coming to them when these pennies were being collected down the years. The pennies of the poor were collected to start a Catholic University while the teachers of the poor and their children are deprived of a University education by the State and by the University authorities. Could there be anything more hypocritical than to hear that remark about poor people throwing in their pennies for this Catholic University while their children have no hope of admission there?

Could the Minister explain in relation to Trinity College how it is possible for Protestant student teachers to receive all their lectures which count for degrees at Trinity College while they are students while similar facilities are not available for Catholic students here? It is a fair question to which we should have an answer. I feel very strongly about the exclusion of our primary teachers from the benefits of higher education and especially from the benefits of this wonderful new University we are to have in Belfield.

In one of today's newspapers I read that an examination is to be held in the near future for the post of Executive Officer in the Civil Service and that the successful applicants will be released from their duties to attend University degree courses. While they are attending these courses they will be paid their full salaries and in addition their University fees will be paid. All that will be paid from public funds, and that will be the position next July for civil servants. I do not want to be taken as objecting to the development in this regard but I object to the order of priority, namely, that civil servants will be allowed off from their duties and will have the other advantages to which I have referred, while the national teachers are told: "There is no room for you in the University."

That is not exactly true.

Is there integration of the training school course with the University College courses or is there not?

There are special University night courses for teachers within a radius of the college.

I have dealt with what I can only describe as week-end graduate teachers and I am not concerned with the miserable arrangements that are made in certain localities. As a body the Irish national teachers as such have no provision made for them to have their training courses integrated with the Universities.

They are not miserable arrangements. They are very satisfactory arrangements and many teachers have availed of them.

Evidently Deputy MacCarthy does not follow the activities of the Irish National Teachers' Organisation. If he read today's paper he would find that at the conference on the 19th April one of the principal resolutions to be discussed is the question of linking the training colleges with the University and the question of obtaining greater facilities for teachers who wish to pursue University courses. That resolution is down for discussion on the 19th April and I can assure the Deputy the body of which he is an illustrious member——

I was, illustrious or not.

——do not agree that that situation is satisfactory as far as the existing arrangements are concerned for integrating the two.

I agree where teachers are too far away from the University.

Again it is a question of priorities. Is there anything practical being done by the Minister to open the doors of this new institution to our primary teachers? Is it not a fact that this new scheme is to allow a further intake of students from the perimeter of Dublin rather than to make provision for people like teachers? We hear about cherishing all the children of the State equally and then we find discrimination being practised.

We are told that money is available now, that money is no obstacle in the field of education. At any rate we have extracted that from the Minister. We were told that money was the limiting factor in regard to education. The purse strings have been loosened and the first time they are loosened, it is in the field of higher education. We could not have a loosening of the purse strings over the years even to the extent of allowing the purchase of wireless sets or an occasional film for the unfortunate youngsters in the national schools. We could not afford to give them the benefit of first-class instruction to be taken from lectures, and so forth, given on the wireless. No, the country was too poor to afford that opportunity to those who would some day be its leaders. We could not afford to replace all the derelict schools which are eyesores in rural Ireland. Last week, Deputy O'Malley rightly pointed out that we are nearly £2,000,000 behind in our national schools building programme. Is there any urgency in seeing that these schools are built? An air of complacency lies over the House when dealing with that point.

Of the people who have spoken so far, the Minister, Deputy McGilligan, Deputy Dillon and some others have expressed themselves as being in favour of the removal of the entire—and I emphasise the word "entire"—University to Belfield. Is there any intention of removing the University in toto to Belfield? Is it possible? The suggestion is that over a period of 20 years, it will be accomplished, but the figure of £7,000,000 given to us here is an incorrect figure, if the entire University is to be transferred. I take it that the entire University covers all the Faculties and, if we cover all the Faculties and make provision for their transfer in their entirely, the figure would not be £7,000,000. It would be much nearer to £15,000,000, but of course that figure would be dangerous to let the public hear at this stage because they might prick up their ears and take an interest in this and prod some of the Deputies to find out what it was all about.

We had statements here about the position in Manchester, Birmingham and Nottingham and it was stated that the Universities there were all anxious to get out from their existing localities, but, if they are going, they are going in toto. However, in the situation we have here, a number of our Faculties may not be touched at all. In addition, I must say I was very surprised to hear the Minister making a comparison between Manchester, Birmingham, Nottingham and our capital city of Dublin for the purpose of swinging the debate and convincing Deputies.

We may not have a population of more than 600,000 in the city of Dublin but it is a very fine capital city and there is no comparison between it, its appearance or anything else, and any of these other cities mentioned. These other cities are subject to terrible conditions in the way of congestion, high buildings, industrial undertakings and so forth, and they offer no scope for the proper building of Universities in comparison with what is available in the centre of Dublin. Yet, in spite of the facilities available here, we are anxious to move outside the city.

I shall not refer in any detail to the position in relation to the Veterinary, Dental or Medical Faculties because other Deputies have already referred to them, but I should like to refer to a development that is taking place in Bolton Street and Kevin Street Technical Schools. I suggest that the Minister is in a position to solve some of his problems by speeding up decisions with regard to both Bolton Street and Kevin Street. He has made the point here that he hopes to make the position easy for what is now the technical school graduate to get University training, and possibly at a future date, we may be able to describe Kevin Street as a technological college.

The Minister should go ahead and speed up the arrangements for the building that is necessary in that area and dove-tail it in with the University, instead of going out to Belfield in connection with the immediate urgent arrangements that are necessary. I understand that has to be done and that it is to be done at some stage, namely, the erection of a building costing £1,000,000 at Kevin Street, and possibly the equipment and furniture will cost more money on top of that. If that is done, and it is made into a technological college, we shall have duplication with Belfield.

I intend to say a few words on what, to my mind, has been a most notable admission here tonight, that is, with reference to the Faculty of Agriculture. If there is an intention to transfer that Faculty to Belfield with the University in its entirely, no arrangements whatever are made in the £7,000,000 calculation for its inclusion. I should have thought that the main discussion in this debate on the question of the Faculties would have centred around the most important matter in this country today, in relation to its future development, namely, the future of agriculture, and I am not now referring to the store cattle trade.

If one asks any youngster down the country what he would like to be when he grows up, one will have to ask at least a dozen before a child is found to say he would like to be a farmer, or have anything to do with the land. Children will be found who want to be doctors, dentists, engineers or scientists, but it is difficult to find a child who wants to be a forester, an agricultural expert, a horticultural expert or a market gardener. Children are not anxious to take up any of these professions or to enter any of the professions or avocations I have mentioned. Why? Is it not because there is a wrong slant altogether in our educational system?

As I have already stated, the rudder is steering towards America and Britain so far as higher education is concerned in the professions, particularly in medicine, engineering and science. It is in these countries opportunities exist for graduates to find a remunerative livelihood. Consequently parents impress upon their children the fact that these are the attractive professions and, if they graduate in these Faculties, they will ultimately get good jobs in Britain and elsewhere. It is highly desirable that we should change the slant and get the people out of that frame of mind. It is highly desirable that we should change the mentality of parents on this matter of education. It is through those who are already educated, mainly those who have had the advantage of higher education, that we can hope ultimately to bring about that change. You cannot expect the ordinary parents to decide what is the best future for sons or daughters from the point of view of higher education. You must find the necessary advice on that aspect amongst those who have themselves been privileged to receive higher education from the State and at the expense of the community as a whole.

The time has come when we must change this mentality which persuades both parents and pupils alike that these under-graduates should qualify in professions in which their only hope of finding remunerative employment is by their being absorbed abroad. The slant here has all the time been on the white collar and the black hat and coat. Up to recently, at any rate, the students and the young people generally have been more or less taught to look with disdain upon those who pursue occupations such as agriculture in its many aspects and forms.

The moguls in charge of higher education have no interest whatever in fundamentals.

That does not seem to be relevant on this Supplementary Estimate, which deals with the provision of additional University accommodation.

Sir, the moguls to whom I refer are responsible for higher education. The moguls are the people who will ultimately have the spending of this £7,000,000 and I suggest I am entitled to make suggestions as to how that £7,000,000 should be spent.

The Chair considers the Deputy's remarks might be relevant on the Estimate for the Department of Education but they are not relevant on this Supplementary Estimate.

I find it rather difficult to understand why they are not relevant. I have heard other Deputies ranging over the field of higher education here and suggesting steps the Minister should take in connection with education generally. In your kindness, if you would allow me to pursue my point, I shall not take very long. I think I am entitled to make the case that the list of priorities is all wrong, and that one should not put the roof on before the foundations have been laid and the walls built; if we have money to spare, as I understand we have, the list of priorities with regard to its spending should be drawn up in such a way that we would have more agricultural colleges throughout the country and more facilities in our primary, secondary and vocational schools for the teaching of rural science.

These are matters for the main Estimate and not for this Supplementary Estimate. I have already pointed that out to the Deputy.

I am dealing, Sir, with the Faculty of Agriculture.

The Deputy is going into detail with regard to the policy on agriculture, and that does not relevantly arise on this Supplementary Estimate.

Reference has been made by the Minister to the number of graduates turned out each year in the various Faculties. Reference has been made by the Minister to the number of graduates in Dairy Science. He has pointed out how most of them have been absorbed, up to the present, within the State. He has also pointed out that graduates in Medicine and Engineering, to the extent of 40 per cent., are for export. I want to emphasise that it is at this stage of our development that a certain degree of rationalisation must take place. For the last 20 years parents, who could afford it, have sent their children on for engineering and medicine. Both these Faculties have been cluttered up with students anxious to qualify as doctors and engineers—we are suffering as a result of that—who were all for the export market; 50 per cent. of them are exported. Yet, the University authorities sit down smugly and watch the position arise in which we have a shortage of graduates in Agricultural Science. To-morrow morning, if we wanted to embark on a first class horticultural programme—a most desirable programme—we would not have, believe it or not, graduates to advise our farmers in that field.

The Deputy is still going into details which do not relevantly arise. The Deputy is entitled to refer to these matters, but not in the detail into which he is going now.

I do not know if there is an attempt again to stop me from speaking in this House. Surely, the Leas-Cheann Comhairle can make up his mind without assistance from anyone in front of him as to whether or not I am entitled to speak.

The Deputy should not refer to officials of the House. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle is quite competent to make up his mind, and he has already made up his mind and pointed out to the Deputy that he is not in order. If the Deputy does not obey the rulings of the Chair I shall have to ask him to resume his seat.

I shall, of course, obey your rulings. I must obey your ruling. What I have to say is so important that I shall restrain myself.

The Deputy is entitled to speak, just as any other Deputy is entitled to speak, within the rules of order.

That is what I would have hoped.

When the Deputy is not in order the Chair will inform him accordingly.

I want to emphasise that I believe control must be exercised over the various Faculties and over the persons admitted to those Faculties. I think the College authorities have been more than negligent over the years in regard to that control. It is all very fine for them to suggest that parents have their rights. I think parents are entitled to advice and, if the College authorities are not able to give advice with regard to the various Faculties and the openings likely to arise, then I do not think they deserve to continue to have control over these institutions.

They have, of course, done that.

The only reason they did it, and it is mentioned in this brochure, was because the position became so impossible on account of the number taking up medicine and engineering.

That is right.

They did it when the position became impossible and, at that stage, there was a very large surplus of doctors and engineers.

What is the position to-day? I can assure the House, and this cannot be controverted, that if there is a vacancy for a dispensary doctor in the most backward part of the country, there will be at least seven to ten applications from Irish doctors at present resident in Great Britain. We have a surplus of those. I have discussed it with these doctors and I find amongst them a number of men who, having been given an opportunity of going on for medicine, became doctors, without giving it much thought. The same applies to engineers. If there had been a better advisory scheme at the time, those men might now be first-class agricultural scientists, horticultural experts, or first-class foresters, putting their talents at the disposal of this country instead of being, as they are to a certain extent, bitter and cynical about the whole position.

One of the argument put forward in favour of the transfer of the University to Belfield is the desirability of keeping these students in the various Faculties together, and giving them an opportunity to mingle in what has been described as an atmosphere of college life. It was suggested that if the University remained on its present site, was extended and built up, there would not be this close communion and so forth amongst the students in the various Faculties. I do not agree with that at all. There is as much opportunity, and perhaps more, for association amongst the various Faculties and groups in a skyscrapper type of building as there is in buildings sprawled over a wide area.

Mention has been made of the position with regard to the erection of our sanatoria. It may not have much bearing on this debate but I should like to point out to the Minister that ten years ago, in relation to T.B., the aim was to build on the big estates in scattered units. The aim was outwards instead of upwards. Today, the advice on that matter has changed completely, and it is admitted that many of the projects planned on that wide scale rather than upwards are unsuitable, and that it would have been more advisable, for a number of reasons, to build upwards.

When you have a large area to cover, location and administration become difficult and on a campus, I do not think the advantages would outweigh any disadvantages that might flow from building upwards on the location here in the city centre.

I am speaking as an ordinary citizen on this matter with no personal experience whatever of a University, and I hope I shall be forgiven, on that basis, for giving my views. Some people seem to favour the idea of the campus system which, to my mind, is portrayed as providing open spaces, leafy bowers and shady walks giving the professors and the students an opportunity to be alone and to commune with——

Shall I say with the Muses?

With the bees.

In his concluding remarks, Deputy Dillon said that before he retired, he would like to be in a position as the oldest graduate of the institution, to saunter through these leafy bowers and to rejoice in work well done. The leafy bowers, the shady nooks and so forth are all very pleasant I am sure, but they are all reminiscent, to my mind, of what we could describe as the classical era. I suggest that this is a technological age rather than a classical age. The trend nowadays should be to link students as closely as possible with the work they will have to do when they are qualified. It is highly desirable that theologians, philosophers and so forth should have that type of rural surroundings where they can think in peace and calm, but I do not think it is absolutely necessary for our University students to spend much time in such secluded areas.

I want now to make a few comments on the position with regard to Trinity College. Both the Minority Report by Professor O'Rahilly and Tuairim dealt with the possibilities of integration of the two colleges here in Dublin. I was amazed when I read the Minister's opening statement on the position with regard to Trinity College, when I read Deputy McGilligan's contribution, and when I heard Deputy de Valera's contribution this evening.

I do not believe the Minister was responsible for that paragraph in his opening statement. I do not know who inspired it, but it disclosed a pretty frightening outlook. Anyone reading that statement of the Minister, and listening to Deputy McGilligan and Deputy de Valera, would swear that the British flag was flying from Dublin Castle and that the Viceregal Lodge was occupied by one of Her Majesty's representatives. We hear a lot of talk about the glorious tradition of U.C.D., on the one hand, and the doubtful tradition of Trinity College, on the other. Members of this House and others who talk in that strain are suffering from an inferiority complex with regard to our Universities in general. The mentality they display might have been suitable 100 years ago.

I would remind the House that the remarks made by the Minister and by other very prominent Deputies are only a follow-up to a statement in this College production, namely, University College Dublin and its Building Plans.

We have a comment given in an essay by Matthew Arnold on Irish Catholicism and Irish Liberalism. Matthew Arnold gives an account of what he meant by a Catholic and by a Protestant University. We have that quoted today by the College authorities as being up to date in 1960. That comment was written in 1870 when the British flag and the British troops were here and when the British ascendancy controlled the destiny of this country.

The Civil War is a period that I think everybody in this country wants to forget now, and rightly so. Whatever may be said about Trinity and its very antagonistic outlook for the past 50, 60, 70 or 100 years, we should realise that the men on both sides of this House brought about a change as far as the Government of the country is concerned and, as such, they should now be big enough to say to people with whom they have been at loggerheads for years that the situation has changed and that the hatchet is buried.

Deputy McGilligan went too far when he said he hoped there would be no further discussion whatever on the question of integration or close association between Trinity and U.C.D. It is very unfair of Deputy McGilligan to suggest that younger people, in the generation after ours, should be debarred possibly from smoothing out difficulties that have existed for the past 40 or 50 years and that can be smoothed out as time goes on.

The difficulty is that if a decision is now made to move to Belfield the younger generation who may have a far broader outlook than ours will be deprived of bringing about that integration. Deputy Dr. Browne spoke on the subject. He did not suggest for a moment that it was possible to achieve that integration overnight or in the next 5, 10 or 15 years. I think that what he wished to suggest was that we should not deprive people in the next 25 to 30 years of bringing about that unification or integration.

The young people to-day, as Deputies know, are not impressed one iota by a suggestion that 30 or 40 years ago Trinity was the home of British Imperialism. That does not wash with them at all. Why should we try, in a small country, to segregate people on issues that arose years ago? From remarks made in this House, one would think Trinity College was a danger to Irish Catholicism. One would think it is a leprous institution of some description and that, as far as we are concerned as a community, we could never have close association with that body which would appear to be a Protestant Imperialistic bastion set here in the sea of Irish Republicanism.

That is a complete exaggeration.

I shall not get into a discussion with Deputy MacCarthy on exaggeration. However, if he had listened to the contribution of Deputy Major de Valera he would not say I am exaggerating. If the mentality displayed here in connection with the possibility of integration between our Universities is typical generally of the mentality in the country, there is not the slightest hope of bringing about a union of minds between the Six and the Twenty-Six Counties and you might as well forget all about it.

Deputy Major de Valera was horrified at the suggestion of any type of correlation or integration with Trinity. He spoke at length on tradition and on how necessary it is to keep up any seeds of division that are there. Yet, five minutes afterwards, he said that, when it came to the question of certain equipment which might be essential, due to scientific advances, the equipment might be so expensive that it would be necessary to have a certain amount of integration between the Universities with regard to its use.

Deputy Major de Valera was prepared to compromise on the worry that he had about the spiritual plane. He was prepared to let that disappear when it came down to the question of financial burdens that might be placed on the community by having to carry two such sets of equipment. That is not the first time we had pious aspirations and pious platitudes about tradition, and so on, and, at the same time, we cut our cloth according to our financial ability afterwards. We swallow a lot of our so-called ideals when it comes down to brass tacks.

I shall put it this way. Instead of describing Deputy McGilligan as being sore or vindictive, about the past, perhaps I should say, he reminded me of a jealous old nun criticising a neighbouring convent. Such a form of jealousy is the most charitable interpretation I can put on his behaviour rather than have it remarked abroad that he really feels that there can be no union of minds between the people in Trinity and those in our National University.

Nobody has suggested that the control exercised in the Charter of Trinity is such that it could be accepted as it is. There must be a change but I think it is a poor compliment to the strength of the Catholic Faith of our people to say that, by allowing them to associate in a College like Trinity, they are likely to lose their Faith. It is a poor compliment to our teachers and to our clergy to say that that is likely to happen.

Blah, blah.

I should have though our Faith would flourish far better if our youth were able to meet and counteract criticism by people who do not believe along their lines or do not profess the same religion. It would be better if they met them in their student and under-graduate days than rear them in a hothouse atmosphere and then, when they go abroad, meet the full blast of criticism that they may not be able to withstand. The Faith forged as a result of controversial fires lit in University debates is stronger than the Faith that is left without any opposition until they meet the full blast of criticism away from the environment of their educational establishment.

The Minister gave many figures here to show that the three Ulster Counties and the counties of Leinster and Munster combined comprise more than half the population of the State; that the trend all the time is towards Dublin; that the big trek is on from the Midlands to Dublin, from the west up through the Midlands to Dublin and from the south and that the demand for accommodation for students is mounting year after year.

If we interpret the Minister's speech correctly, what does it mean? It means that Dublin is out of control in so far as its growth is concerned. This Government and every other Government have thrown in the sponge with regard to diverting the population from the city and its environs. It is admitted that the population is declining and that Dublin is becoming top-heavy. With the diminishing rural population, the Government have thrown in the sponge.

Apart altogether from the fact that they failed to decentralise Government Departments or failed to a great extent to induce industrialists to move out from the city and environs, they are now committing themselves to very large expenditure for the increased student population, many of whom, in the Minister's words, will be from the west and the south because he stated that it would be wrong to deprive parents of their right to select a College. The attraction of Dublin is being increased all the time.

At one period in Irish history, Leinster, Dublin and the surrounding area were described as the Pale. Inside the Pale, you had the foreign element, the garrisons and their relations, while the mere Irish were in the south and west. Perhaps, I shall be accused of slightly exaggerating the picture when I say that the position is now reversed. At the present time, we find the Irish race crowding into Dublin and the foreigners buying up the land outside.

The Deputy is getting away from the Supplementary Estimate, which has nothing to do with the buying up of land in the country. We are debating the question of University accommodation.

I am talking about the fact that we are enticing more and more people, students and their parents, to come to Dublin. I am referring to the fact that the emphasis in the Supplementary Estimate is on Dublin itself and the surrounding area. It was only in a passing reference that I pointed out a change which has taken place from the historical point of view. We are now crowding as a population into the city and leaving behind our greatest possession, the rural areas. All this movement of population in so far as education is concerned could and should be part of the inquiry by the Commission which the Minister is about to set up. Again, I think it should have been part of the inquiry in 1957.

I want to make my suggestions now before I conclude. They are in reference to what I said about the crowding into Dublin. I think that the best way to counteract the trends at the moment towards the city is to develop the two constituent Colleges of Cork and Galway in such a way that they will provide an overpowering attraction for parents in the midlands, the west and the south to take advantage of the excellent facilities in both these Colleges.

I suggest to the Minister that in order to carry out that, it is desirable to examine what Faculties in these two existing constituent Colleges could be taken away so that greater emphasis could be given to a particular Faculty. I am not in a position to give advice on that matter. I think that should be part of the inquiry to be undertaken by this Commission. The tragedy of the matter is that this inquiry did not take place before the decision in regard to Belfield was arrived at.

If you provide first-class facilities in the south and west, you will attract people into those areas. You will attract industrial concerns in greater numbers into those areas, if you have technological colleges of very high standing and repute, but if you are to put the majority of your eggs in one basket—the Dublin basket—the rest of the country will suffer.

It is no use suggesting to me that parents have rights to send their children to Galway or Dublin, or if they are in Cork, to send them to Dublin, if they wish. With the limited facilities available for University education, the parents should be glad to get University education in the places nearest to them, if the particular Faculty in which their children are interested is available at that particular University.

We have to forget our alleged worries about some of the so-called rights of parents in that respect. People who talk about the rights of parents in that respect forget that 50 per cent. of the parents of this country have no rights at all when it comes to that type of education. The only rights they have is as taxpayers to pay for the education of the limited few in the University. I should feel a lot happier if at this stage we were discussing the question of this Commission and its terms of reference with regard to higher education rather than discussing something which other Deputies have described already as a fait accompli.

Personally, I am in favour—and always have been in favour—of having the greatest possible amount of money spent on our educational system. All I ask is that there should be a rational approach to the spending of the money available. Down through the years the majority of the people found it very difficult to get an opportunity to have education and vocational education. It is only now, gradually, that those facilities are becoming available.

If we actually look at the-middle rung—describing the secondary group as the middle rung—were it not for the fact that the teaching Orders supplied that rung we would really have no connecting link, as far as the State is concerned, between the primary and University groups. The State has neglected the secondary group down through the years. When it came to a question of accommodation for building in various areas in rural Ireland not one penny was available. There was no question of the State coming to the aid of any of these teaching organisations in the matter of grants. The fact of the matter is that we are making money available again on the top storey before we meet the legitimate demands of the second floor. Urgent applications have been made by the responsible Orders for financial assistance to expand their building programme; so far, the answer has been that the money was not available.

The question of grants for secondary schools would be one for the main Estimate.

I presume as a result of the Minister's statement here now, that when it is a question of education money is no obstacle, we shall see a new approach and that from the lower grade, from the primary school right up to the top, there will be a dynamic surge forward in education. I would appeal to the Minister that if, in spite of the objections outside and inside the House against this move to Belfield, that move does come, he will make sure that the programme will not take 20 years. I hope he will show that the country has the technical advisers, the builders, the architects and the workers to carry out that work in one quarter of the time he mentioned.

I thought it an extraordinary comment in the Minister's opening statement where he said as reported at column 943 of the Official Report:

Since there is not enough ground in the vicinity of Earlsfort Terrace for the additional buildings which the College needs for its requirements now and in the future, it seems to us that there is no other solution for the problem but to build a new College, and to build it as close to the centre of the city as a site can be got which will be big enough——

and this is the gem——

to prevent the recurrence of this problem in 25 to 50 years.

In another sentence he tells us that the programme is going to take 20 years to carry out.

Touché.

Is this 25 year period to commence at the end of the 20 year period? Does he really mean, in other words, that we should add 25 to 20 together and make it 45, or is he really serious in his suggestion that this will take 20 years? If the Minister says 20 years, I do not think this House should have been asked to commit itself on the question at this stage when there is such room for a divergence of opinion on the rights and wrongs of moving to Belfield.

The Supplementary Estimate is described as a rescue operation, an emergency measure. If it is not undertaken we are told that 20 to 30 men will be prevented from taking out their degrees, that the blame will lie on our heads and that consequently we must make the sum of at least £100,000 available in the near future rather than have certain Faculties dislocated. This House is only too anxious, I am sure, to make the money available. The question at issue is where it is to be spent and if, by spending it in the Belfield locality, we are then committed for the future to the erection there of the entire University College which exists in Earlsfort Terrace and the surrounding areas at the moment.

If that is a final decision with regard to the entire transfer of all Faculties of the College, the Minister should have told us what the estimated cost of that project is likely to be, because he has given us the figure of £7,000,000 which really includes provision for only a partial transfer. I would have felt that if the people as a whole were to be told the truth about this vast project, we would have got an estimate—I do not think the Minister could go any further than to give an estimate—of what the entire project is to cost.

Reference has been made to the Faculty of Agriculture and to other Faculties for which provision has not been made. Reference was made in the Minister's opening speech to the fact that it was intended to transfer all the Faculties but why not give the estimated cost for all the Faculties if it is really intended in the long run to transfer them? The difficulty. I see now is that, in spite of the fact that a decision may be taken here in the course of this debate which will commit this House to this site, the Minister may find that his successors will run up against very strong opposition to the continuation of this project later on.

If the Minister could give a guarantee that he would reduce the time limit which he has given and say that this entire project would be finished in five years, I have no doubt that the constructive and rightful opposition to the whole project could possibly die. But the fact that the Minister has mentioned 20 years will mean that the opposition to the venture will mount each year in the next four or five years. Consequently, I do not feel at all that we have had the final word on this matter. The present Government itself did not, I presume, accept as, shall we say, an established fact the decision made in the names of the University authorities that Belfield was to be the site.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 31st March, 1960.
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