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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 14 Jul 1960

Vol. 183 No. 12

Committee on Finance. - Vote 46—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration."—(Deputy Dillon).

When I moved to report progress last night, I was dealing with the question of marketing. The measure of our failure to compete on the British market has not been so much the failure of our farmers to answer the call for increased production but rather our failure to compete with the highly specialised marketing techniques of our competitors in that market.

I want to compliment the Minister in removing from farm buildings the threat of revaluation. That was something long overdue. It gives to farmers prepared to invest their capital in buildings a guarantee that they will not be penalised in perpetuity by the Commissioners of Valuation. That is only equitable in view of the considerable amount of legislation passed by this House giving all kinds of grants and reliefs to those engaged in industry.

Last night, Deputy Sweetman made a reference to the Agricultural Institute and said there was a rumour that an attempt had been made to restrict the Institute in a matter of grants from the Department. We set up the Institute here a few years ago and it was long overdue. It was at least an important milestone in agricultural development here. To date they have pushed ahead at a pace that none of us could anticipate a year or two ago. Apart from the grants made available to that Institute by the Government, I think industries allied to agriculture should take some interest in the financing of such undertakings. If we were to examine the pattern of agricultural research in Britain we would find that a considerable amount of valuable research is being done by firms like Imperial Chemicals, British Oil and Cake Mills, and even the petrol companies such as Esso, as well as by research stations attached to the Agricultural Science Faculties in different British Universities.

There are some criticisms of the work of our Institute. There are people who say that much of the research which we might undertake has been done elsewhere. I think that is wrong because in many instances research done in another country has no practical application here. If we take the Grassland Research Institute at Chorley near Maidenhead, and try to apply its findings to our conditions, we should find they were not applicable. for instance, in their grassland and wheat research, conversion ratios would not equate to our conditions. As far as I know, the land attached to that station is based on a chalk subsoil and the average rainfall in the area is something like 20 inches whereas our the average rainfall is 42 inches. We can see straight away why their findings could not apply here.

The experiments done on various varieties of plants would give quite different results under Irish conditions. For the first time we had a scientific seminar last summer and British scientists, accustomed to going to Belfast to attend such seminars, came to Dublin and were loud in their acclaim of the work undertaken by our Institute. We were fortunate in having a man like Dr. Walsh appointed as Director, a man with a reputation extending far outside the country.

I do not know if I should mention it on this Estimate but I often think that our present Department of Agriculture has become an administrative colossus and one must have sympathy with any man who has thrust on him the responsibility of administering that empire. The time is long overdue when the administrative responsibility of that huge Department should be shared by somebody else. If we decide to put a Parliamentary Secretary into the Department of Industry and Commerce and divide the responsibility there the time is surely overdue for such a development in the Department of Agriculture.

At the present time I think everybody, with the possible exception of the Government, realises the importance of agriculture. We cannot lay too much stress on the importance of agriculture, as it is from agriculture we must get the necessary revenue to prevent our whole financial structure from toppling. It is generally agreed that every man, woman and child, whether in city, town or country, in the last analysis depend for their standard of living on the Irish farmers' ability to export profitably. It is also generally agreed that the only thing we can export profitably is livestock and livestock products. It appears to be the simple duty of any Government to try as far as possible to increase the numbers of livestock and to leave the land in a fit condition to carry the extra numbers.

During the inter-Party Government's term of office everything possible was done in that direction. Under the Land Reclamation Scheme at least 1,000,000 extra acres of land were reclaimed; lime was made available at the cheapest rate in Europe; and very up-to-date soil-testing facilities, which were lacking up to then, were provided. Every farmer realises that it is practically useless to spread manure on his land unless he gets that land properly tested and finds out what it requires.

During his term of office Deputy Dillon made sure that those services were made available to the farmers. It was not very much use to reclaim 1,000,000 acres and to place numbers of livestock on the land unless somebody made sure that we would have a market for the extra livestock. During the time of the inter-Party Government in 1948 Deputy Dillon went to London and negotiated a Cattle Agreement with Britain, which was responsible for the increased price of livestock from 1948 to 1958. In 1958 that agreement expired and one would think it was the simple duty of the Government at that time to try to negotiate another agreement for our chief industry, the export of cattle, but apparently, this Government does not take that problem seriously. They appear to have just sat back and done nothing.

Anyone who knows anything about the livestock trade at the present time knows that cattle prices were never as bad during living memory. They are even worse than during the economic war. During the economic war prices were bad enough but farmers could sell their cattle. I have been at several fairs recently. A farmer could be there for a week and nobody would ask him what brought him unless he had an exceptionally fine type of beast to sell. We are all very anxious that the standard of cattle should be improved but there is always a large amount of second-grade cattle which must be got rid of.

In west Roscommon the position is so bad that very many small farmers with holdings of 15 to 25 acres have locked their doors and gone to England. That is a very sad state of affairs. It is sad for the families who have to go and it is disastrous for the country. We all know what happens when the farmer abandons a small farm. It is set on the 11 months' system to a neighbour or somebody else. In the first year production goes down by about 25 per cent. In the next year or two it will decrease by a further 25 per cent. After five or six years the land will be covered with rushes and will produce about one-third of its potential. If that sort of thing continues I do not know where the revenue will come from to keep the State going.

It is all very fine to say that the industrial arm is developing. I am very glad to hear that that is the case but the raw material of industry has to be imported and the only real source of the money to buy such imports is our exports of livestock. If farms are allowed to become derelict the national income will be very considerably reduced.

There is a trend that has a very bad effect, especially in the west of Ireland. Far too much money is being spent on expensive foreign machinery. Half the amount of machinery would do if there were a co-operative effort among small farmers. That cannot take place without some direction from a body such as the Sugar Company. The country is full of tractors and expensive machinery for which there is not half enough work. It is robbing the small farmer and a much more serious aspect is that it is robbing the State. Every penny that goes to buy, maintain and fuel this machinery leaves the State. It is all very fine to have machinery in top production and giving a return but in the west of Ireland very little return is being got for the amount of expensive machinery there. I know places where there are tractors and expensive machinery where two fairly good horses would do all that has to be done.

It will be generally agreed among farmers that in this highly competitive age technical advice is absolutely essential, if we are to get the maximum return from the land. The parish plan should be reintroduced. I know that the Minister is not too keen on the parish plan. Deputy Moher referred to it last night. He said there was duplication of services, that county committees of agriculture, by statute, were supposed to provide advice for the farmers. That was the theory but, in practice, we know what happened. Several county committees of agriculture employed a chief agricultural officer and, possibly, one or two assistants. The reason for that was that the members of the county committees of agriculture were loth to put an extra burden on the rates by employing extra staff, one-half of whose salaries and expenses had to come from the rates, whereas the parish agent was paid directly by the State.

Advice and lectures without demonstration are of very little use. The small staff of agricultural advisers went around the country giving lectures in schools and various other places, very good lectures. Farmers came and listened to them and agreed that they were very good lectures but they did very little about them. Under the parish plan, groups of farmers who were interested applied for the services of an adviser and, in due course, the adviser went to individual farms in the area and stayed with the farmer and got the work done. The results obtained by demonstration were twice as good as those obtained from lectures. When good results were obtained on the farms where the parish agent stayed all the farmers in the area followed suit.

In County Roscommon the scheme worked very well and there was no duplication whatever between the parish agent and the county committees of agriculture. I was a member of the county committee of agriculture for ten years and we always found that the greatest harmony existed between the staff of the county committees of agriculture and the parish agent. As a matter of fact, the parish agent was in constant touch with the chief agricultural officer and they made sure that there was no duplication whatever.

Some people are inclined to think that farmers are reasonably well off at the present time. I do not know about the midlands, but I know that in the west farmers are in a very bad way. Rates have become a shocking burden as far as they are concerned. They have trebled in the last decade or so. Wages have gone up to meet the increased cost of living. The farmer has to pay all these increases. He has to pay the increased cost of maintaining his wife and family. His income is gradually going down and, as far as I can see, the Government are doing nothing about it.

According to statistics, the agricultural income has gone down by £17 million recently, but if there was a check taken on the present year that figure would be doubled, at least. Unless the Government take the matter seriously and make some agreement with the British in the very near future we will have lost our cattle trade completely.

In my area at the present time, where farmers mainly depend on raising store cattle, fifty per cent. of the farmers are not able to meet their commitments. They have the stock but cannot sell it and have no ready money. The Government will have to take the matter seriously and try to negotiate some type of suitable agreement.

It is all very fine to be continually talking about the bovine T.B. eradication scheme. That is very important, I admit, and should be completed as speedily as possible, but there is very little use in having T.B.-free cattle unless there is a market for them. More stress should be laid on getting a proper market. There should be less talk about the T.B. scheme and more action.

There appears to be a lot of messing around with the scheme for the eradication of bovine T.B. I know that it is a huge problem for any Government, but it should be handled courageously and got through in an expeditious way just as human tuberculosis was eradicated in the inter-Party Government's term of office.

There is a point that I should like to mention, which is an important matter for the area that I represent. In the clearance area where a herd has two clear tests and in the third and final tests one or two beasts react or are inconclusive, the herd should not be put through the whole process again. Reactor cattle should be bought and taken away by the Department immediately and the farmer should get a clear certificate for the remainder of his herd. That would expedite matters and I do not see how it would interfere with the eradication of bovine T.B.

The marketing of all our agricultural produce should be completely reorganised. There is—and I have it on better authority than my own— a vast market in Britain for Irish bacon. The only reason English shops will not stock Irish bacon is that there is no continuity of supply. They will have too much one week and none at all the next, with the result that they cannot deal with Irish suppliers. They must deal with Danish or other suppliers who will ensure them a continuity of supply. I know that is easier said than done but there should be some way of overcoming the difficulty. The market is there; all we need do is to handle it in a sensible and businesslike fashion.

It is high time the bacon industry and, for that matter, the whole dead meat trade were taken over by the Government. Everybody knows that the factories are making enormous profits at the expense of the small farmer. They appear to be giving any price and grading any way they like. It is all very fine to say that is happening but we need proof. I have proof in one instance. A man had a beast which he brought to a certain factory. This man said this in public; there was no behind the scenes talk about it. Having brought the beast to the factory, they told him they would send him a cheque. He said: "No"; he wanted the money then. He was given a cheque for £22 which he refused. He said he wanted to see the manager and was told the manager was not available. He insisted on seeing somebody in charge and eventually they gave him a cheque for £33. He happened to be a butcher and he knew the value of his beast. When that can happen to such a man, what must be the experience of the average countryman? It is high time the Government stepped in and took control of the situation.

The next point I wish to mention does not relate strictly to this Estimate but agriculture being the main Department in this State, the Minister should impress on his colleague, the Minister for Lands, the urgent necessity of giving additions of land, where land is available, to smallholders. The present policy appears to be that 18 or 20 Irish acres represent an economic holding.

Anybody who knows anything about agriculture knows that it is impossible for a man to raise a family in any reasonable comfort on a farm of less than 40 acres. The Minister should impress on his colleague the necessity of giving these men an extra 20 to 22 acres. The Land Commission are not doing that at the moment. They regard 20 acres as an economic holding. I wish some of these gentlemen were sent out to live on 22 acres of land and they would soon find out whether it was an economic holding or not.

I would again impress on the Minister the urgent necessity of making an agreement in relation to the cattle trade. If things are allowed to continue on their present basis, a serious problem will develop. In my own county, which is reasonably well-off, if the present trend continues for a further six months the rate collector will go without his rates. It is impossible for a man to pay rates in present circumstances because he cannot sell his stock. I hope the Minister will look into that question.

Many Deputies from the Opposition side have made great play of the fact that last year and in 1958 the incomes of farmers showed a big diminution. They directed most of their efforts to suggesting that that was mainly or completely due to mismanagement on the part of the Fianna Fáil Minister and Government. I was surprised to hear some speakers from the Opposition who are farmers, and whom one would have expected to know something about farming, making this suggestion. Any Deputy who understands anything at all about agriculture realises that in the past two years production has been depressed considerably by weather conditions. A good many of the speakers referred to the bad harvest of 1958. It is no harm to remind the House that even if weather conditions in 1958 had been perfect, there would still have been no harvest in that year worth reaping because a fungus disease had already destroyed many crops. That applied to all cereals and it applied particularly in my constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny where the farmers suffered heavy losses.

The same thing occurred in 1959. The production of grass simply fizzled out. Consequently the production of milk, the supply of milk to the creameries and the returns for that milk were substantially reduced. Along with that, grazing conditions lent themselves to the spread of parasitic diseases and cattle herds throughout the country are still feeling the effects of infestation that they picked up under the close grazing conditions of last summer and autumn. It is not a subject of which political use should be made. It is not a good sign of the standard of debate in this House to see the misfortune of a great many of our people being exploited in this way. I am perfectly confident that our farmers are sufficiently resourceful and courageous to stage a comeback when the weather returns to normal. We should be thankful this year that up to now it has been very promising indeed.

Another factor that helped to depress cattle prices in the past 12 months and I think that will continue to depress them is that over the last period of years the British authorities have applied themselves very vigorously to the task of increasing their cattle population. The results they have had up to now have been very significant indeed. The indications are that, for farmers and the Department of Agriculture here, we shall have to face very serious competition from Britain's own farmers, when one considers the increases in cattle numbers achieved up to the present with the aid of new developments like artificially-induced twinning of cattle. We must necessarily expect that since the supply of livestock to the British market is considerably increased the price must also necessarily be depressed to a proportionate extent. I have no doubt that with the aids we have at our disposal we shall be able to meet that problem when we come up against it.

I should like to touch on a question that has bedevilled the cattle trade in Ireland for the past couple of years and that is the row between the Irish Cattle Traders' Association and the cattle markets. There does not seem to be any visible sign that this dispute is nearing solution. The Minister for Agriculture has made a very determined attempt already to solve this problem. I regret to say he has not met with any success. I would ask him to avail of every opportunity to impress upon the disputing parties on both sides to sink their differences, whatever they may be, to remember that it will be the farmers and stock-producers of Ireland who will suffer by the disagreement and that they also in the long run will have to suffer. I do not submit that either side has a monopoly of the grievances or that all the fault lies on one side. I do not believe it does.

It would be salutary if the Minister were to enquire into the way the business is conducted in some cattle markets in the country. It would be a good idea if the Minister were to enquire into the methods by which their buying organisations are constituted and run. It might be well for the Minister to interest himself in that question. The facilities the farmer hoped to enjoy when he erected co-operative cattle markets here and there throughout the country are not accruing to him as they should, particularly because of this row. When I mention cattle markets I want to say that in my part of the country I believe cattle markets are being erected in too close proximity to one another. Sometimes they are erected by private enterprise for the stated purpose of making money. If the farmers like them they may avail of them that is all right. There should be a minimum range between each cattle market. I refer to the distance between one market and another. In County Kilkenny, the distances are much too close to one another and in time some must necessarily fail for want of supply of cattle.

I have been thinking on this question and wondering whether it would be a good idea for the Minister to introduce a system of licensing for the erection of cattle markets. Otherwise we shall have some white elephants on our hands in future times and the money that has been collected to build the markets will have been spent in vain.

I am glad it is proposed to spend so much money on the eradication of bovine tuberculosis scheme. The progress is not what it might be. I do not propose to lay the blame at anybody's feet. It is terribly difficult to get moving. Even at present, in my constituency, being one of the southern counties, it is a common complaint that it is very difficult to transact any business with regard to bovine tuberculosis because of the scarcity of staff and the fact that veterinary surgeons are run off their feet. Anybody in County Kilkenny endeavouring to become attested must do all his bovine tuberculosis eradication work through the office in Waterford. Our Committee of Agriculture have for some time been pressing the Minister and his Department to establish an office in the City of Kilkenny.

It is quite unrealistic that a person living in Urlingford in County Kilkenny must get in touch with the bovine tuberculosis office in Waterford, maybe 50 miles away, in order to solve his difficulties and do his business. It is quite unsatisfactory for an ordinary farmer to go into a public telephone booth and try to transact his business in respect of this scheme with somebody at the end of the line whom he has never seen. He wants to go into an office and talk to the man there about it. Our cattle population is pretty considerable and the establishment of a bovine tuberculosis eradication office in Kilkenny would be a definite help to us there.

Veterinary surgeons are so constantly busy in the actual carrying out of tuberculosis tests that it would not be possible for them to do any clerical work or keep individual herd records. Some arrangement should be made with the veterinary surgeons so that records of individual herds will be kept and the herd-owners will know exactly where they stand. I am an accredited herd-owner. I do not know whether or not I am at liberty to sell cattle from my accredited herd because I had one animal in proximity to the herd which gave inconclusive test results. I do not know rightly whether or not I can sell the rest of the cattle. That is the type of question I should like to put to an officer in county Kilkenny, but, at present, I must make the inquiry through county Waterford.

There is another point I should like to mention in connection with the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. I have personal experience of the unsatisfactory nature of the 14-day testing. I know of an instance where 18 cattle were put into isolation at the beginning of the year before being accredited and of the 18, eight were finally passed into the accredited herd. The others went down. I have met English farmers who bought 14-day test cattle and their accounts of the 14-day test were very bad. I had occasion to get in touch with the Department complaining about certain veterinary surgeons who did not seem to be carrying out the tests as they should be carried out. There should be no carelessness in a matter so serious. I am glad to say that the vast majority of the veterinary surgeons in my constituency are very conscientious but there are always exceptions to the rule.

There is another aspect of that matter upon which I should like to comment. I am told that there are a great many in-calf cows being sent to the cannery in Waterford for slaughter. I have even heard that live calves have been taken out of railway trucks. I think that situation should not be allowed to continue. If an in-calf cow proves to be a reactor, it should be permitted to go full time to have that calf and then taken to the cannery for slaughter. This is a matter really for the farmer himself but he may have no place to keep such reactors. In-calf cows are being slaughtered and the farmers in my constituency think there is something wrong about that.

Previous speakers mentioned the import of maize against the export of similar quantities of barley. The importation of maize is not necessary. Certain people derive a very considerable profit from it. In relation to the differential in price between malting and feeding barley, I had an idea that it should be possible, since the arrival of new varieties of barley—like Proctor which could be used either as feeding or malting barley—to strike a flat price for dual purpose barley of that kind a good deal in excess of the present price for feeding barley.

At the present time contracts for malting barley are very inequitably distributed. Sometimes it depends on the personal preferences of the individual grain merchants or maltsters and sometimes it depends on other considerations. It may be a surprise to the Minister to learn that. At any rate, there are people who can get contracts for all the malting barley they want, while other people cannot get any malting barley contracts at all. That seems to be very unfair and unjust. A simple way out of that would be to equalise the price by levelling the two.

Who would carry the burden?

The price of feeding barley might be raised. It is generally felt that those who produce meal for pigs and livestock get more profit out of it than the farmers or anybody else. I subscribe to that belief. Deputy Moher last night cited figures, as only he can, in connection with this matter.

It is as competitive as any other business.

I wonder. It is a question that should be examined. A very careful examination of the matter would reveal that the profits accruing are distributed in a rather surprising way. With regard to the superphosphate subsidy, it is one of the best measures ever introduced by the Department of Agriculture. Opposition speakers spoke about the million acres of land which were put back into production through the agency of Deputy Dillon during his term of office. There is a farm of 123 acres within half a mile of where I live. About three-fourths of that land was as sound as a bell and the rest of it is a bit rushy. This whole farm was included as having been reclaimed. I think that in the 1,000,000 acres of land that were alleged to have been reclaimed under the land project that 123 acres were included. About 20 acres of wet land were reclaimed under the land project on this farm in fact.

The figure of 1,000,000 acres is completely false. It gives a completely false picture of the amount of land that was made available for tillage. It gives a false picture of the amount and quality of the work done. I contrast that position with the introduction of the superphosphate subsidy. Speaking as a farmer, I would prefer to make use of the superphosphate any day. I often wonder if any research work has been done in this country with serpentine superphosphate. It is possible to get the same result with less superphosphate, by the inclusion of serpentine. I believe that in New Zealand all superphosphate is serpentine superphosphate and I think an experiment on that line should be made here.

I am glad to see that the Agricultural Institute have applied themselves to the task of machinery testing. In the past ten years, we have spent millions of pounds on machinery that is quite unsuitable for the work it was intended to do. I hope that in due course the Institute will be in a position to recommend various types of tractors, ploughs and other machinery and give them recommendations of a very detailed type which would preclude the purchase of farm machinery which really is not suitable for this country at all. I am very glad to note that new departure.

In conclusion, I want to say that one aspect of our livestock export trade that is worthy of consideration is the lamb trade. Again, I must refer to what Deputy Moher said last night in this regard. He quoted figures which showed the comparison between New Zealand's exports to Britain and our exports. Our sheep numbers have been coming up at a very encouraging rate in the past few years but more attention could be paid to the selection of stock rams and sheep for the type of lamb that is wanted for the British market. This is not as easy a question as it seems. There are different types of sheep which suit different localities but in general it would appear that the heavy boned type of sheep which is the most common type are not suitable for the breeding of lambs for the lamb trade. In ordinary arable farming, some type of Downs or Suffolk cross would probably be the most suitable but, in respect of mountain sheep, I am not competent to say what type of breed would be the best. It is a question which should be looked into carefully and as early as possible because it is a market which we can expand and one which we shall require in view of the position in regard to the cattle trade which we discussed earlier.

The Vote for the Department of Agriculture in a country such as ours must, I would say, be regarded—apart from the Vote on the Taoiseach's Department which covers policy generally—as the most important and the premier Estimate for the year, and as such one must approach it. Before dealing with any of the aspects of agriculture in detail, I should like to say in a general way that the speakers on the Government side, particularly on this Vote, expect from us a degree of credulity in their apparent simplicity. I could not help admiring the naïveté of Deputy Gibbons who has just spoken and who plaintively asked in relation to the depressed prices available to the agricultural community at the moment, that such misfortune should not be made a political plaything and should not be used to gain political advantage.

Such sentiments are extremely admirable and in fact if put into practice, would be even more admirable still. But those of us with any memory at all cannot forget that the Fianna Fáil Party in asking for such indulgence in Government are departing considerably from the practice in which they indulged so freely when in Opposition. In late 1956, when there was some depression in cattle prices, when economic conditions generally were militating against the Government, there was a howl, not insinuating, but alleging mismanagement under Deputy Dillon, who was then Minister for Agriculture. Those howls alleging that mismanagement came from practically all of the more vocal members of the Fianna Fáil Party then in Opposition.

To-day Deputy Gibbons asks us not to blame the Minister for Agriculture or the Government on any aspect of agricultural administration for the deplorable position in which Ireland's agriculture finds itself to-day. He takes a stand with triplets in his arms, triplets named fungus diseases, unsuitable climatic conditions and grazing conditions which give rise to embarrassment in the cattle trade. I am sure that during the previous Government's administration, one could if one sought hard enough find equally effective excuses—and I hasten to say effective verbally but which on factual examination and closer scrutiny reveal an entirely different situation.

Anybody who at the present time goes through this country, be it either on a political or a business mission, and comes across fair or mart activity, cannot help noticing the atmosphere of near-gloom that prevails at all such gatherings. Not alone in the majority of cases are prices appallingly low but there is a very keen shortage of demand for what the farmers have to offer at the organised fairs and markets. I come from a constituency part of which has very good land and part of which is not so good. The vast majority of it is poor and in the main the holdings are extremely small. In the absence of any earnings either internally or by way of remittances from outside the country, each small holding must pay for the maintenance of the family which lives upon it and must pay for the other outgoings which the head of the house is called upon to meet from time to time.

When we look at the situation in which we find ourselves today in relation to the price obtainable, or the lack of price obtainable, for the commodities which the farmers have to offer we are immediately confronted with the question of how can he meet, or how does he propose to meet, his commitments by way of ordinary maintenance and the outgoings which fall to be met from time to time. I heard Deputy Burke from County Roscommon, which is a comparatively well-off county, say that if the present trend continues—and he is an experienced farmer—in six months' time in Roscommon the financial situation of the farming community will be such that the rate collector will have to depart without the rates.

If that is to be the situation in Roscommon, if the trend continues—and I sincerely hope it will not—what will be the situation in other constituencies with poorer land and smaller holdings? The maintenance costs are the same from the point of view of the purchase of food and clothing. The rates will be somewhat lower, of course, but the income will be correspondingly low in, say, parts of North Mayo in comparison with Roscommon and Kilkenny which is the county Deputy Gibbons comes from.

For some time past this whole question of family emigration has been causing me as well as many other people—I am certain not only on this side, but on the Government side of the House—a considerable amount of agitation. I am certainly perturbed in no small degree and I am being forced to the conclusion that the departure of whole families from small holdings, which is now the new pattern of emigration, is due to the high cost of maintenance, and the high demands in relation to outgoings, as against the depressed prices of the few animals they have for sale from time to time during the course of the year.

Anyone coming from a constituency such as Mayo or any constituency on the coast—and indeed some inland constituencies—is perfectly familiar with the pattern of the economy of small holdings. They sell some dry cattle, change their milch cows, rear a pig or perhaps two or three, keep some poultry to sell either chicks or eggs, but the money they receive from the sale of that livestock goes towards the upkeep of the house and the purchase of food and clothing generally.

It would appear that the gap has become too wide between the income of such holdings in very many cases and what has to be paid out. The struggle to survive has become so great that families have given up and have departed, from the head of the house to the youngest in it. That is an extremely serious situation, even if it happens to only one or two families in one parish, but I have cited here before many such cases in the different parishes of the constituency I represent.

That has a double effect. It is bad nationally and it is bad economically that whatever production there was on those little holdings prior to the families leaving, there is no production on them now. Whatever came into those holdings by way of emigrants' remittances prior to the families leaving no longer counts, so there is a reduction in the income from abroad and a reduction in production at home. In other words, the life blood of the nation is going when these families depart and places are left lying fallow.

Very often there is a third loss to the country in that considerable sums of money have been spent on housing grants and drainage, or there may have been other subventions from the State which have now gone for nothing in the case of these people. That is a situation about which neither the Government nor the Opposition can be complacent. It is a situation which calls for urgent attention, and unless that attention is urgently given, I am afraid the trend which Deputy Burke from Roscommon anticipates may well continue, and we shall be left with a situation with which it will be very difficult to deal.

I strongly hold the view that this Government wasted time in relation to trade pacts with other countries—not only Britain but other countries—and were utterly devoid of any plan or concept for the future development of agriculture or for keeping in line with the developments taking place all over Europe and, indeed, all over the world, in the different aspects of economics. While it has been said by other speakers, I want to say again that that waste of time took place principally during the foolish campaign, against proportional representation which this Government indulged in for well-high over a year during which the efforts of Parliament, councils, debating societies, and public men were all wasted. Their minds, energies, and attention, were all diverted into channels of thought of no economic consequence and when we suddenly woke up, having saved the system of voting, we found that as a nation we had lost.

While all that was happening the Danes, the New Zealanders, the Argentinians, and, in fact, anyone who had anything to offer in the way of agricultural produce in the British market, had been in Britain, holding their councils and gaining advantages which would have been ours had the Government been sufficiently alive to the necessity for watching the market—the market that is closest to us and the market upon which our survival as an agricultural community depends. I think that that is accepted now, at this late hour, by even the Fianna Fáil Party.

There is one aspect of agricultural development in which I am particularly interested. If it is the intention to develop an export market—I do not want to be taken now as opposed to industrial development in what I am going to say—the one that should be developed is the one based on the raw material available at home. In that context I refer in particular to the rearing of sheep, Not alone has the sheep industry a tremendous carcase value from the point of view of human consumption, at home and abroad, but there are tremendous possibilities in the wool end of the industry. There are markets for knitwear and tweeds.

I suggest to the Minister that he should collaborate with his colleagues, the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for the Gaeltacht. I direct his attention and theirs to the huge market available in Africa, not to mention others that are there, ready and waiting for development. This is a line of country which would be of assistance to our people in those areas where they need most help— around the mountains, and hillsides and commonages along the north-west, the west, and the south-west coast, where sheep can be profitably raised and where it is essential there should be available to the people all the advice and assistance necessary to enable them to go in for sheep farming in a big way by suitable breeding. All the advice necessary is available from the wool merchants and the manufacturers of tweed. They give it to me. I am sure they would be only too delighted to give it to the Minister.

I have received numerous complaints about the delay in the sanction of farm buildings, the provision of water supplies, and all the kindred projects and amenities that should be available to the people through the special section of the Department of Agriculture set up to deal with these matters. There is, too, complaint in relation to the slowness of the grants. I do not know why that should be. I do not know the reason for it. Perhaps the Minister will explain the position and give an assurance that avoidable delay will not occur in the future. That will remove some of the burden of complaint from the people. There are also complaints about the situation with regard to seed potatoes. The system seems to have fallen down completely.

I note there is to be a new board in relation to the bacon industry, which will deal with the centralisation of markets for bacon. That may, or may not, be a good thing. There was a very good board which dealt with the export of eggs. That was abolished by the present Government. Now it is being brought back again.

In agriculture the most important thing is the development and promotion of markets. In Great Britain I meet people from time to time—not in London, but in other heavy centres of population—who would be glad to get Irish butter, Irish bacon, Irish eggs. They do not seem to be available to them. Sooner or later there will have to be a fresh attack made in the direction and development of pig rearing, pig breeding, and bacon production generally. That may cost money. It will certainly require dynamic organisation on the part of the Department of Agriculture. It will also require a psychological approach to imbue our people with the need for long-term planning. If we have a year in which a particular commodity fails, we are very prone, I think, as a people to dodge that commodity the next year. The agricultural community will have to be trained in the idea that things must be done, that they must plan on a long-term basis, and work hard; above all, they must be prepared to take the good year with the bad.

On the question of markets and market organisation, at the beginning of this Government's term of office, the Minister for Finance announced jubilantly, and the announcement was received with a matching jubilation by his own Party, that £250,000 was being set aside for the development of markets. We have not heard very much about that £250,000 since. We have not heard how much has been spent or the manner in which it was spent. Perhaps the Minister might deal with that matter when he comes to reply and tell us something more about it.

I want now to pay tribute to those who operate the peatlands project at Glenamoy. This project, as the House is aware, was substituted for the mad programme, which is being reintroduced in another part of my constituency now on a political rather than an economic basis, of growing grass on blanket bog for conversion into grass meal. Peatlands is a very worthy institution. It is admirably run. Curiously enough, from what I see and from what I hear, everything that is grown there experimentally seems to be meeting with a considerable degree of success except grass. I shall have more to say about that later.

On the question of the eradication of bovine T.B., I am not prepared to deal with the niceties of the situation, but I have one comment to make which, I think, supports comments made on both sides in relation to administrative detail. It is not unusual for me, or for other Deputies, to receive letters something after this fashion: "I applied some six, nine, or twelve months ago to have my cattle tested and so far nobody has come near me." That is probably something that could be dealt with in a very simple way. The situation could, I think, be put right.

The drive to complete the eradication of bovine tuberculosis should be intensified and the House should be willing to give even more money for it, if it is sought, in order to bring our cattle into line with the healthy condition of cattle obtaining in the markets in which we seek to sell and, in addition to that, to have us ready for whatever sort of trade alignment will follow in Europe, whether in two blocs, one bloc or in whatever number of blocs they ultimately align themselves.

I do not think there is really very much the Minister can do, even in response to the exhortation of Deputy Gibbons, to try to settle the differences between cattle dealers who favour the fair green idea and those who want to have marts. I for one, certainly would not favour the regulation of the building of marts, or their running under licence from the Minister for Agriculture or any other Minister. If they are to be white elephants, as Deputy Gibbons fears, let them. The people who are building them are doing it with their eyes open. They are doing it by way of ordinary commercial enterprise, and to bring them within the purview of the Department of Agriculture, by way of licence or otherwise, would be a dangerous step. In any event, it would be a great interference with the exercise of people's free will, especially in relation to the use of their own private property and their own money.

A commendable feature of Irish agricultural life has been the development of voluntary organisations such as the National Farmers' Association, Muintir na Tíre, the Irish Country-women's Association and such like institutions. Very rightly, Deputy Sweetman deplored the attempt of any political Party to take over these organisations. It would be the end of their usefulness and effectiveness if they allowed themselves to be monopolised and their objectives obscured by becoming strangled by any one political Party. By all means members of these voluntary organisations should, and must, hold their own political views, and air them within the ranks of their own political Parties, but at different meetings, and while in voluntary organisations they should work together for the common good.

I do not think that the recent trade agreement with Britain is as good as some people make it out to be. It is not right that members of the Government should be making utterances that show a complacency which disregards the facts, and I cannot reconcile what people told me, at any fair or market which I visited in the past year, with statements made by members of the Government saying that the trend is satisfactory, that prosperity is around the corner and that we are now beginning to find ourselves on a firm footing. Such statements may be all right in preaching to the unrepentant converted, but to try to tell people who are in process of packing their little belongings, locking the doors of their houses and departing with their whole families, probably for ever, that the trend is satisfactory and that prosperity is around the corner is not alone a great betrayal of the people's trust but a magnificent contempt for their intelligence.

Speaking as a city man on this Vote, I must say that when I look over Fianna Fáil policy in regard to agriculture, I have to express my disappointment and that of the workers who have to pay the piper for the high price of bread, the high price of butter and who, at the same time, have to help subsidise that industry. Not alone do they subsidise it in this country but they subsidise its products on a foreign market. To say the least of it, it is galling for them to have to subsidise butter and at the same time, be compelled to spread it very thinly on the bread their children are eating. We have heard a lot of talk about self-sufficiency, but if that is part of Fianna Fáil self-sufficiency, I must express my disappointment with it.

In former years, we heard a lot of talk from the Fianna Fáil benches about cattle ranchers but now they are expressing their fears for the cattle trade. We all remember the time when they cut the throats of the grand-aunts of these cattle. Now they show a great change in their policy and are bemoaning the dangers which threaten that trade. They also thanked God that, in their own words, "the cattle trade was gone." They boasted about that, but the only regret farmers have today is that they have not a Dillon in office to make a bargain on their behalf and make a good agreement for their cattle, sheep and pigs.

One has only to attend fairs throughout the country to hear farmers express their regret that they have not a Dillon in office, but they are hoping that time will come soon. As one farmer said to me recently: "Look over the walls in the countryside and you will see the track of James Dillon's hand." At the same time, he pointed up to the sky, to the vapour trail of a jet plane, and said: "That is where the track of Fianna Fáil is. They are up in the air." I think it is about time they came down to earth.

The small farmers in my constituency are very small. Cromwell saw to that, but the small farmers and small pig producers there are not pleased with the system of payment for their pigs as operated by the bacon factories. They cannot understand the different systems and different grades. One day they will bring a fat pig to the market only to be told that it is a lean pig that is wanted. Next week, they will bring a lean pig and are then told it is a fat pig that is wanted. That is only making fools of them. In addition to that, they are paid by cheque which means that a farmer must make a second trip to town and waste another day.

There was a lot to recommend the old system by which a farmer was paid on the spot. He knew what he was getting. He was either satisfied or he did not take the money and, of course, the rest of his family came into town with him that day. They all got a share of what profit he made and the whole matter took only one day. Now they have to go back to town again to cash the cheque and that is a waste of time.

At one time in my area, it was the pig that paid the rates and clothed the children. That system had a lot to recommend it. This new system should not be imposed on the people because it is having an adverse reaction. In the factory, on the other hand, it takes only about three hours to process a pig. The pig may have been on the premises for 13 weeks, but the factory will have more out of that three hours than the farmer will have after three months. The Department should see to it that each side gets a fair crack of the whip and that the profits are not all on one side. If he wants to get increased production, I hope the Minister will not find himself on the wrong side of the fence. I should like the Minister to give us his views on these matters.

Deputy Lindsay mentioned the opportunities for developing our trade with Africa. Only yesterday I gave a letter to the Taoiseach's Department setting out possibilities of developing our trade with Nigeria. Nigeria is an infant state with 38,000,000 people. Other countries are waiting for the opportunity to get in there but our Government have no intention of getting cracking. There is no use sending out a civil servant to these places if you want to develop trade. Send out a trade delegation composed of people who have an interest in the business. A consignment of Irish sausages arrived at a certain place in Nigeria recently and they were purchased immediately. One priest actually motored 40 miles to get these sausages but, if I may use the word, they were "swiped" before he had the chance. They did not last on the market for two hours. While that opportunity offered and since we are more friendly with this country than, perhaps, other countries are, we should get moving right away.

I wish to refer now to what was popularly known in my area as "The Dillon Scheme" or the Land Project. Unfortunately, parts of that scheme have been brought to an end. It was most unfair that young, married men who had given good service over the years should have been displaced. It is regrettable that the Department took no steps to see that they got priority in the matter of alternative employment on forestry or other activity.

Some time ago, I brought to the notice of the Department the case of a beast which had been injected under the T.B. eradication scheme. The injection paralysed the neck of the beast and the animal is now worn away to a thread. That farmer has not got compensation. It is most unfair that a small farmer, a man with a big family, should be at a loss under a Government scheme. I do not think even the "bone men" would take that beast now. I hope something will be done about it. You will not get the co-operation of the people if such a system prevails.

In regard to the sheep trade, the Department should redouble their efforts to see that what has happened in the past will not recur. There is no use dwelling upon it now but we should have more foresight in looking after the interests of the small farmers, and in the west most of them are sheep rearers. I trust the Minister will take note of these few points and give me the benefit of his views.

From the point of view of a Deputy, this is the most important Vote that comes before us each year. I am sorry to say that this year the Minister for Agriculture has very serious responsibilities on him. The plight of the small farmer was never as bad as it is now. I am sure the Minister is aware of his conditions, particularly of those under £30 valuation. All of them nowadays can be described as smallholders. First, there is no price; and even if there were a price, there is no market for most of the produce the small farmer wishes to sell. It appears that the big farmers in the east and south at least have some security in four of their principal crops: wheat, beet, barley and milk. But the small farmers, particularly those in the west, do not go in for any of these products. The economy of the average holding under £30 valuation will not allow of it. We have neither the climate nor the soil to grow a profitable crop of wheat, and the little barley grown is used mainly for consumption on the farm. Beet is grown by a few of the farmers lucky enough to have sufficient help to look after the crop, because it is a troublesome crop, if a profitable one. Beet is about the only crop that the small farmer can take advantage of.

That brings me, then, to what principally provides a livelihood for the average small farmer: the selling of a few finished cattle in the year. He may also have a few sheep and lambs if his land is suitable, and before the present Minister took office, he used to make a little profit out of eggs and turkeys. These are the principal items. There is absolutely no market and no price for them at present. Some of the blame is laid on the T.B. eradication scheme but I do not agree with that. I admit that it may have caused a temporary upset on small holdings where there were reactors but the manner in which the farmers have responded— particularly small farmers—to the scheme is proof enough that it has little or no upsetting effect. In my county it has reached the stage that any herd with reactors is closed for a period of 60 days until the next test reveals whether they are clear of reactors.

The fact remains that we have lost the British market and lost it badly. What happened was that during the year when our delegation went to London to try to strike a new trade agreement they were met by the story from the British that the market was already gone to the Dutch, the Danes and the New Zealanders. Of course they were right; these people were minding their business and seeking a trade agreement with the British to help their farmers while we were busy here wrangling and trying to take proportional representation votes from our people so as to make sure that one Party and one Party alone would be in power for good and for all. When the Taoiseach went over he was told that there was no market but that they would give him a price. We know what the price has been from that time to this.

When the Taoiseach came home, in order to save his face—and I admit he had only a poor excuse to make and even with his ability he was not able to put a good colour on it—as a sop to the farmers, after allowing them to be jostled out of the British market through political mongering which was going on for the past 12 months, he promised the farmers that he would give them some relief by way of—I think it was one of the things he mentioned—derating of agricultural outoffices. I have heard nothing about that since. He also made some other promise. That was immediately after his return from London. I have not got the text of his statement now but it appeared in the papers of that time. Perhaps the Minister would tell us what has become of those promises. Further, would he tell us when replying is that exactly the amount of help that the Taoiseach and his Government think will be sufficient to put the small farmer on his feet—taking rates off agricultural outoffices? If that is the Taoiseach's knowledge of the plight of the small farmer today, then I say that the families packing up, closing their doors and moving out with all their possessions are right and that they have taken the Taoiseach's measure from an agricultural point of view very accurately.

It is all very fine to criticise but it is our duty also to make the Minister and the Government aware of what is taking place in the various constituencies. I hope I have done so; I am sure the Minister must be aware of it; he has been told of it often enough for the past 12 months. The small farmers are being crushed out of their holdings. I remember reading volumes and volumes of outcry against the landlords' wholesale clearances in the past but for the past 18 months the clearances forced particularly on the small farmers by the failure of the market and the Government's failure to provide reasonable prices and markets for their produce would almost parallel the exodus that took place at the time of the famine.

Perhaps some Deputies from the south or the east may not be aware of what is happening. In the parish of Foxford alone there are 80 slated farmhouses on small holdings closed up. In my own county also there is Meelick where there are 40 closed. It is not a very large parish. These are two cases that I can vouch for but the same thing is happening elsewhere and these are all houses built within the past 25 or 30 years by people who thought that there was a future in agriculture. These are two parishes which I have named and the facts can be verified. I am not exaggerating or understating the position. In the case of Foxford I do not know if the number is 80 or 88 houses but it is not less than 80. The other case concerns a parish in a good agricultural area, not mountainous land but an area where the local people pride themselves on having fairly good quality land and in that one parish alone there are 40 slated houses closed up. I am not talking about thatched houses or houses that may have become derelict in which the people refuse to live. This is a very serious matter and something to which the Government must wake up because agriculture is our principal industry. No matter how many planes we buy or how many concrete runways we provide for jet planes we must face that stubborn fact. Those who live and work on the land are keeping the country going and paying the piper.

If the Government is genuine in attempting to hold the remnant of our small farmers on the land there must be a minimum price fixed for at least four commodities, cattle, sheep, pigs, eggs and turkeys—I am putting eggs and turkeys under the one heading of poultry. I shall give the reasons. We are practically a welfare State whether we like it or not. Almost every section of the community has some measure of security and more luck to them. That is as it should be, but there is one section of the community—that is the farmers of from £50 down to £5 or even £1 valuation—who have absolutely no security. They do not qualify for the dole or for unemployment benefit, which is usually referred to as stamp money; for work on the roads, for county council or for forestry or Land Commission work simply because they are not registered as unemployed in the labour exchanges. They and their wives and children work hard on their holdings throughout the year to feed cattle, feed and care for sheep and lambs and produce the wool and when they have these things ready to sell there is no market. The market has gone absolutely and there is no hope in the future of getting a market or reasonable prices for them.

I wonder does the Parliamentary Secretary, who is now sitting in for the Minister, realise what is happening in his county or are conditions there the same as in Galway, Clare and Kerry? I do not want to paint an over-gloomy picture——

When the Coalition Government was in office it was pointed out that houses were being closed at that time and they said that was not so.

In Donegal

Yes, and Deputy O'Sullivan was the man. I could show it to the Deputy on the record.

Would the Parliamentary Secretary agree that the times are particularly desperate for the small farmers, the class that I have mentioned, and that conditions have been bad for the past 12 months? The fields are filled with cattle and sheep but there is no sale for them. The best of potatoes are being sold by those who can sell them at 7d. a stone. Here is a riddle that I would like somebody to solve. I have been told that the same potatoes are going at 16/- or 18/- a cwt. in this city.

They are not. Ten shillings is the ruling price.

I have been told that in the last few days they were fetching 16/- to 18/- here in Dublin. There seems to be absolutely no attempt made even within our own shores—and God knows the country is not too big —to help either the consumers or the producers by providing adequate marketing arrangements. The fields are filled with the very best of food but there is no price for it.

Did the Donegal farmers not sell most of their potatoes in Mayo?

They used to do so in times of shortage but they would not thank you for them in Mayo this year because the Mayo farmers cannot get sale for their own crops. I am in the same position and I move about more than most and if there was a market anywhere within a radius of 20 miles I should hear about it. We might be thankful for Donegal potatoes in other years but we would not take a present of them this year.

The Donegal people have plenty of Irish butter from the North of Ireland——

It is smuggled in.

I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to treat this matter seriously. I should like him to bring it to the notice of the Minister when he comes in and point out that a pretty serious situation is occurring right under our noses—the banishment of small farmers from their holdings, from holdings that our forefathers in the past generations fought so dearly to secure. The £10 valuation holding is a thing of the past. The Land Commission are trying to bring holdings of £4 or £5 up to £10 valuation. They are years behind the time. On a holding of £10 valuation, having regard to the high cost of living and the complete lack of markets, there is not a living except for a bachelor or an old maid. The same will apply very soon to holdings of £15, £20 and £25 valuation.

I remember when Fianna Fáil were making an outcry about ranches. The day is not far off when a great deal of the land in the west will become ranches. That would be a desperate situation if it were allowed to develop. The land is going derelict. Some security must be given to small and medium-sized farmers, if they are to survive. Instead of engaging in political nonsense, the Government should consider how to save the remnant that is left. This serious situation has arisen in the past 18 months. Things were quite all right in the first one and a half years of the Government's term of office. As soon as markets vanish, people have to lock up and move out. I want to warn the Minister and the Government that there is a desperate situation in existence, particularly for the small farmer. The cost of living has gone extremely high. The cost of everything the farmer has to buy has increased. The price of what he has to sell has gone down and the market has vanished.

A very excellent job has been done in land reclamation. One matter has been brought to my attention. It is that it is a waste of time to bulldoze and till land on which there is furze or whins for the reason that if whins have been established, the surface is pickled with the seed of the whins, which is very prolific and almost indestructible. In the Westport area, a man told me that about nine years ago an excellent job of work was done under the Land Reclamation Scheme on about ten statute acres. The tillage provided just the right seed bed for the seeds of the whins that were there in the soil, which were not discernible unless one looked very closely. Those ten acres have reverted to a forest of whins. I do not blame the Department or the land owner but I will make a suggestion that may help. The same grant should be given for the removal of whins by hand, leaving the grass surface as undisturbed as possible. Many years ago a field was cleared by hand, using the ordinary mattock. The grass was not disturbed. The whins were taken out by the roots. The land was heavily fertilised so as to induce a heavy growth of grass which succeeded in preventing the seeds of the whins from germinating. In the course of time, the whins deteriorated. It is an absolute waste of time to clear furze by the method employed at present. I understand that under the Land Reclamation Scheme there is a regulation whereby the land must be tilled before the land owner qualifies for a grant. Where furze is concerned, such a policy is a complete waste of time and of public money. The method I have suggested is the only way to deal with furze.

I am sorry the Minister is not in the House at the moment because I want to ask him if his Department have any means of checking the growth of furze in mountainous areas. The Parliamentary Secretary is smiling. Perhaps he has such a problem in Donegal. In Wicklow, when I was Minister for Lands, huge areas of once excellent sheep grazing country had to be sold for the purposes of afforestation because ferns had spread to such an extent that they crushed both sheep and man out. That is happening in parts of Mayo. In the past few years, ferns have begun to take hold. I do not know how they can be checked. Is there a selective killer on the market that would help to check them? While economic circumstances, lack of markets and so on, are forcing some people out, the ferns are playing havoc in the hill grazing areas.

It is not lucky to touch the ferns.

It is certainly not lucky for the beast which will eat them in the morning. He will have a pain in his liver. Ferns have created a problem. Farmers who were making a comfortable living out of sheep and cattle grazing on the hills find that ferns are making that impossible and most of these people have to surrender land to the Forestry Division because the ferns have destroyed vegetation. In some places the ferns are two or three feet high.

Would the Minister explain to those who are trying to help in the matter of pig production where they stand? For the past two years, we have been advised over the radio, by the Department, by everybody, to produce a lean pig. The Grade A pig was supposed to be a lean pig of a certain type. Farmers went in for that type of pig and succeeded in producing a Grade A pig. No sooner had they produced such a pig than they were told that such a pig was not wanted for bacon. Now it seems that we have to feed the fat back on to the pig. I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary has been advised by farmers, as I have been, that the whole thing is a racket by the bacon factories, by the Department or by someone who is making something out of it. That is the average farmer's belief. I do not believe it is a racket. The average farmer who is trying to rear pigs as a sideline is being fooled. I would ask the Minister to make a definite statement on the matter.

The factories publish a certain price, but the farmers never seem to be able to get that price; hence it is very hard to blame them for saying the whole pig business is a racket. There is another unfortunate state of affairs in that the factories are vying with one another for the purchase of pigs in an area. One factory gives a price higher than another and the farmers do not know where they stand.

I should like again to bring to the Minister's notice that there is a clearance from the land that was never witnessed since the time of the Famine or the landlord clearances of the 1860s and 1870s. If nothing is done to stabilise the position, we shall lose all the small farmers. The farmer with the £10 valuation is a thing of the past. He is trying to do the impossible and there is only one remedy for that.

Does the Deputy suggest there is nothing being done for him?

There is nothing being done for him. The Parliamentary Secretary will probably tell me he is getting relief from rates. That would not cover the extra cost that has been put on two bags of flour by the removal of the food subsidies.

Is he not getting a cash incentive for nearly everything he does?

I should be glad to learn of the cash incentive.

Does he not get a grant if he drains his land? Does he not get a grant if he repairs his house? Does he not get a grant if he installs a water supply or improves the avenue leading to his house?

He is in such a pessimistic mood after seeing the failure of all his plans that he is not inclined to engage in any of these things. It is grand to be offering him the things but you might as well offer him a slice of the moon.

Many farmers are taking advantage of them.

The farmer who is comfortable may be able to take advantage of them.

The worst thing you could do is to tell him he should get something for nothing. That is what the Deputy is suggesting.

No; what I am trying to tell the Parliamentary Secretary is that if the small farmer is to be saved, a minimum price must be fixed for the produce he is selling. That is not giving him something for nothing. It is giving him the bare cost of production and a little over and above for his labour. Many of these schemes are excellent—the farm building scheme, the water scheme, and so on—and I am very proud of them. It is all right for the man who can take advantage of them but will the Parliamentary Secretary try to visualise a man who has a wife and three children, who has a holding of £10 valuation and two or three cows——

Maybe the Parliamentary Secretary will tell us all about it when Deputy Blowick has concluded.

I am trying to visualise the position of that farmer who has to pay £3 7s. 6d. every fortnight for a bag of flour, which is only one item, who has perhaps only three or four cattle to sell in the year and ten to fifteen lambs. These form his principal income. He cannot sell them at the fair. He would nearly want to have them shod because he has to bring them so often to the fair where there is no demand.

That is not correct. I attend as many fairs as the Deputy.

I shall not argue with the Parliamentary Secretary. What Deputy Coogan said a moment ago is true, that Fianna Fáil's track is up in the clouds with the jets that are streaking across the sky. As I have said, the £10 valuation farmer is going and he forms one-eighth of our total farming community. I do not see how he can be saved. I want the Government to save those over £10 and up to £30 valuation because if the present trend continues, they will follow the £10 valuation farmers.

I thought I would have had a friendly hearing from the Parliamentary Secretary from Donegal seeing that he comes from a county of smallholders like those in Mayo, Galway and Clare. However, he is out of touch with the people. These farmers do not make any grouse or grumble. When they find they cannot make ends meet, they pack their belongings and cross to England or to the United States and try their luck there.

What did you do for them?

Ask any farmer, whether a Fianna Fáil supporter or a supporter of Fine Gael, Labour, Clann na Talmhan or Clann na Poblachta, would he like to revert to living under the inter-Party Government or to continue under Fianna Fáil Government. I shall not answer that question but I know what the answer would be.

Every other section of the community has security. This is supposed to be a 100 per cent. welfare State. Why should the principal group in the community, the small farmers, be excluded? Why should they have to carry the burden for everybody else and get nothing in return? If the Government want to help them, a minimum price must be fixed for the four or five principal items of agricultural produce on which they are depending.

A shilling a gallon for five years—that was a suggested fixed price.

I do not know what the Deputy is talking about.

It shows how little interest is taken in the most important Estimate when one sees the small number of Deputies in the House. I must agree with my colleague, Deputy Blowick, in regard to the position of the small farmers. No matter what the Minister or the Parliamentary Secretary may say, there is not the slightest doubt that the £10 to £20 valuation farmer in the west of Ireland was never in a worse position than he is in today. He cannot sell the few cattle he possesses, no matter what fair he goes to. Some 12 months ago, he had to pay £20 to £25 for a suckling calf. The Parliamentary Secretary is aware that the farmer tries to rear two or three calves on the one cow. That calf is not worth that money today.

I am in the same position. Take the case of lambs. No later than last week, I was at a fair in my own town in the west of Ireland. If you gave lambs away for nothing, they would not be taken from you unless you had lambs that were fit for the factories or fit for killing and very few people have lambs in that condition. Those small farmers—you may say they are labourers—have to meet the high cost of living. They have no weekly wage or income. I put it very seriously to the Minister and the Department that at the present time the small farmers are not able to meet the cost of the bag of flour at the price it is today. Take the case of the potatoes that were produced last year. You could not get anybody to take them away. They were sold for 3d. and 4d. a stone.

Take the crop of oats. There is nothing in them. The few who grow an acre of wheat—well, you know what they were promised when Fianna Fáil would get into power. Where is Deputy Corry? I do not see him? If they grow their acre of wheat, and very few of them have the land to grow it on or are able to produce it at all, they get nothing but disappointment for their labour.

Let me come to one industry that is very helpful to the small farmer in my county and in the west of Ireland generally, the beet industry. What do we find? The cost of producing an acre of beet and looking after it is not a lot. The small tenant farmer had his family to help, but it was heavy labour. They could have looked after an extra acre of beet last year, but they were not allowed to contract for it although it was the only commodity that brought a few pounds profit to the tenant farmers in the west last year.

We are discussing agriculture. I may be going a bit outside it when I make a reference to a certain matter —not that I want to rock the boat— far from it. I understand that for the sugar exported from this country to Britain last year we have to pay £855,000 in what I would describe as a penal tariff. Up to 1957, we had a free entry to the British market. Since then, a British sugar board has been set up which imposed a levy on Irish sugar exported either to Britain or the Six Counties.

Would this be a matter for the Minister for Industry and Commerce?

It is agriculture. I shall be guided by the Chair. I put it to the Minister that it is very important that that penal tariff on our exports of sugar to Britain and the Six Counties should be removed from producers of beet.

It seems to be a matter for the Department of Industry and Commerce.

On a point of order. I raised this matter on the Minister's Estimate. I referred to the Trade Agreement of 1948, Article 5, and its reference to sugar. Apparently it was deemed to be within the ambit of this discussion.

It affects the agricultural community.

I am not clear whether the Minister for Agriculture has any responsibility.

The agricultural community wants to be clear about it. They want to know their position. May I pay a tribute to the founders of that industry, the early Government of our country, in 1924? It has progressed well. May I also pay tribute to the General Manager of Comhlucht Siúicre Éireann, Teoranta? Last year, a penal tariff of something like £855,000 was paid in respect of sugar we exported to Britain and the Six Counties. Why? That money was distributed to our competitors in the so-called Commonwealth Countries.

I urge the Minister and the Department seriously to look into that matter. Under the 1948 Trade Agreement, as the Leader of the Opposition says, and nobody should know it better than he does, there is a protective provision as far as we are concerned. We had as free an entry as any of the other countries until 1957. Why did it take the British until 1957, until this sugar board was established, to impose a tariff on our sugar exports? What made them think of it in 1957?

Not that I want to rock the boat in any way, far from it, but to our small tenant farmers in the west the acre of beet last year brought in roughly from £60 to £80. That was their only income last year. It was all they had last year.

That is true.

Anything else they produced in the line of a few cattle, sheep, potatoes, and so on, was produced at a loss.

The only income came from the acre of beet. I am told many of them tried to get more—another acre or two, as the case may be, which would have been a great help. Unfortunately this penal tariff is there. The Sugar Company, I understand, cannot afford to have thousands of tons of sugar for export on account of the penal tariff the British have imposed on exports of that commodity from our country. I would seriously ask the Minister and the Government to took into this point.

As they say in the west of Ireland, there is no good in driving the fool further—one saying it is a matter for the Department of Industry and Commerce and another saying it is a matter for the Department of Agriculture. It is a matter for the small farmer to know the position and to have this penal tariff removed from the one commodity he can produce that will give him a few pounds profit. The least the Government or any Department might do would be to put that matter in order and I do not care whether it be the Department of Industry and Commerce, the Department of Agriculture or any other Department. The least they might do would be to make sure that that tariff will be removed so that the small tenant farmer can continue to produce the one commodity that is keeping his head above water.

Another important item to the small farmer in the west of Ireland to which I must refer is pig producing. To our forefathers the pig was known as "the gentleman who pays the rent". Today, the pig producer does not know where he stands. It is "Grade this, Grade that, and Grade the other". Whatever grade this, that or the other may be, it is certain that it is the grade that does not suit the man who produces the pig. He is paid according to that grade and that is the grade which gives him no return. I appeal to the Minister to forget about Grade this, Grade that and the other. When they wanted our produce during the war they did not grade it. They just wanted it.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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