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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 22 Feb 1967

Vol. 226 No. 10

Committee on Finance. - Vote 39—Labour (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £848,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1968, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Labour, including certain Services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain Grants-in-Aid.
—(Minister for Labour).

When I reported progress last Thursday, I was referring to the situation which faces the Minister for Labour when there are throughout the country, in rural areas and country towns, large numbers on the labour exchanges who are, and have been, seeking work for quite a long time. I asked the Minister to let the House know what plans or proposals he has to deal with this situation. I mentioned that this was an increasing number so far as rural areas were concerned. In larger centres of population and industry, complaints are always made in respect of a matter such as this. I cannot understand how it is that there is this disparity between the country towns which have industry and those which have not. This situation has been highlighted at the present time— indeed, even to-day—in the agricultural sector because an increasing number of people are seeking work other than in agriculture which is not able to maintain them. This is a problem which the Minister must tackle. We see it against the background of the larger industrial areas but it is becoming more apparent that it is a much larger problem than that.

In the past day or two, the Minister for Transport and Power spoke of the conditions which he feels will create a problem for the national transport company. The attempt to palm off responsibility on either one or other section for a matter such as this is simply not facing up to reality. It must be recognised that the situation which is developing in the country does not stem merely from present conditions but has a background in Government action deliberately taken a couple of years ago in the political situation then existing. There is not much use in saying that this is the responsibility of labour or of management. The Government must bear some responsibility in this matter. When making statements in regard to the economy, Ministers should have regard to what happened in the recent past which was a contributing factor.

The Minister intends to bring a scheme before the Dáil in regard to redundancy payments. I understand that negotiations have been taking place but have not reached the stage of agreement, not to speak of finality. Does the Minister intend, in the intervening period, to make the legislation retrospective in regard to people who will lose employment between now and then? This will certainly agitate the minds of people particularly if there is any basis for the suggestion that there is a danger, through force of economic circumstances in industry or agriculture or in relation to our entry into the EEC, that employment may be lost.

The placement service seems to apply to people who are drawing unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance. There is great need for an extension of the placement service. It is perhaps more necessary outside the larger centres of population. In the larger centres of population, the larger industries are located. There is an industrial estate in Dublin and at Shannon. It is proposed to have an industrial estate in Waterford and Galway, and possibly one at Limerick also, but on that I am not quite clear. Apart from those areas, there are people in the country who have failed to find employment and there will be an increasing number of young people coming forward from the schools so that the necessity for an effective placement service will be very great.

I wonder what the Minister hopes to achieve through the services of an industrial psychologist? Perhaps he can tell us whether the employment exchanges are listing the skills of people registered there and what this registration shows. Has he any idea, as a result of information from these exchanges on the skills of those registering, of the magnitude of the problem to be faced? Would it be possible, in the rural parts, to use the talents and capabilities of the people there? Deputy M. O'Leary referred to an industry and mentioned that the workers there had acquired a skill and that, with the turn of events, these people will suffer hardship or perhaps even dispersal from where they now live. Perhaps the Minister would avail of the services of the IDA and other Government agencies in this connection, bearing in mind, in particular, the idea of locating small industry, based on the native products of the place, in country towns or areas contiguous to them. It might be possible to imitate the example of Cómhlucht Siúicre Éireann who proposed the setting up of industries in various parts of the country to deal with the processing of fruits and vegetables.

We seem to be quite prepared to make grants available to non-nationals for the establishment of industry within the country but unwilling to give grants to nationals for the promotion of industry here. We should contemplate the issue of industrial grants to nationals who are prepared to set up the smaller type of industry in rural parts which may provide the answer to some of our problems.

When one talks of employment and unemployment, one generally thinks in terms of the figures on the unemployment register each week. The important thing to remember is that for any small community in the country the fact that there are nine or ten wage earners there means quite a bit to the economy of the area. I was glad to hear Deputy Andrews saying last week that the important thing at the present time for the persons concerned is security of employment. If a person can be sure that his employment will continue and that he will not find himself faced with a week's notice, that means a great deal at local level and eventually at national level. That is one feature that should be stressed when the Minister is speaking to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who, I suppose will have responsibility in regard to the question of smaller industries. The provision of secure employment should be stressed as a measure of alleviation for those seeking employment in the smaller towns and villages.

The situation has been aggravated, as the statistics show, by the fact that the building industry, particularly in rural areas, in regard to local authority housing, and so on, has slumped and a number of persons who used to obtain employment on that kind of work now find themselves seeking such work in vain. This is a matter over which they have no control. The answer would seem to be the location of more industry, even of the smaller type, in these areas and it would be well worth while making the effort.

The second part of the Minister's statement dealt with contemplated legislation. I regret that the Minister found himself in the position that he had to give warning of a type of legislation which he might find himself having to bring before the House for enactment. I said here on the last occasion the Estimate was being discussed that we can never legislate for industrial harmony. No matter how much we may discuss the matter here, the fact remains that we will never be able to do that. To take the old phrase and tear it about a bit: you may take the horse to the water but you cannot make him drink; it is not much use taking the horse to the water and sticking his head in it because in that case all you will do is to drown him.

We must accept the fact that the workingman has got to where he is today either by the use or the threatened use of the strike weapon. Inevitably he will continue to use strike action as his most potent weapon. It is right that management and unions should haggle over wages or the establishment of industry or the conditions that will apply. I do not see anything wrong with that. That such haggling should occur at intervals is a healthy sign. It is not right that the haggling should result in the necessity for strike action. On the last occasion I suggested that if we could arrive at a situation where there was arbitration and both sides, before going to arbitration, would enunicate their differences and lay down maximum concessions and minimum demands, it would be possible to reach the situation, perhaps, where a sitting of the Labour Court would resolve the differences.

I was rather alarmed on reading Deputy M. O'Leary's contribution last week by the suggestion that where the Labour Court had arrived at a conclusion and issued a recommendation, that would be regarded more or less as a jumping-off point for subsequent negotiations as a result of which a solution would be arrived at.

I suggested that this was a possibility at the present time; I did not suggest that I approved of it.

I am glad to hear that because in the type of Labour Court envisaged at the present time and which will be established, I hope, as a result of discussions between both sides, we ought to have acceptance of the fact that when both sides attend at the court and declare their views there, there would be a very reasonable chance that in a very high proportion of cases we would have a solution at that stage. If minimum demands and maximum concessions were stipulated beforehand, each side would think deeply before registering disagreement.

Reference has been made also to the fact that there is to be some provision in regard to trade union law brought before the House. This, again, is the subject of discussion at the present time as between unions and the Minister. I am sure that in this case, as with any body which purports to speak for any organised body of opinion, there would be a discipline in these matters and that the unions would find themselves in the position of being able to get this type of discipline from their members.

It has been mentioned here in regard, for instance, to Córas Iompair Éireann, that there is difficulty on account of there being a complexity of views within the industry. I do not think that is altogether valid. It was suggested that in Córas Iompair Éireann there are 33 or 35 unions. That, I think, is an over-statement and a generalisation which would create a wrong impression in regard to the situation there. One thing that would strike one is that if there is a small number of workers within a large community of workers in an industry who feel that their conditions of employment or rates of pay are not satisfactory and feel so aggrieved that they believe they should take strike action, I would respectfully suggest that pending a decision at arbitration the union executive should consult its members in the industry and where the majority decide that they do not wish at that stage to cease work, the union should restrain or ask for restraint from the section within the industry so as to prevent the disemployment of the larger number. If that could be done by the union executive, work would continue until such time as a decision has been given in the matter.

I am not quite clear. Is the Deputy suggesting that unions do not ask members whether they will strike or not?

No. What I am suggesting is that where the majority of the members working in an industry feel there should not be a stoppage of work, their views ought to be respected by the smaller number and there ought not to be a stoppage until the issue has been decided.

The Deputy is dealing with a situation in which there is another union catering for a smaller number of employees in the same job?

Yes. It may seem as if I am speaking against the interests of the unions in the matter. However, everybody recognises that the unions are a powerful force and that they can and do use their influence for the public good. It can also be to their own good to use their influence. They certainly are able to put the case for their members and it is desirable that, having this power, they should use it responsibly.

Something that is equally true—and this applies to management—is that younger management who seek better relationships with their opposite numbers, labour, find themselves coming up against the old guard within industry, people who over the years have felt they have got to say "no" at all stages, whereas the younger management are prepared to sit down and reason these matters. This is something which from the employers' side should certainly be examined critically. Younger management, if they are to meet this constantly entrenched attitude, will certainly feel frustrated in their attempts to have greater harmony in industrial relations.

It is not going to be easy to achieve harmony. It will take long years to overcome this inheritance which has come down on both sides of industry, neither side wishing to meet the other side. The situation is like a delicately poised see-saw and the slightest thing can set the movement off again. I should certainly like management, particularly younger management, to have a freer hand in negotiating with their opposite numbers in the trade unions.

That brings me to the question of the drawing up of management-labour agreements. It is a complex business involving many aspects. There are the matters of basic wages, shift allowances, overtime rates, specification of duties and so on. Very often when an agreement is made something arises which was not envisaged. If it favours the workers, naturally they will not object, but if it does not favour them, they will want the agreement repealed. Therefore agreements ought to be revised continually to keep pace with changing techniques in factories, changing techniques in processing, changing techniques in industrial output itself. These are matters which would constantly need to be dealt with by agreement between labour and management. However tedious it may be, all the aspects, conditions of work and so on should be clearly defined, and any alteration that has to be made should lead clearly from the previous agreement. Quite a lot of time is lost by management and unions in debating the interpretation of agreements. That is what happened in connection with the last National Wage Agreement, on the interpretation of which there was not unanimity. This created a big problem for the unions and the employers.

In making these agreements, demarcation lines should not be left hazy. Two opposing points of view in regard to some basic facts often pose an insoluble problem. Whatever can be said for an agreement on a national basis, there is quite an amount of advantage to be gained from an agreement which caters even for a small industry. You cannot impose the same type of conditions, wages, overtime rates or anything else, on varying industries. It should be possible for labour and management to evolve, say, one hundred points to be covered in an agreement and then within that framework, specify conditions for a particular industry, no matter how small. This would be a charter for both sides, clearly written and incapable of misinterpretation.

There is the problem of the older industries which will face the kind of competition which the 1970s hold for them. They will have to modernise, even though they, perhaps, can legitimately say that the only way they can achieve modernisation is by the reduction of labour personnel. This is something on which labour will not agree, of course, and I think it would be a mistake for management to think they could get agreement to such action. There would have to be talks which are a necessary corollary to any proposal to change the industrial pattern in an industry which would lead to redundancy.

On the question of redundancy and retraining, it would be helpful if the unions and management sat down together and if management would not alone invite the comment of the union representatives but would seek their co-operation in putting forward schemes, and perhaps the unions might even contribute to retraining schemes which were being devised to help members in a particular industry. One of the factors which is there, and perhaps is not often admitted, is that labour feel that if they do not ask for it, then they will get nothing. Management, on its side, is inclined to say: "Don't give the so-and-so's anything; it is soon enough they will look for it". As long as this attitude lasts, we will not get the type of relationships for which the Minister is hoping.

Labour is in a position to demand its rights and it does not fail to do so. That is most laudable but, in doing so, labour must understand that such an approach will not have all the sympathy of management. On the other side, there was a time when management gave concessions without demand, concessions such as pension rights and Christmas presents, but, under the new regime, management feel that they should not give these concessions any more, that such concessions should go and go for all time.

The agreement in depth which I have mentioned could be a solution of these matters but one of the things felt by management about such agreements in depth is that the unions may take advantage of some point in them, a point that a particular industry may not be prepared to concede. These agreements should be written to suit the particular industry at the very start, a specific agreement for a specific industry, and then they would not be capable of the interpretation of which management complain.

In this regard, if things are bad with a particular industry, the workers are entitled to know it, to know the exact situation. Their co-operation and assistance should be invited for the improvement of the industry or they should be consulted as to the steps that might have to be taken to prevent the liquidation of such an industry. Management, in such cases, should be entitled to put their problems to the unions and get from them this co-operation. This equally imposes on management the obligation to ensure that when things are good with the industry, the people who work in it are told how good things are, what the outlook is and are also entitled to share in the enlarged cake produced by their efforts.

If we are to make progress in this matter, there must be honesty and sincerity on both sides. There must be the realisation that each is partner in a livelihood: on the one side, those who provide the capital and manage it and, on the other, those who by their skill and toil produce the greater wealth. They are partners, immutably wed, and if we get that approach from both sides, things would improve.

One of the things that strikes me in this regard has to do with a small industry of which I know where there has never been any trouble and where the most harmonious relations exist. From the very beginning, there has been give and take within that industry and there has been this form of consultation I have suggested. As things improve with the industry, there has been the conferring of benefits on the workers, a sharing of profitability. Productivity has been increased by the use of production bonuses and a certain amount of the firm's profits have been used to provide for the workers a share of the increased wealth.

The welfare of workers in industry should be the concern of management. It should not be left as the task of labour representatives. Management must regard their labour personnel as part of the assets of their industry and they should realise that if these assets are not cared for properly, the return will not be as good as they might hope for. In the small industry I have mentioned, I have never yet heard of a strike. They operate on the principle that if there is some transgression by a worker, if there is a transgression of the safety regulations or if there is culpable negligence, a man is not dismissed. He is suspended from work and his suspension is measured according to the transgression. I recall an occasion on which such negligence led to a loss of property. It was accepted by both sides that the man responsible should be retained at work, having lost his seniority, and that portion of his wages should be used to make good the damage caused by his negligence.

The Minister should avoid inaugurating industrial relations in this country on the basis of industrial relations as they exist in Britain or other places where you have had a large industrial process for a long time. If we attempt to deal with the matter in that fashion, we will not have the success for which we hope. We have had cleavages in industry in Britain, cleavages which have been deepset for many years. The legislation there is based on that experience but we should try to approach the matter from our own point of view, approach it from the point of view of two sides which should be working in harmony, each with an interest in the industry.

The directors recognise that their capital earns its profits through the efforts of the workers. Now, in many cases, management is still constituted of employees of the directors. The success which comes to industry comes through the capital invested really in the activities of the workers. The workers should recognise that their livelihood depends on profitable production, the production of goods that can be sold. There is not much use producing goods if they cannot be sold, if, in other words, they are not able to complete with goods manufactured elsewhere. We shall be faced with that situation when the agreement with Britain comes fully into operation and when we enter Common Market conditions.

The Minister and his Department have an onerous task, one which is not confined merely to this labour problem. The Department reaches out much further than that to industry and commerce, to the location of industry, and even to the Ministry of Finance because the State must provide assistance to enable the schemes the Minister is devising to work and provide solutions, solutions desired by both management and the unions. For that reason, the Minister would be well advised not to allow himself to be pushed too far forward from the original idea of labour-management relations. We cannot legislate for harmony in industry. Guide lines, however, can be laid down. Solutions can be put forward for acceptance. We will never reach a stage at which it will be possible to pass a law to do this or that in order to solve labour problems. Basically, the inalienable right of the worker to refuse his labour will still remain. We sincerely hope the Minister and his Department will provide a leaven as between both sides in order to work good for both. Again, we hope the Minister will act as a buffer in situations in which head-on clashes should be avoided.

This Department was set up quite recently, and we welcomed its setting up to deal with the many problems confronting workers and, in particular, to anticipate and cater for the needs of the workers in relation to the problems they may face in the immediate future because of our pending entry into the Common Market. We have been somewhat disappointed at this early stage by the Minister's vicious attack in the House last week when introducing his Estimate on one section of the community. I shall say more about that later.

I want to speak first about some of the areas in which the Minister could help to engender greater harmony in industry. The Minister will have responsibility for many areas—factory inspectors, unemployment services, training and retraining, redundancy payments, the training of skilled workers, technological changes. I want to comment on some of these and on the approach the Minister might have in relation to them.

The Minister spoke about factory inspectors. He said he intended to increase the number from 22 to 28. I am not satisfied that 28 is an adequate number but, even if it were, the way in which inspectors carry out their functions does not tend to inspire confidence in the workers or encourage the workers to set up factory safety committees, to which the Minister also referred: he mentioned that the number of safety committees had increased quite substantially. I can assure the Minister that, if the inspectors were carrying out their functions in a different way, the increase in the number of safety committees would be more substantial still.

I have had many complaints from workers. The system is that the inspector arrives at a factory and contacts management. Management deputes some other member of management to escort the inspector around the factory, to guide him through the parts of the factory he wants to see. In the factory there may be a group of workers who have gone to the trouble of establishing a safety committee and appointing a safety delegate. This man, the representative of the workers, is completely ignored. I am sure the Minister will admit this is not very encouraging.

After the inspection the inspector departs and is not seen any more by the workers. Nothing more is heard of him. He may present a report to the Minister's Department, or to the Department of Industry and Commerce, and some improvements may be carried out as a result of his inspection, but as far as the workers are concerned, all that has happened is that this man has had a chat with management and has gone about his business. Surely if a safety committee is operating and a delegate has been appointed by the workers, the inspector should at least consult with him? I can assure the House that no one is in a better position to show the inspector where safety regulations are not being observed than the safety committee delegate.

The Labour Party welcomes the transfer of the employment exchanges from the Department of Social Welfare to the Department of Labour. This is a very desirable and necessary step and at least it is taking the initial step of getting away from the concept that a man who is on the dole is on charity and has some sort of social stigma attached to him because he is unemployed. I do not know whether the Minister has ever been unemployed or has had the experience of going either to Gardiner Street or Werburgh Street in Dublin, standing in a queue, walking up to a hatch clerk signing his name and walking away again. When a man is walking away, he is overcome by a horrible depression, with the feeling that he is useless, that there is something wrong with him because he is not working. There is an atmosphere about the labour exchange which defies expression; I could not possibly put into words the effect unemployment over a long period has on a man who has to go down to the labour exchange and sign on for three days a week, in the knowledge that there is no prospect in the immediate future of his being usefully or gainfully employed in his own country. It is bad enough to have to face that reality without having to face it in the bleak and miserable atmosphere of the present unemployment exchanges. The Minister has given verbal indication that he is aware of this and that he intends to try to create not only a better atmosphere but a better service.

This is very desirable because the concept of an unemployment service should not be one in which a man goes down to sign his name and be told that there is nothing there today or that there is a job in such a place. That is not sufficient for an employment service. Such a service can fulfil a very useful and necessary function, particularly today when we face the prospect of changes by our entry into the Common Market. Even if that were not the case, it should be a place to which not only those who are unemployed can go to register but where people can seek advice regarding the type of employment in which they are. They may find that they are not suitable for that employment, that it does not suit their temperament, or they may feel frustrated in so far as the type of employment in which they are is a dead end. The service which should be provided is one that will ensure, as far as humanly possible, that round pegs are in round holes and square pegs are in square holes.

Training, retraining, redundancy payments and replacement schemes are also included in the Minister's Department, but to my mind, these are just new ways of describing unemployment. It is necessary for us to realise how rapidly things are changing and to have the sense of urgency that is needed in order to meet many of the problems which will face workers in the immediate future. It should be common knowledge at this stage that the day of the unskilled worker is rapidly coming to an end and that a man, if he hopes to continue in employment in the years ahead, must have some skill. It is the duty and responsibility of the Department of Labour to ensure that people who will be displaced through the policy being pursued by the Government in regard to the Common Market will be given every opportunity to acquire the necessary skills. Not only unskilled workers but skilled workers also should be given the opportunity of acquiring the technological knowledge and skill which will be needed in the changes that will occur in industry.

Vocational guidance and career guidance are also included in the work of the Minister's Department and in regard to vocational guidance, the Department are preparing 100 leaflets for distribution. That is a very laudable thing but a lot more is needed. It is not just sufficient to rattle off 100 leaflets, distribute them and decide that we have discharged this aspect of our responsibility. Parents of children who are about to leave school are extremely worried about this matter. Parents of boys of 14, 15 or 16 years of age are faced with the great uncertainty of today in regard to the effects of our pending entry into the Common Market and they are looking around desperately for a solution in regard to what their children should do, what occupation should they encourage them to pursue and, more important, what occupation they are suitable for and which will suit their talents. This is a service which should be provided in an adequate way by the Department of Labour.

These are just a few comments on some of the fields covered by this new Department, but I think the most controversial of all is the field of industrial relations. That field is not being left entirely to the Minister so far as his colleagues are concerned. At every dinner or supper to which Fianna Fáil Ministers are invited, they take advantage of it to hammer at one section of the community. The Minister has a very important role to play in industrial relations. It is not only the one of being critical of either side, but also the role of giving the lead—and, heaven knows, there is plenty of room for improvement in the Government service so far as wages and conditions of employment are concerned. I think it would be fair to say that some of the worst paid workers and some of the worst conditions of employment are to be found within the Government service. Question No. 23 on today's Order Paper concerned an auxiliary postman. From the reply of the Parliamentary Secretary, it emerged that this man would have had more money if he were unemployed than when he was being paid by the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. That alone is sufficient comment on the conditions prevailing within the Government service.

Some time ago I asked the Minister if he regarded it as his duty to give a lead, as an employer, in such things as sickness payment for the lower paid workers and pensions. The Minister said "No". He did not feel it was his duty to give such a lead. I might be prepared to accept that, but surely it is not too much to expect that the Government, in their treatment of their own employees, would at least match what has been granted to workers in the better employments outside? Surely it is not too much to expect that such categories as road workers and auxiliary postmen would have sickness payment and pension rights? Surely the Minister would not regard himself as breaking the line were he to ensure that Government employees had at least as good conditions as had been obtained for workers in outside employment?

The Minister talked about the move among workers for better conditions and said he felt it was his duty to recommend to the Government the introduction of legislation which would suspend—this is in effect what he said——

The Deputy had better quote what I did say and not what he thinks I said in effect. I have had plenty of that. I will defend what I say but not what the Deputy and his colleagues are saying.

The Minister will never be in a position to defend anything I say.

What you say now is not what I say. This is very important.

Wait until I say it.

You said it and it is wrong.

I am going to say more the Minister will probably object to. The Minister, in effect, said that, if workers did not restrain themselves from seeking higher wages and better conditions, he would recommend to the Government the introduction of legislation that would suspend the system of free collective bargaining.

I think I have a right to expect a quotation of what I said, Sir.

He also went on to say——

The Deputy cannot say "also" because the first thing was not what I said.

In effect.

Let us deal with what I said.

What did the Minister actually say?

I suggest Deputy Booth should read his speech. I am saying what the Minister did say in effect.

What we want is a quotation from the Minister's speech.

Surely I am entitled to say——

——what in effect the Minister said?

Hear, hear.

No one can deny me that right.

Except it is incorrect.

Could I ask the Minister is that not, in effect, what he said?

What I said is there: quote it.

Is that not, in effect, what the Minister said, that if workers did not restrain themselves from seeking more wages and better conditions, he would feel himself compelled to recommend to the Government the introduction of legislation that would suspend the system of free collective bargaining? That is, in effect, what the Minister said.

That is what the Deputy read into it. He seems reluctant to quote what the Minister did say, and I do not blame him.

I will quote now. I think the Deputy would be better employed looking after the car industry. I am trying to look after the workers. The Deputy would have no interest in them.

How many workers does the Deputy employ? Whom did he ever look after?

It would take me a long time to reach the Deputy's record for sacking men.

These personalities are out of order.

I quote from the Official Report, volume No. 226, column 1432:

No sector of the community, or combination of sectors, has the right to behave in a thoughtless, irresponsible and destructive way towards the community.

Hear, hear.

I entirely agree with those sentiments, but, as the Minister probably knows, I meet workers in the course of my trade union work who want to formulate claims, possibly for three weeks holidays or for some adjustment in wages. The Minister could help me by answering the following questions. When I quote for those workers what I have just read from the Minister's speech and tell them that, as they probably read in the papers the Minister has warned them that if they persist in seeking any improvement in their conditions, he will recommend the introduction of legislation to suspend the system of free collective bargaining, what will the Minister say if one of the members replies: "That is fine and grand but tell us what has the Minister to say about prices? We are supposed to have price control but it has recently come to light that prices have been increased and the fact has not been made public. Will the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is responsible, issue a list telling us what prices have increased? Will you also tell us what steps the Minister is taking to restrain people who are speculating?"

Would that not be a matter for another Minister? It does not seem to be a matter for the Minister for Labour.

If he does not wake up to that fact early, he will blow up.

I think it is relevant.

It is most relevant.

When the Minister referred to "no sector or combination of sectors," surely it is relevant? We are talking about restraining people from rocking the boat. Surely I am entitled to talk about those who are rocking the boat and entitled to ask what action the Government——

Not the Government; in so far as the Minister is responsible.

Surely the Minister must be responsible for both sides of industrial relations?

The Minister was referring to pay and conditions, if the Deputy cares to refer to his speech.

If the workers ask what action is being taken against those who make fantastic profits, how do I answer? If they ask how professional fees are being restrained, how do I answer? Or how rents are being restricted?

The Minister has no responsibility for rents.

No, but if the Minister wants to make statements and advise one section of the community that they must restrain themselves, surely we are entitled to an answer to the question: what action will be taken against the other sections of the community? It is a legitimate question.

The Minister is concerned about industrial relations: so am I, but if he thinks the ordinary workers are fools, that they cannot read or reason or think, he is making a big mistake. They want to know what happened when they restrained themselves and agreed to the National Wage Agreement which gave them 12 per cent. Were they not the only section to restrain themselves and accept an increase of 20/- last May when very many of them—the Minister knows this—could have, by their industrial strength, secured far more than 20/-? The section of the community the Minister is threatening with legislation to stop them from exercising their democratic rights is the only section to have shown in a practical way that they are prepared to discharge their responsibilities to the nation. If the Minister wants co-operation from the trade union movement and individual workers, let the Minister and the Government tell us what restrictions will be placed on the gangsters speculating in land——

That is a matter for the Minister for Local Government. We cannot have a general debate on this Estimate.

Surely we cannot continue asking one section to restrain themselves? When the Minister and the Government give satisfactory answers to these questions I have asked, I have no doubt the workers will be only too glad to co-operate in the matter of restraint.

One would have thought that the Minister, when approaching this question of industrial relations, which is a very delicate and complex one, would tread carefully. Everybody appreciates that, as the Press said at the time, the Minister got the "hot seat." That was true. The Minister took over a Ministry against a background that could not mean he would be overjoyed about his position. We had a certain amount, even a good deal, of hope that he would be able to inject a little sense and reason into the situation but his actions last week were, to say the least, most inadvisable. He had a working party still meeting, as far as I know, comprising members of Congress, the FUE and, I think, officials of his Department, trying to find areas of agreement for pending legislation and, out of the blue, the Minister, speaking on the first real Estimate for his Department, completely ignores the fact that these people were making a bona fide effort to find acceptable legislation, or proposals for legislation, and he lashes out once again at the workers and threatens them, as he did.

I do not think the Minister was very well advised in what he did. If the Minister thinks he can legislate against strikes or can enforce settlements, he is far more foolish that I ever through he was. This business of industrial relations is very difficult. We see people like Deputy Booth getting up and saying: "Sure, we are all together, boys; we all have this common aim."

Can the Deputy give any quotation of mine to that effect?

To be honest, I never heard Deputy Booth say anything worth quoting.

So this, again, is an invention of your own, which is a little unfair.

It seems to be a highly unobjectionable observation that we are all together for the good of the nation. That does not seem to be a libel on any man. If Deputy Booth protests and excludes himself from that category, then he slanders himself.

The fact that I have not said it appears to me to be relevant.

Deputy Cluskey is too kind.

Let him invent something more exciting.

To try to tell the workers that there is no conflict between worker and employer is ridiculous. Of course, there is conflict between them. There must be conflict between them. The system under which we operate is the profit motive—profit. If workers look for more, then that means that management gets less.

Not necessarily.

How stupid can the Deputy become? Management does not get the profits.

They do not?

No. I shall try to educate the Deputy at a later stage.

Never having been a shareholder——

His union is a shareholder in a big way, as the Deputy will find if he studies what happens in companies.

I am not surprised that Deputy Booth would not understand what I am trying to say, which is that there is so much left and workers want a share and management want a share and the more the workers want, the less there is for management. That is the conflict. There is only so much there. If there is increased productivity, management want to take out the increase and workers want a share of that also, and there is the conflict.

Management does not——

Did Deputy Booth contribute to the debate?

No. I shall have a lot to say.

Go bhfóire Dia orainn.

I am sure it will be inspired. Before we can deal effectively with a problem it is necessary to realise what the problem is. This business of going around and saying there is no conflict is a mistake. There is a conflict. We have to recognise the fact that there is a conflict. We have to try to minimise the results of any clash of interests between workers and management. To judge by the way the Minister behaved last week, I do not think he has done a lot towards minimising that clash of interests.

Together with my trade union colleagues on this side of the House, I want to recall that quite a number of factors were mentioned in the Minister's speech which indicate a very comprehensive range of thinking over a very wide range of problems. As in the past, the various Conditions of Employment Acts, Holidays Acts, Industrial Relations Acts, Apprenticeship Acts, and all the other Acts that brought benefit to the workers, are now being examined together with the training and retraining schemes which the Government think it necessary and desirable to introduce. The redundancy scheme, the resettlement scheme, the placement facilities, the careers information service and the research work are matters of great importance in addition to the great range of problems considered and dealt with in the past by Fianna Fáil Governments and Fianna Fáil Ministers.

The establishment of the Department of Labour is the Government's expression in concrete terms of their desire to meet this new situation. As reported in the Official Report of Thursday, 16th February, 1967, Volume 226, the Minister for Labour said:

It is clear that the country's first economic priority must be to raise production and increase employment. As our goods must sell, at home and abroad, with the products of other countries, they must be fully competitive. If this is not achieved, we face the certainty of loss of production and loss of employment.

This clearly shows the comprehensive thinking—not one-sided thinking—of the Government in relation to loss of employment and loss of production. Loss of production can be brought about by many factors with a consequential loss of employment. The Minister continued:

Attempts to generate a higher level of production and employment, or even to retain the existing level, will be frustrated if we have to suffer the interruptions of strikes like those of the past few years. Stoppages because of strikes are also a deterrent to investment in Ireland.

As was explained by many speakers, the stoppages and strikes that have taken place have been a deterrent to investment in Ireland and have retarded the development of our country. Surely, in this day and age, it should not be beyond the capacity of the trade union organisations and the employers to get together and to evolve some system whereby a settlement might be reached today and not tomorrow; it has to be reached at some stage. We have this hazy thinking of the survival of the fittest and that somebody will emerge after the conflict—some prophet, whether it be the management or the worker—without giving comprehensive examination to the problem. Without a positive and constructive approach by management and labour, I am quite sure that the desires and the anxiety of the Government in the creation of further employment will suffer and the worker and the employer will receive no substantial incentive either to increase production or to go ahead. The Minister continued:

Resumption of the programmed rate of economic growth will be seriously retarded if money incomes race ahead of economic growth, as took place in the non-agricultural sectors of the economy in 1966.

This was explained by the Minister and it has been misquoted on many occasions in this House. In the tensions and uncertainties of conditions in the modern world we can no longer afford to continue as we have been doing if we are to preserve the best of what is common cause. Our common interest requires that we make common cause. The establishment of the Department of Labour is the expression of the desire of the Government to do this.

One of the great problems is the establishment of sound industrial relations. In the past 12 months or so we have seen how bad industrial relations can really be. Each section concerned has endeavoured to shift responsibility to the other but no section has accepted blame. In any event, blame-placing can be no solution to the problem. During this period of rapid technical change, if our industrial relations are not the best, whom are we to blame? Are we to blame the Government or the worker or the trade unionist or the employer?

Could we be clear on this? Is the Deputy now quoting from the Minister or is he reading his own manuscript? I would be very pleased indeed to go over and look at the manuscript he is reading.

He is referring to notes.

Copious notes—I quite understand.

There is collective responsibility. We all have to play our part if there is to be permanent improvement in relations between employer and employee. These relations must be founded on something more than a cash basis. If the cash basis is the only solution to the problem, then there can be no real industrial harmony.

A most interesting contribution.

The workers who are interested in their crafts and callings and who care to contribute to the national wealth and to industrial harmony and efficiency can remove many of the obstacles at ground floor level. It is desirable that the workers should play their part. Sometimes they are confused by the confused thinking of some of their own trade union leaders. The workers themselves on many occasions have taken it upon themselves to adjust situations within their own industry and to bring about a level of understanding. For instance, there are the collective agreements that we hear so much about these days. There is no doubt that in the case of the agreements in Aer Lingus and elsewhere some of the matters were repudiated by the trade union leaders and eventually, by the constructive desire of the workers to bring about harmony in their places of employment, agreement was reached.

Aer Lingus and Roadstone are not the only places where harmony exists. There are other sections where agreements covering two or three year periods have been in existence for quite a number of years. It is desirable that this development should continue and be allowed to continue. The type of agreement that has been formulated for a large number of workers should be extended to other workers.

The trade unions have an important part to play. I feel that the trade union movement as such has lost out. The trade union movement has not adjusted itself to present-day conditions. To some extent it is still living in the twenties. The system of operation is still that of the 1920s. Today it has a more complex and more involved role to play in communicating to its members. Many members of trade unions are not aware of the problems that exist at a given time or of discussions that may be taking place. They are not fully informed. Each union member must have a complete understanding of the economic situation in which he and his union and the nation move. Such understanding does not exist. Apart from the ordinary worker, the trade union can play a very important role in this connection.

Management has its part to play and must adjust to the new situation. In some cases management has adjusted itself. Managements have accepted the necessary aids and financial incentives to equip industries to meet the new situation. If each side plays its part, we can arrive at a situation where there will be harmony in industrial relations.

Conflict and suspicion have been injected into the debate by some of the speakers. The Minister has been misquoted. I followed some of the quotations that were made and they did not tally with what the Minister had said. We cannot allow the situation to deteriorate further due to lack of ideas or lack of plans or programming. We must get together at this stage and hammer out some sort of solution.

Deputy Dunne would have been in plenty of time. He did not have to listen to this type of tripe.

I wanted to hear Keir Hardie. It is seldom we have the opportunity.

If fringe benefits applied to politicians, dirty money would be a large part of the salary.

He is more like a Senator, who shall be nameless.

Order. Deputy Dowling.

As to Government co-operation, no Government have given the worker, the trade union or the employer so much recognition as the present Government have given. There has been almost daily consultation, as has been freely admitted, with little effect on the problems. That consultation was in the common interest. In that sense, the Minister has proved himself to be one of the most outstanding and sympathetic Ministers.

The Deputy must not have read the last three pages of his speech.

He has shown his anxiety and willingness to meet and discuss and try to evolve solutions.

The Deputy must have stopped reading the Minister's speech at page 17.

Order. Deputy Larkin spoke at length on the Estimate.

The Labour Party must be on hunger strike. They have all come in to listen to Deputy Dowling's speech. It is not often that we see so many of you at once in the Chamber.

That is because you are so seldom here.

Tell the Labour Party to stop preventing Deputy Dowling from making his speech.

He does not need your help.

typically, has tried to inject an air of suspicion into the discussion. I, and all of us, believe that free collective bargaining should remain the cornerstone of our industrial relations. The opportunity for labour and management to work out their problems and arrive at voluntary agreements is something we all favour. Collective bargaining should also constitute procedure whereby terms and conditions

The question of free collective bargaining has been raised by Deputy Cluskey. Deputy Cluskey, of employment would be determined.

There are many factors other than wage rates that cause industrial unrest. It would appear from some of the speakers from the Labour Party that the only factor is the question of adjustment of wages. There is a substantial number of factors which bring unrest and which cause economic loss or loss of production or loss of employment. I would appeal to the members of the Labour Party who claim to represent the trade union movement to examine this situation in a realistic manner in relation to the long-term provisions made by the Minister for the purpose of stabilising or increasing production and thereby increasing the number of jobs available. This is of the utmost importance. It is important to us all that jobs become available so that we may arrive at the period of full employment that we all strive for and hope to see.

One of the matters mentioned in the Minister's speech was that of the factory inspectors. I, too, feel there are deficiencies in this sector. I know from experience the manner in which factory inspectors approach a factory. They are probably shown through one side of it by the employers, and machines that are dangerous are generally not operating when the factory inspector is passing through. I have had experience of working a machine which was dangerous and when the factory inspector approached, the machine was cut off so that nobody could work it. When the inspector inquires about such a machine, he is told it is not being operated.

The Minister might recognise in this regard that there are defects and they are not all on the one side. There are employers who are reluctant to meet safety requirements. The factory inspectors should ensure that the problems that exist are examined comprehensively. I know of one instance where an inspector had been visiting a factory for seven years, and in the seventh year, a major defect which had been in existence for the previous seven years was discovered, which showed that the previous inspections were of little significance.

When we say that safety committees should be developed on a voluntary basis, I do not think that we are going to get the co-operation that is necessary and desirable. Whether we like it or not, the ordinary individual in the workshop cannot go to the management and say: "I am anxious that a safety committee should be set up". He is told to go back to his shop steward or his trade union. Therefore, it devolves completely on the trade unions to ensure that safety committees are set up in all concerns. The worker himself has little communication with top management.

Labour leaders themselves can do much to ensure that there is an extension of these safety committees by ensuring that the shop steward is fully informed and fully educated in regard to his Job. The unions should take that to heart and thereby eliminate the distress that is generally caused to people who are well meaning but who do not happen to have a job that would give them that access to management.

In connection with fringe benefits, the Minister said the Labour Court recommended that claims for service pay, reduced working hours and extra holidays should be deferred and that claims for other improvements should be left for discussion within each industry. That is a bit farcical because I have known cases where the employer will sit down and talk to workshop committees on the question of concessions; when he feels like it, he agrees to something but suggests that it is a concession and that he is under no obligation to continue it, and then later on he will withdraw it when he feels it is opportune for him to do so. Comprehensive working agreements with all sectors of industry are very necessary, and concessions as such should not be something that the employer can give and withdraw as he sees fit. I wonder are they the other improvements that should be left for discussion within the industry. If they are, I think it undesirable that agreement should be reached on this basis.

It can be said that everybody— factory workers, civil servants, members of the Labour Party, all of us— wants more money. However, it can only be got in certain ways, by collective effort on the part of the community. We must consider the consequences the acceptance of more money will have on the purse of the housewife, whether it will mean a reduction of her purchasing power. This is a matter which should get comprehensive and serious consideration before it is pursued to finality.

There is no question that lower paid workers need an increase in pay. Then there is the question of closing the gap between the skilled and the clerical grades about which we hear so much talk. I am quite sure no member of the trade union movement will indicate he is prepared to see the gap closed between any particular sectors. It is a question of one chasing the other. We must realise that higher education and adaptability to the mechanical field require higher skill and greater knowledge, and also require higher payment. In any event I hope the lower paid workers will get a substantial increase, an increase which they deserve and need. Other sections can wait, but the closing of the gap between certain sections is absolutely essential in this day and age.

I trust now that the various sections of industry will get together and examine the problems before them and that there will not be this breakdown in negotiations we hear about from time to time. Deputy Cluskey says the Minister should give a lead. Every time the Minister gives a lead very few heed him. They accept it as a lead to proceed to a higher rate or to reach a certain target. I am quite sure that if the Labour Party, the unions and the employers were prepared to accept the Minister's lead, we would have industrial harmony, but at the moment the question of leads must be written off to a great degree.

I believe there is enough intelligence among trade union leaders and officials to enable them to work out some type of agreement that will inspire workers with confidence.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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