Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 22 Feb 1967

Vol. 226 No. 10

Committee on Finance. - Vote 39—Labour (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £848,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1968, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Labour, including certain Services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain Grants-in-Aid.
—(Minister for Labour).

A scheme for redundancy payments was outlined in the Minister's brief. For quite a considerable time, this word "redundancy" has been used as a whipping post to terrify workers, just as the word "automation" was similarly used some time ago. It is an unfortunate situation when there is a constructive approach to deal with a situation that may exist in the future. The resettlement and retraining proposals are all intended to benefit workers and to protect them, and references to redundancy are used in order to try to create in the minds of workers the idea that in years to come there must be wholesale redundancy. It is a very serious matter and it should be treated in a very serious manner.

The question of the retraining of workers and the upgrading of workers has become a burning question and I hope that those who are now vocal in the matter of whipping up interest in this particular matter in order to disturb the minds of the workers will fall into line with schemes for upgrading skills. The upgrading of skills, from unskilled to semi-skilled, would not seem to involve any great problem but there may be problems in regard to upgrading the semi-skilled. There may be a need for some flexibility in regard to the demarcation line and that may become an important issue in the future. It will be up to the trade union movement to ensure that this matter is solved to the benefit of the workers and to ensure that there will be no lack of effort on their part to meet the situation by having this flexibility. I have grave doubts that this question of demarcation will not become a factor because I have heard it said that in the upgrading of skills, from the semi-skilled to the skilled, there will be serious disruption. That has been threatened by a person of no small standing in the industrial world.

I trust that this position will be examined in a realistic manner so that this disruption will not take place. There is no doubt that the need in the future will be for skilled labour and this in itself means that this upgrading may cause some disruption. As I said, it is unfortunate that the term should be used as a whipping post and I hope that as time goes on, we will realise the seriousness of the situation and the efforts which are being made to protect the workers through retraining schemes for people who become redundant for one reason or another. The matter is being tackled in a very serious way by the Minister and his Department. As we know, free trade will expose us to severe industrial competition and in order to succeed, we must have greater and better production. This cannot be produced by additional effort alone, but by greater skill.

Another term which has been used is "greater productive effort" and the workers are led to believe that they must work harder in order to get more. That is not so. If the industrialists equip themselves to meet the new and pressing needs with such things as better equipment and machinery and if the workers equip themselves with new and better "know-how", the situation can be met and we can produce more without greater effort on the part of the individual. Many men at present are working to their capacity and they cannot make a greater effort, certainly in a manual job.

The question of training is an important one and one on which we must have complete agreement. We must develop our resources as fully as does any other country. Our workers are just as competent as those in Britain, America or elsewhere and they are sought after by other countries. We should protect them and ensure that they get the same opportunities here and that no obstacles are placed in their way. The question of co-operation rests here to a great degree with management. There is need for a greater effort because many managements have failed to avail of the State services which are available in order to equip themselves to meet the new developing situation. They like to weep instead but they will have to equip themselves for the future. In many spheres, management has not been too effective in the past and in the industrial field, many people were put in merely to soak up profits. We must ensure that the best possible personnel are available for the job in order to ensure that industry will move in the direction in which we want it to move, to meet outside competition.

The question of skilled personnel managers is one that must receive serious consideration. Skilled personnel managers are required to deal with labour problems. As we know, good relations are a keynote today and a first necessity if we are to meet outside competition, increase the number of jobs available and improve the effectiveness of our productive effort and of our industries. In the Minister's statement, Government policy is clearly laid down, that we must raise production and increase employment. These ends can be achieved only by proper co-operation between the trade unions, workers and management. We may fail from time to time in some sectors but we have a collective responsibility, and we as public representatives have also responsibility, to mould the minds of the people in a true and honest way and not to try to terrify them as some Members of this House have done in the not too distant past and probably continue to do.

Listening here today to one or two of them, one can see that the trend is still there. It is unfortunate that it is there and the sooner we get down to working as one unit for the good of the nation rather than for sectional interests the better, because only by doing that can we bring about a solution to the problem and bring about the goodwill which is necessary to achieve the objectives of the Government and the nation, that is, to raise production and increase employment.

The day is now gone when the big boss could say: "I am the boss; I hire and fire." If that is the only way management can bring it home to the men that they are in charge, it means management are ineffective. I am sure we can and will develop the brains of our people to meet this new and everincreasing need. The welfare of the workers will always be in the forefront of the minds of the Minister for Labour and the Government. We have always paid attention to the problems and needs of the workers. This is proved by all the aids we have provided for them. I can understand the disappointment of some members of the Opposition that, in addition to all the aids of the past, such as holidays with pay, proper conditions of employment, industrial relations Acts and so on to give the workers the conditions they deserve, this Government are now setting out in clear terms their desire to see training and retraining schemes to meet the new situation.

Earlier today there were one or two interruptions about automation and redundancy which I should like to answer. It did not take automation to cause redundancy when some of the people who interrupted were in power. The workers can be assured that on no occasion will we cause redundancy by selling the various means to keep people in employment.

The question of trade unions has often been mentioned here. I am a trade unionist. I was a shop steward for 15 years and a member of the executive council of a union. I understand the workings of unions, their desires, needs and defects. We all have our defects. Listening to some of their spokesmen, one would think unions had no defects, that all their defects had been eliminated. There are many efficient trade union leaders who down through the years have tackled problems with commonsense and understanding. The prolonged period of industrial stability is an indication of the excellence of their work. But, like every other sector of the community, a union has its weak points.

I would appeal to the union members who have spoken to set their own house in order. I want to see that done in order to ensure that the workers will have sound representation in discussions with employers. In the past, some of the industrial unrest here was caused because the union representatives were inefficient, and the slick employers' representatives were able to get an agreement which, when analysed later, showed the workers to be losing instead of gaining. Some unions have established colleges to equip their leaders to meet this new situation in which the employer puts everything into the field to ensure his point gets across in an effective manner. My hope is that we will have properly trained union representatives to meet this situation.

Sometimes strikes are called as a vote of no confidence in trade union leaders who have discussed a problem and brought it to what they believe is an agreed settlement. From time to time, a trade union official and a politician are the most hated people in the country by the public and even by their own members when there is a big issue at stake. Sometimes the worker is unsympathetic towards a conscientious trade union official doing his job in a realistic way and endeavouring to give good advice. The public are also unsympathetic to a Government meeting their responsibilities in full in order to ensure the common good and not just a sectional good.

I am glad to see the unions moving in this direction and having these seminars, condemned by Deputy M. O'Leary. Valuable information is imparted at these seminars. Union officials have there the benefit of the experience of older officials who have met and dealt with the slick employers' representatives. These seminars have been very successful and will continue to be. Many unions have not the resources to establish colleges such as those established by one or two unions. The seminar is the next best thing. I am told by trade union officials that those who attend them get a comprehensive picture of how the employers' representatives operate.

The question of strikes was mentioned. We all condemn wildcat unofficial strikes. Nevertheless, there are occasions when they must be treated with understanding. Generally speaking, this type of strike starts on the spur of the moment for some given reason. It is not like the case where prolonged negotiations break down. Usually it is a question of ineffective control by unions or management. Often it is a question of a shop steward assuming responsibilities he has not got. Unions should educate shop stewards into some uniformity of thinking. It varies from union to union. Sometimes they think they are the general secretary rather than the shop steward. On many occasions they have put higher union officials into deep water and much time is lost trying to eliminate the problem. Sometimes this type of strike is condemned out of hand without any assessment of the situation.

On one or two occasions I was concerned with stoppages of this nature. After careful examination it became clear that they were being hoodwinked or that there was a grave injustice that could only be brought to light by an immediate stoppage. We hope these stoppages will not happen and that the development of worker-management relations will continue to the point of eliminating them. These things never occur on major wage problems which are negotiated at a higher level. It is generally on a question of concessions and even where the term is written into an agreement, these concessions may be withdrawn at a moment's notice.

The treatment of workers as digits in any large industrial concern should be examined. It is a necessary first step that a man should be regarded as a man. It is very depressing for a man to hear called out: "No. 40, report to the office"; or "No. 35, come for your pay now." That is very degrading and the sooner we get away from it the better. It may have been all right in the past but we have now reached the stage when the dignity of man should be fully recognised by the management.

We all recognise the right to strike as a right that must be qualified by such factors as family and personal necessity and duty to the community. Any withdrawal of labour must be conditioned by social principles. If that is done and all factors taken into consideration before arriving at a decision to strike, we shall have fully complied with our responsibilities. Many strikes have been unnecessary and unjustified and have brought nothing but misery and poverty to the lower-paid workers. As in many other cases the lower-paid worker is used as a catspaw. Those who really suffer by a strike are those who can least afford it.

It has been said that managing directors do not suffer financially as a result of a strike. That is quite right. We look forward to the day when we can eliminate all strikes and still meet justifiable claims. In this enlightened age, with more enlightened managements and unions, we should be able to reach that situation, especially when statistics, progress reports and planning programmes are available to both employers and workers. Nevertheless, the right to strike exists and we recognise it, and all the consequences of a strike, just as we recognise collective bargaining which is the keystone of our industrial relations and must so remain. If there is a failure to reach agreement between managements and unions to eliminate stoppages or major disruptions in industrial output and if a solution can be found, we shall have gone a long way towards meeting everybody's desires.

There is another problem that strikes me as a trade unionist, that is, the question of workers' councils. These are a very good institution and should be developed but they are often very cumbersome with quite a number of unions, anything from four to ten or even 21, whatever number is in CIE. Before the small grievance of the workers can be rectified, a very long period must elapse. This causes dissatisfaction not only to the workers concerned but to other workers where a number of unions are involved. It may help in some cases to have members of a number of unions acting together but generally it is the smaller problems that it is necessary to eliminate. If we can succeed in eliminating these smaller grievances, we shall have different personnel dealing with the bigger problems on a wider basis and these will be met with greater understanding.

Once again, I should like to assure the Minister that his efforts are being noted by responsible people, as also are the efforts of the Government, to meet the present situation with new services such as replacement service and guidance facilities that will be available to the schools. It is of great importance that we should start at that level. That will represent a realistic approach in catering for the future of our young people and solving some of their problems. At present people are left very much on their own in making up their minds and as a result those with special aptitudes, capable of reaching great heights, are unable to realise their potentialities for want of these services. These guidance facilities should be examined in great detail.

The manpower forecasting service and the other services available are being appreciated as an addition to the already long line of aids to workers and measures to ensure that workers get necessary protection. I ask the trade union movement to examine carefully the question of flexibility. This is something that is desirable and necessary and something that should be paid for as it is in some cases where a flexibility allowance is made because of the overlapping of work, rather than have this very strict line of demarcation.

Trainee systems have been introduced very effectively at the Verolme works in Cork and these are very satisfactory and work with the blessing of the unions. In the many new industries that I hope will be established in different fields from those already existing, I trust that trainee systems will be developed so that the question of demarcation with the skilled crafts may be averted. It was recently said that any suggestion of upgrading semi-skilled to skilled, or indeed any upgrading which will bring such workers within reasonable distance of skilled workers, will meet serious opposition. It will be a bad day if we do not work out a system of flexibility or demarcation allowances, or whatever type of payment will be given for this type of infringement.

One of the problems is that, where there is flexibility, where a number of unions or crafts are concerned, perhaps ten or 15, the bigger crafts tend to obliterate the smaller groups in a matter of time. I know their survival is at stake and both sides should get down to devising a system which would absorb both classes into a unit and which would give proper compensation for any infringement of rights.

Many other factors have been mentioned in the debate and in the discussions and many people have been misquoted. I sympathise with the Minister when I hear many members of the Opposition misquote him and use various terms in order to try to terrify others. I do not believe they will fool the great majority of the people but they will certainly fool some of them, as they did before. I would appeal to Deputies not to inject any cloud of suspicion into this discussion such as has already been injected into it. By so doing, they have done a bad day's work for themselves. I am quite sure that, in a few months' time or maybe in a year's time, they will come back here and probably be very sorry for some of the contributions that have been made.

Once again, the trade unionists, at large, welcome any type of legislation that will protect them in their hour of need, in redundancy or in unemployment. They welcome facilities for the attainment of skills they had not before. The placement service will assist them in moving from job to job and to get other employment. These are all steps forward in addition to a very large line of protections and aids that have been given to workers by Fianna Fáil throughout the years.

I think Deputy Dowling should shoot his speech writer because the bit he read to us at the beginning of his performance was wretched, but the treacle barrel technique he employed for the rest of the evening was most effective. He reminded me of a barrel of treacle with the tap turned on and the treacle flooding out. Everybody listening to him gets into a state of mind of bemused confusion. It is very effective and Deputy Dowling must be most useful to his Party. He should shoot his speech writer because what he wrote and read out to us today does not suit his style.

It strikes me that it is necessary to suggest to the Minister for Labour that if he is to get an opportunity to promote stability—which, I take it, is to be his primary task—his greatest enemy is not the Federated Union of Employers nor the Trade Union Congress nor shop walkers nor anybody else, but the dragon of inflation. You cannot slay that dragon. It does not matter what the Minister does or what the Trade Union Congress tries to do or what the Federated Union of Employers attempt, the hateful, all devouring spiral will go on. I do not think I exaggerate when I say that inflation is the Prince of Thieves, robbing the defenceless and passing by the experts in the manipulation of money. It is the broad high road so pleasant to travel until it reaches its destination of anarchy, begotten of the collapse of money as a store of value. Then, indeed, Fisher's equation operates to destroy the foundations of a free society, until in the ensuing anarchy people turn to authoritarian forms of Government to arrest the breaking up of society; and all too often society discovers too late that inflation has destroyed freedom, and that the price paid politically to restore stability has been the surrender by freemen of their birthright of freedom, with the prospect of generations of struggle and perhaps bloodshed to get it back. I think that proposition is incontrovertible, but I can look back with a clear conscience on having stated that dilemma to our people over a long time. But, when Deputy Childers, the Minister for Transport and Power, casts himself in the role of Lady Godiva to ride naked on a white horse through his constituency, really, the soul of man must revolt. Can you imagine Deputy Childers, carried away by the intoxicating atmosphere of the Dublin Society of Incorporated Secretaries in the Central Hotel, delivering himself of the following, no later than Saturday night last, when he stated that the country was suffering from an increase in the cost of living, half of which was caused by completely reckless inflation in 1964, 1965 and 1966? May I ask Lady Godiva Childers where he was in 1964, 1965, and 1966?

I take it the Deputy is addressing the Minister for Transport and Power?

I am referring to him. Seeing that he is not present, I could scarcely address him. He was riding high in those days and offering all and sundry a larger share of the growing cake. Anyone who then suggested that he was, in fact, seducing our people down the broad highway— what Deputy Dowling calls redundancy and about which I shall have a word to say in a moment—was remonstrated with by Lady Godiva that they were misrepresenting the noble aspirations of a generous soul who asked of the country nothing more than to "Let Lemass Lead On." Now, the Minister for Labour is here before us. Where was he in 1964, 1965 and 1966? Godiva says he was leading the people into an inflationary situation the fruits of which are now being visited upon us.

I have not finished with Lady Godiva. Stripped, and on her white horse, she had this to add:

The crazy rush for higher living standards which had not been earned had not brought the economy crashing down because the British, living on borrowed money, had gone on inflating and their people were still able to buy more Irish goods. Now the British people have been brought to their senses and Irish exported goods will have to be sold in a Britain where the boom has ended.

When I think of the shocked dismay of Godiva when I was telling this House four and five years ago that the Government, either through ignorance or irresponsibility—and I now believe the latter was the real cause— were plunging our people into the grave crisis in which we at present are, it makes me quite sick to realise that there are still men left in the public life of this country who are prepared so recklessly to deceive in order to purchase votes with lies.

I would have more respect, I think, for persons who caparison themselves in lies and make their foul bargain to sell their souls for votes and who keep their disreputable rags about them but there is something utterly revolting when they shed the rags which cover their nakedness. They seek to cover their persons with their inadequate locks and to ride on milk-white chargers of probity, proclaiming they are not as other men.

Who is speaking for the Government? Are we in a state of crisis owing to the reckless inflation precipitated by the Government in 1964, 1965 and 1966?

The Deputy has been speaking for ten minutes and I do not think he has come to the question before the House.

I speak, Sir, of stability. Does the success of the Minister for Labour rest or not rest on stability? He says so.

The Labour Estimate does not open up a general economic debate. We are confined to the subheads in the Estimate.

And the subject of the Minister's speech, I take it?

And the subject of the Minister's speech.

He speaks of stability as the primary essential for progress and says his function is to persuade, and if he should fail to persuade, then to compel, stability. I warn him that his persuasion and his legislation can have no effect if what his colleague, the Minister for Transport and Power, says is true, that the Government to which he and that Minister belong have been following a policy of reckless inflation which drives men to seek higher wages, forces up costs and ultimately brings the whole structure of the economy down around their ears.

We are talking about stability. Deputy Dowling was talking about how it shocked his tender ears to hear people speak of redundancy. I agree with him. I think the good old term, crude "unemployment", is the true term. There are 75,000 people unemployed in this country today after we have shipped 300,000 to Great Britain in the course of the past ten years and there is a new element entering in that none of you seems to have awakened up to. There are coming into the unskilled labour market today bankrupt farmers of substantial holdings. I want to warn this House that at the present time there are working on the streets of Dublin and on building sites and the roads of Meath and Westmeath relatively substantial farmers who are no longer able to earn a livelihood for their families on their own holdings.

That is not a matter for this Estimate or this Minister.

Are they not labourers?

The Deputy is totally getting away from the Labour Estimate before the House. We cannot discuss agriculture.

I am talking about the fact that you are now going to get an increasing labour force and an unskilled labour force for which you will be called upon to make provision.

I think the Deputy should come to the Estimate.

If that does not approximate to the problems of the Minister for Labour, I do not know what does. What are his functions?

The Minister for Labour is not responsible for a matter of agriculture.

Of course he is not, but he is being made responsible for those who ought to be the responsibility of the Minister for Agriculture because people are being driven off the land into unskilled employment.

Then, if he is not responsible, the matter does not arise on his Estimate.

I am telling you that these people have been driven out of agriculture. They ought not to be his responsibility but they are being made his responsibility. They are becoming unskilled workers.

Is it his problem or does he care about the problem that confronts him of the adverse trade balance in January? Is he concerned about the fact that there are certain signs of a sustained inflation in an adverse trade balance, a rising cost of living and a rise in the balance of payments? Does he agree with me that nothing he can do can correct the situation if these things are suffered to go on?

I want to submit to the House that all the blatherskite about the trivia of the administration as to whether we are going to have various alterations in the procedures in the labour exchange, and so forth, is irrelevant to the real issues that are here joined. The purpose, I understand, of a Minister for Labour is to help the Government to secure full employment in an economically viable economy. Is that not the purpose for which the Minister was appointed?

I have tried to bring to his mind the fundamental problems that must be resolved if the job committed to his care is to be done. I say the cost of living is rising. I say the adverse trade balance is rising. I say the adverse balance of payments is rising, although that is in some measure concealed by the continuing sale of our assets to foreign interests but that should not deceive the Minister for Labour or should not persuade him that the fundamental problem is not still there.

If we are to escape from this spiral which will destroy us all if it is allowed to proceed unhindered, every section of the community has to lend a hand. I remember being asked in Ballina during the general election, when I said I believed in an incomes policy, what I proposed to do if the employers or the trade unions refused to help. I said: "If that situation arises I fail. That is all." I believe they can be got to help. If people make up their minds that they are going to rush to destruction in a free society there is nothing you can do about it. But I do not believe our people will make up their minds to rush to destruction, and I do not want to live in a society based on the kind of coercion which is dear to the socialist heart and to the totalitarian head.

If we are to get the kind of co-operation that a Minister for Labour or any Government elected by this House requires to preserve the economic foundations of our society, one of the first requisites is that those who understand the problems will be prepared to set a good example. Advice without example is no good. The advice that is tendered that ought to be listened to by everybody is that until we have attained stability and restored our capacity to compete abroad in foreign markets everyone should restrain, as far as is humanly possible, the natural desire for an increased income. I think that applies from the richest man in Ireland to the lowest paid worker, but you have got to say quite deliberately if we do accept that principle: let us now examine the wage structure, and where we find some low paid workers living at a wage level which we consider to be inadequate for the maintenance of human dignity, adjustments could and should be made in their regard while maintaining an over-all forbearance by the rest.

If that advice is to be listened to, how are we to reconcile it with the action of the directors of the Government banks? If the Bank of Ireland and the other banks which it controls earned in the past financial year an entirely fortuitous profit as a result of the bank rate rising to unprecedented heights and to the economies of operation effected by them as a result of the protracted strike in their own service, they then start this year by distributing a two per cent increase in the dividend of every shareholder and announcing that as far as their employees are concerned there is going to be a preferential system of purchasing shares at substantial discount over and above whatever wage and salary agreements they have already made with their employees, how can you expect a man working with a shovel and spade for a relatively few pounds a week to hear sympathetically from his trade union an exhortation to exercise restraint?

I believe in free enterprise. I believe that profits are the hallmark of success, but I do not believe in uncontrolled distribution of dividends if at the same time you are asking everybody else in society to exercise restraint. This interesting fact emerges, that there are relatively few people in the public life of the country who are in a position to criticise the banks because the vast majority of us owe them money. Well be damned to them. Here is the place to speak the truth about them. Whether they are banks or whatever else they are, to distribute increased dividends to their shareholders at the beginning of such a year as we are now in represents for me the very apotheosis of irresponsibility. I want to say quite deliberately I fully understand the immense exacerbation of a trade union leader who is asked to urge restraint upon his own members when action of that kind is taken by bank directors.

The second thing I want to say is this. Deputy Jones, in opening for the Fine Gael Party on this Estimate, spoke about the very special problem of agricultural workers who withdraw from the agricultural industry and move into other industries, leaving the area in which they had got employment to take up employment, if it were available, in another area. Surely at the very heart of this problem must lie housing. One of the great difficulties of a man who proposes to leave a job in one place and take up a job in another is to find a place to put his family. One of the greatest hardships on a man taking up a new job is the necessity to maintain two households, a wife and family at home and himself at lodgings where he works. I would urge upon the Minister, if that has not already been brought to his attention, to bear it carefully in mind.

Another matter to which I wish to direct attention is the astonishing confidence trick that Fianna Fáil have so successfully carried out, that is, the extent to which they have persuaded public men in this country to become hypnotised by the Common Market. It has become the universal alibi for every error of judgment, inadequacy and fatuity on the part of the Government. I heard one of the younger Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party reading out with emotion some of the sections of the Treaty of Rome. He was so deeply impressed by some of the provisions of the Treaty of Rome, that when we got into the Common Market we would have complete freedom of movement of labour throughout the whole area of the Common Market, and he ventured to suggest this was one of the greatest forward steps in social thinking that he had come across in his, as yet, short life. I could see a number of Fianna Fáil Deputies looking around at him and thinking: "Is he not a very learned man? He has read the Treaty of Rome." I wonder did he ever stop to think that the only benefit contained in this section of the Treaty of Rome of which he spoke was to provide access for our emigrants to the countries of Europe, to provide access for our emigrants not only to the poverty, the segregation, the loneliness and the homesickness so many of them have learned so well in Great Britain or the United States of America, but all those evils complicated by the additional cross of the language problem.

Anyone who knows Europe knows of the tragic ghettoes, the Turkish, Greek and Italian ghettoes where are huddled the tragic people driven into them by the despair and poverty from which they came. Many of them come from Italy, Spain, Portugal, Turkey and Greece and they suffer all the agonies of hunger, segregation, loneliness, homesickness and inability to communicate. If that is one of the benefits the younger members of Fianna Fáil are yearning for from the Treaty of Rome, I hope our people will never be called on to avail of it.

At great political cost I have defended the Common Market. I fought for it at Strasbourg when General de Gaulle rejected President Kennedy's demarche in which he offered Atlantic partnership to a truly united Europe. I can look back to February of 1962 when, as Leader of this Party, I spoke at the Fine Gael Ard Fheis and said:

In connection with the whole problem of Ireland's entry into the Common Market I think it right to make one thing clear, we in Fine Gael decided that it was the right policy for this country to enter the Common Market if Great Britain entered it, so as to protect the vital economic interests of our own people. We believe that Fine Gael could have better conducted these negotiations than Fianna Fáil, but the people in the General Election entrusted this task to a Fianna Fáil Government. Some people would have us harass the present Government by propounding an endless series of hypothetical dilemmas and challenging the Government to answer these in public. This might provide entertaining political fireworks for those who are interested in sensationalism rather than statesmanship, but it would also make the task of any Irish Government negotiating on behalf of this country in Brussels utterly impossible.

That declaration of support of our entry to the Common Market stands today as it did then but the decision to forbear from putting a barrage of embarrassing questions to the Government did not produce many good results. Perhaps I was wrong in exercising that forbearance for so long.

Fianna Fáil have now pulled up their socks. They may pull them up as much as they like. They may dream dreams and formulate visions to deceive our people but the hard fact remains that we enter the Common Market if Britain enters and we cannot and will not enter if Britain does not enter. It is time the Members of this House made up their minds that the question of Britain's entry at all is becoming more and more problematical.

When we all dream our dreams of the solution of our economic problems, full employment, expansion of industry and growing prosperity for agriculture stemming from entry to the Common Market, we should ask ourselves on what do we base this confident outlook. The Common Market has not saved Germany from an acute crisis. Their coalmines are closing down and their steel masters are closing their mills and dismissing their men. Thousands and thousands of migratory labourers are running home to their own countries from the unemployment of Germany and France. Holland is in economic danger. We in this House should ask ourselves the question of how much of the vaunted prosperity of the Common Market for the past ten years has been due to the introduction of free trade and how much of it to the abracadabra of the Common Market itself.

There are still some old-fashioned economists who stick to the view that the whole illusion of tariffs and protection does little to advance the prosperity of anybody. I have stated here before that when I was a child, I could learn geography by standing on O'Connell Bridge and watching the export of Jacob's biscuits to the four corners of the earth. Since protection, they go nowhere except to Cork and Galway; they do not even go to Belfast. Jacob's was one of the greatest exporting biscuit industries in the world at a time when it was part of a system of free trade. The biggest ships in the world were built in Ireland under free trade and it is my belief that the bulk of the advantages of the Common Market have come from the creation of such a free trade area as was instituted in the United States 200 years ago. It is on the ability to exchange one's labour and the product of one's labour for the products of other nations without restrictions of any kind that prosperity is built.

The Common Market is not the solution of all the problems that face our people. The Common Market has not provided houses for the people of France where the housing situation is nearly as bad as it is here. The Common Market has not protected Germany from crisis. It has not prevented Italy from buying coal from America when she found it cheaper than to buy it from the Ruhr. It has not prevented a situation in which Dr. Strauss has almost split the German Cabinet because he says that Germany cannot afford to pay the £31 million which Dr. Erhardt undertook to pay to the British for the maintenance of their forces in Europe. I suggest that the Minister for Labour is fluthering with the future prosperity of our economy if he thinks that entry to the Common Market is going to provide solutions of the problems that are going to confront us.

I can understand the Minister shaking his gory locks at his neighbours and saying: "Boys, if you won't play, if you won't help, then I must consider introducing legislation." Legislation be damned. The Minister knows well that there is no legislation on the face of God's earth, except that of the kind they had in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia, which can make a man work if he does not want to work. There is no use making angry noises and announcing our intention of passing legislation, which we know damn well will not work. Either we can persuade our people to act reasonably or we will all go over the edge of the precipice together. But there is no use reproaching people when you act in the opposite way yourself. What, in the name of Providence, is the purpose of the Government telling everybody in the country that for the common good we must cut down and reduce our consumption, when they themselves are spending more than the Government of this country has ever spent since the State was founded, and with a whole row of Ministers already thirsting for the blood of their newly elected Taoiseach, conducting a competition amongst themselves as to which one of them will promise to spend most over and above what he is spending now? If everybody is going to spend more, first, where is it going to come from and, secondly, where is it going to go?

The Government cannot spend money without creating consumer demand and, if it is the Government's intention to spend more and more and more, then they must either borrow or raise it by taxation, and there is a limit to what they can get by taxation. In fact, if they honour half the commitments which some of the Minister's colleagues have already entered into publicly, we will be faced with inflation greater than anything we have ever known before. The reason for that is the very reason advanced by the simple but eloquent Deputy Dowling. Deputy Dowling's remedy for everything is that the greatest heresy any man can preach is that anyone in this country should be asked to work harder than he is working now. Deputy Dowling says nobody need make the slightest effort. All that is necessary is to improve the tools. It is the old story—the bad workman complaining of his tools. Deputy Dowling says there is nothing wrong with the work. Everybody is doing splendidly. What is wrong is the tools and, if we improve the tools, the E1 Dorado will be upon us all. That is all the purest cod.

The truth of it is we are all trying to live a champagne life on a porter income, and the tragedy of it is that in the presence of us all and in the eyes of us all, we are sinking deeper and deeper into debt. Our difficulties are steadily growing and we have now reached the stage when Ministers of State are making promises of the wildest kind because they are ashamed of the situation that exists and indifferent to the consequences of the undertakings they are giving. We have got our priorities all wrong. We have enormous concrete office buildings on St. Stephen's Green and yet a married man, his wife and three children, will not even be considered for a Corporation house in the City of Dublin. Naturally the Minister for Local Government expresses horror and dismay, and rightly so, and promises that plenty will be made available for this purpose.

This does not seem to be confined to the Minister for Labour alone.

It comes very near the root of the problems with which he will ultimately have to struggle. The odd thing is nobody wants to listen to these problems or to face them. There is one topic—it is not peculiar to this country; it is inherent in all free societies—from which men recoil with horror, that is, the inexorable, inescapable discipline of economic law. People believe we can control these problems by regulating prices. People believe we can control them by regulating wages. People believe we can control them by regulating profits. But, while they pass all this regulating legislation, the irresistible power of the economic heresy of inflation grinds on.

I do not see why I should waste the time of the House trying to tell the Minister what he can read for himself but I think it is worth while referring him to something to which I myself have already referred in this House. It is not a very long document. It is only 5½ pages. It is an address given by William F. Butler, Vice-President of the Chase-Manhattan Bank at the National Symposium on the Balance of Payments at the Chamber of Commerce, Mayflower Hotel, Washington, DC, on 19th October, 1966, entitled "The Adequacy of Current Machinery and Proposals for Reform". If the Minister has not got a copy, I shall be pleased to lend him mine, but I think it is highly likely that he or some of his advisers have already seen it and digested it.

I want to conclude as I began. Inflation is the root of all our labour relations problems. I want to express again my disgust at the picture of Deputy Childers, Minister for Transport and Power, cast in the role of Lady Godiva, purging with his nakedness, his unseemly nakedness, the sins of his Party. I hope to hear from the Minister for Labour, when he is concluding on this Estimate, that he does not accept that our problems can be resolved by tinkering with each symptom as it presents itself. He can do his job only in conditions of stability and, without that essential stability, no legislation and no administration can solve the problems, urgent problems, that threaten not only the economic but the political survival of this country as an independent state.

I am certain that not all Deputies accept the proposition that it is better to be free and relatively poor; I am not certain that there are not amongst them some who yearn for the fleshpots of Egypt. But I believe the situation is grave and I do not believe in asking the Minister to undertake the impossible. His colleagues have a very material contribution which they must make if he is to have any prospect of success in the Department of Labour. If they do not do better in the next three years, than Deputy Childers, the Minister for Transport and Power, would have us believe they did in the past three years, he can throw his hat at it. He has not a hope in hell of successfully performing the assignment he has undertaken unless the chilling vision of Deputy Childers, the Minister for Transport and Power, in his role of Lady Godiva, riding naked on a white horse, doing public penance for his past, has the effect of reforming his colleagues for their sins of inflation in the past. If the problem of inflation is brought under control, then and only then his problems may not be so formidable as some people seem to think. I believe in the commonsense of the ordinary people. If they are asked to help in surmounting national problems, they will usually give the help needed, but they will not listen to frauds who ask their neighbours to make sacrifices while they increase their own dividends by 25 per cent.

I hope that when the Minister is replying, he will be more informative and revealing than he was in his opening speech. If one reads carefully through this speech, one gets the impression that Fianna Fáil never before had anything to do with employment, finding employment, creating employment, or looking after conditions of employment. While I know that this is a new Department, the fact is that the Fianna Fáil Party have been in office for over 30 years and now we find in this Estimate a number of speculations, guesses or projections—call them what you like. I am anxious to get more information about these guesses or projections to which the Minister has adverted.

For instance, the Minister said that it is his intention to increase the number of factory inspectors to 28, from 22 at the moment, which number includes three women. This is something which indicates the need for attention in a matter which is so important. On a previous occasion, the Minister in reply to a question said that there were 11,570 registered factories for the year ended September, 1965. You do not have to exercise your imagination too much to wonder how they got around this job of factory inspection. Does the Minister seriously suggest that 28 people will be able to take care of so many factories? In addition, we can of course conclude that more factories came into existence since 1965 and we can also have regard to further figures given by the Minister on a previous occasion, when he said that for the first nine months of 1966, there were 2,679 factory inspections.

I should like to know what are the duties of factory inspectors and if they are so simple that they can cope with such a vast number of factories. Could the Minister explain why there have only been 2,679 inspections, when there are over 11,000 factories? Surely the Minister has a sufficient number of advisers, even in his own Party, apart from the Department, to know that numerous factories are in urgent need of inspection, particularly in regard to conditions? It is not sufficient for the Minister to say that this is a trade union problem. If the Minister assumes responsibility in the matter of factory inspections, he must be able to show that his Department can carry out these inspections satisfactorily. Frequently we hear about people stopping work because of such things as bad ventilation in their factories, or bad heating. This is very prevalent in this city, not to talk about other parts of the country. I do not know why the Minister has the idea that 28 inspectors will suffice. The people who have made the case for 28 inspectors should be made to spell out their reasons and say how these 28 inspectors are to do their jobs satisfactorily.

The time has also come when the Minister should improve the law in connection with safety committees. It should be obvious to him that placing the onus on the workers to set up these committees is no use. He expressed disappointment that more safety committees were not in operation. He did say that there were more in operation now than last year, but he should bear in mind that not all the workers in the Republic are members of trade unions and therefore this responsibility cannot be placed on the trade union movement. If the Minister is serious, he should set about having his inspectors set up these committees. The Minister will have to take the initial step in this matter because if he leaves the onus on the people to say that they will set up safety committees in their factories it will not work. This was borne out by the Minister's colleague, Deputy Dowling, tonight. He indicated that there is a natural reluctance on the part of people in certain places to make suggestions and that even if they do make suggestions, the reaction of the employers is not very satisfactory. This taken-for-granted attitude on the part of the Minister is not good enough. Either we mean business in this connection or we do not.

The Minister also said that he is going to review the existing law relating to the welfare of workers. I hope that this is not a "live horse and you will get grass" promise, not a typical promise of the Fianna Fáil Party. The Minister should indicate how long this review is to take, bearing in mind that the Fianna Fáil Party for over 30 years have had an opportunity to do this. It is now about time they came up with some sort of programme in regard to existing legislation. The Minister also pointed out that he is still working on the Industrial Training Bill, but while that is being done by the Minister and his Department, we have more and more factories closing down and workers being given notice that their employment is about to cease.

In my constituency, in the week before last, the Philips Export Centre issued a statement to the newspapers that they were going to close down. The first indication given to the union concerned was that morning when they were sent for and told about it. There is too much of this. A number of these places have obtained grants from the Exchequer. Surely it is reasonable for the Minister to make an arrangement that people who avail of State funds to set up factories should give an undertaking that they will give reasonable notice of their intention to close down? I do not think it unreasonable to ask them to give three or four months' notice. This idea of taking people unawares is not satisfactory. It is the responsibility of the Minister to ensure that the type of employment brought into existence is reasonably secure.

The Minister indicated that he will have an employment service, and he mentioned aptitude tests and placement officers. I should like him to be a little more explicit about how this is to operate. I am not decrying the idea—I think it is excellent—but we will have to have more positive statements and not just projections and guesses. One thing that worries me about the proposed placement service is that the Department's predecessors in this field, the Department of Social Welfare and the Department of Industry and Commerce, failed to do anything about placing boys and girls leaving school on a proper register for employment. The Minister should be aware of the fact there is no proper register being kept at present of children leaving school seeking employment. The only information comes by way of the child who finds his or her way to the employment exchange and registers there, but such children are in the minority. The majority living in the outskirts of Dublin do not find their way into the centre of the city looking for employment. In fact, the reverse is the case. When this matter was in the hands of the Department of Social Welfare, they made no attempt whatever to have a register of juveniles for employment. When we talk about an employment service, we must consider juveniles, and this postulates some form of registration. I urge the Minister to do something about this.

The Minister has already given us a rundown on the different types of disputes encountered during the past year. He talked about the activities of the Labour Court in the matter of trade disputes. I notice that again he did not say what he thought about the existing set-up in the Labour Court. He has not indicated whether or not he is satisfied with the number of conciliation officers in the Labour Court. I submit there are not enough. I am sure the Minister, now that he is operating from the Labour Court building, is well aware of the fact that there are queues to get a hearing before the Court. That is quite common. There is a lot of dissatisfaction in that connection. Some people who have served strike notice seek to have their cases heard. In some cases the case is heard and in others it is not. Often it is said to depend on whom you are working for whether or not you will be able to jump that queue.

I would like the Minister to tell us what his intentions are, not only in regard to increasing the number of conciliation officers but how he intends to recruit them. Having regard to the existing officers, does he intend to enable them to acquaint themselves with what are now being described as modern techniques? I can well understand the predicament conciliation officers often find themselves in when trying to get knowledge of particular operations because they have not been afforded an opportunity of making a study of people actually in employment. This is something I would ask the Minister to consider seriously.

The Minister said he was going to have a senior officer of his Department to maintain contact with both sides, for the purpose, I presume, of keeping peace. How will this senior officer fit in with the Labour Court? Will he be responsible to the Minister or to the Labour Court proper? Will he be a kind of arbitrator who will be outside the Labour Court? What will his role be? Will he come in before conciliation conferences take place? Will he come into the matter before or after the Labour Court hearing? We are entitled to have some more information about this to decide whether it is a good or bad idea.

The Minister went to great lengths in talking about the importance of raising production and increasing employment. In that connection, he has been found to be making threats as far as the trade union movement is concerned, threats which I know are very much resented by the rank and file members of the movement, never mind the people who represent them. It is about time the Minister and his colleague, the Minister for Transport and Power, turned their sights on the other side and talked to management, telling them what they should or should not be doing in this important matter of increasing production and employment. We seldom, if ever, hear talk of that kind from the Minister. Perhaps it is due to the fact that there is a considerable number of representatives of management in the Fianna Fáil Party. We also know they contribute to a great extent to the Fianna Fáil coffers. There is no doubt about this. This is what we have to have an understanding about.

When the Minister talks to the workers about increasing production, he should try to get more information about the difficulties often placed before workers in trying to increase production. I do not expect the Minister to be familiar with the operations of every factory in the State; neither do I expect his principal advisers to be familiar with them. But I think the time has come for the Minister and his advisers to familiarise themselves to a greater extent with the operations in factories and the attitude of management. It often happens that workers will be sweating their guts out to increase production and are prevented from succeeding by the stupid and foolish actions of the management, with different directors coming into the factory and giving contradictory instructions. This happens in many factories in Dublin. Do not blame the trade union movement for that. It is happening, and nothing is being done about it. What gave rise to that is that we have people who are directors of this company, that company and the other. The only thing they look for is profit which is all they believe in. If mistakes are made, the worker is blamed. This type of thing should be exposed. It is extremely unfair for the Minister to speak as he did and refrain from mentioning the employer's side.

It is about time the Minister for Transport and Power changed his attitude. It will not suffice for Deputy Dowling to profess to be a trade unionist and say the Minister is endeavouring to do all he possibly can in this matter. In many things said by Deputy Dowling, he was simply expressing himself as a disappointed trade union official. It is well known that he tried to become a trade union official on a few occasions and was rejected. Now he is going to take it out on the trade union movement. That is not good enough.

I am sure that when the Minister warns the workers about the advisability of increasing production, he must or should be conscious of why workers seek an increase in wages. It is not for fun; most times they are made seek increases by actions of the Government. It seems that the Minister in his pronouncements of this kind is not familiar with pronouncements made by fellow Ministers. For instance, how does he expect workers to face up to the results of the instruction given by the Minister for Local Government regarding rent increases? Recently, in Cavan, the Minister for Local Government said that the price of houses and the profits on them were fantastic, but the workers must find the money to keep pace with these exorbitant prices. So long as this continues, workers will have to seek wage increases. Also, if you increase rents, you will have the same situation—it postulates a further increase in wages. Conscious of the increase in house prices and excessive profits, the Minister for Local Government is at the same time urging that something should be done to inflate the rents of Dublin Corporation houses.

You have the other situation when the Minister did say, by way of compliment to the Fianna Fáil Party, I suppose——

Is the Minister for Labour responsible for this?

I am now talking about the Minister for Labour. The Minister, at column 1431 of Volume 226 of the Official Report, said:

The greatest restraint will also be necessary in prices. Some part of the slow down in the increase in the consumer price index in the latter part of 1966 must be due to the exercise of the Government's powers of price control.

Having said that, I am sure the Minister is aware of the price increases that came about and have been referred to by RGDATA. They have pointed out that increases were sanctioned by the Minister for Industry and Commerce which were not publicly known. In other words, the shopkeepers passed them on, the manufacturers having got permission to increase prices. When people realise what has happened, you will have another round of increases. The Minister may do as much as he likes, take any action he wishes, but he cannot stave off people doing the natural thing, seeking to obtain the wherewithal to meet the increases. Inevitably, that is what the Minister is letting himself in for.

Having regard to this line of example being set by some Ministers, the Minister for Labour should have regard to this and perhaps comment on it: between all the State Departments there are thousands of lowly-paid and badlytreated workers and if we are to advocate retraining, aptitude tests, redundancy payments and so on, it would not be a bad thing if the Minister for Labour particularly, seeing that he is now responsible, I understand, for securing employment, would set about having an understanding with his Cabinet colleagues and get them all to agree to treat their employees, underpaid workers in various Departments— not the highly paid civil servants— properly. Then he can begin to talk down to other people.

Deputy Jones and Deputy Dowling spoke about the desirability of preventing disputes. This is very desirable. I can understand Deputy Jones making a suggestion to cope with the problem such as he described where you have a factory in which the majority of the workers may be affected by a minority demand. He made the point that the minority should have regard to the majority feeling in that sort of situation and to what would be the consequences of a strike. There is such a thing as the function of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. Deputy Dowling knows that. There is such a body as the Dublin Council of Trade Unions. Deputy Dowling knows that, although he was never a delegate to it. The Congress has a regulation requiring its constituent members to notify Congress of their intention to enter into a trade dispute. The purpose of that is twofold, to advise all constituent unions and also afford Congress an opportunity of endeavouring to avoid a dispute. Insufficient credit is given for that. Many disputes have been settled because of that Congress function.

The same situation exists in the trades councils, the Dublin Council of Trade Unions and the other councils throughout the State that have similar functions. You must give notice to the Dublin Council of your intention before you serve strike notice. That notice must expire and it gives the council an opportunity to settle the dispute. This is commendable but we did not hear anything from the Minister about it. We just had a rap on the knuckles and were told, if we did not keep quiet, what would happen. Very good work has been done outside the Labour Court by officials of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. In that connection, it is only right to say that the State and the community owe a great deal to the services of Mr. Leo Crawford, who was Joint Secretary of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions up to last year, and has since retired. It was by the actions of people like him that you had disputes averted and certainly not by threats by the Minister who has been told by his advisers that this is the way to talk down to the workers.

In conclusion, I ask the Minister to give serious consideration to bringing about circumstances in which working people will know or be able to ascertain readily their entitlements while in employment. There is too much of a mystery about this. The Minister has been asked to do something about it. I was surprised he made no mention of it. The late Deputy Norton did something in his time about it. It is about time the working class people were informed that when they go into their place of employment on a wet morning, they are entitled to put their clothes in a drying room and to have a drying room there for them, that they are entitled to proper canteen facilities, that they are entitled to proper cloakroom and toilet facilities, that they are entitled to proper ventilation and heating. This, of course, postulates that the inspectors will be on their toes. Heaven help the small band of inspectors: there will be only 28 of them. How they are to get around all this I do not know. Perhaps the work may be made much easier if more publicity is given to the entitlements of the workers. They would be a check, then, to employers who very often disregard such entitlements.

To listen to some of the Labour spokesmen, one would think there was no such thing as a good employer and that they were all ogres. I was surprised to hear Deputy Mullen say that the Training Bill was in the hands of the Minister or in his Department. This Bill has passed through all Stages in the House and through the Seanad and, at the moment, the Minister is waiting for this Training Bill to be sent back from the Seanad. It is deplorable that a member of the Labour Party who purports to be interested in the welfare of the workers should not even know about the passage of this Bill through the Dáil. It is typical of the type of statement we hear from the Labour benches in particular — irresponsible and completely without any regard to actual fact.

If Deputy Mullen is as much in touch with the members of his trade union as he is with the business that goes on in this House, then I feel very sorry for the members of that union. It is unfortunate that members of trade unions in this country are not looking on to see what is going on within their unions. They are satisfied to leave it to a few men whom they elect to the executive. In the latter part of last year, the Minister said that about three per cent of the registered union members actually vote at these elections. Is it any wonder, then, that they get irresponsible leadership? I believe there are some good union leaders in this country, but I am also aware that there are some very irresponsible union leaders, men who have but one motive, that is the furtherance of the Labour Party in this House, Dáil Éireann. They will foster any unrest which they can create amongst the workers. They are preaching hate and distrust to the workers. Everything this Government try to do to protect the rights of the workers is represented by certain trade union representatives as not being really for the workers but for the employers. One would think there were some shame in profit.

There is no glory in it, anyway.

I doubt very much whether you should get very many industrialists coming over to this country and establishing industry here out of sheer idealism, if they did not feel it was good business to do so. We want these industrialists to come to our country, to establish industries here, to employ workers, to make profits and to help to enrich our country. There are very many remarks which I could make about contributions to this debate by members of the Labour Party and of the Fine Gael Party which I heard and read in the Official Report.

We are talking about the Department of Labour, not about the Labour Party. No doubt, the Deputy is aware of that fact?

Their comments on this Estimate should have been more constructive.

The Deputy referred to me as if I had been wrong about what the Minister said about it.

The Department may be in labour but it is not a Department of Labour. Read the Minister's speech.

Deputy Mullen stated, earlier on, that the Training Bill was still with the Minister. I had to inform Deputy Mullen that this Bill had in fact passed all Stages through this House and through the Seanad and that the Minister was waiting for its return from the Seanad. That is a fact. If he wants to say that that is not so, he may.

"I hope to have it circulated through this House after Easter."

That is not the Training Bill.

It is not the Training Bill.

Redundancy payments legislation.

The Deputy referred to the Training Bill.

I did not mean to say "Training Bill". Talk about redundancy payments.

Later on, we listened to the tragedy queen of the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Dillon. He said, in his usual dramatic manner that, on one occasion, he was electioneering down in Ballina and somebody asked him what happens if the trade unions and the employers do not agree. Deputy Dillon's reply was: "Then I have failed". This is the Fine Gael policy towards trying to bring the trade union leaders and the employers together— that, if they cannot agree, it is none of his business.

Every time I have heard Deputy Dillon speak, he has forecast disaster. For many years I have listened to his forebodings and prophecies of disaster. I think he makes them in the hope that, one day, disaster will strike and he will be proved right. It is clear to me that the Fine Gael Party can achieve power again only as a result of a disaster hitting this country. I am sorry to say it but I believe in all sincerity that Fine Gael want disaster to strike: they would like to see the people of this country lose their employment——

I do not like to interrupt the Deputy but I think Deputy Dillon was referring to the recent speech of the Minister for Transport and Power.

To whom he referred as "Lady Godiva". Deputy Dillon always reminds me of a Punch riding on the ass, although it is sometimes difficult to differentiate which is which.

That is unworthy of the Deputy, I think.

The Minister for Labour has presented in his Estimate to Dáil Éireann this year a very full range of activities of his Department and particulars of the various steps he is taking to implement the policy of his Department and of the Government. We have no choice about EEC. If Britain goes in, we have to go in. We have to prepare ourselves, in that event. In any case, it is a worthy exercise to prepare for free trade and to increase our competitiveness by modernising our various industries. The Minister has done a great deal in this regard. There has been much comment about the motorcar industry where workers may find themselves unemployed in the assembly business. What do the Opposition expect this Government to do? If we will have to trade under free trade conditions, then it is clear that some of our industries cannot survive and we must try to find ways and means of retraining the workers concerned for other trades. That is one of the most difficult things to do, but if we do not prepare for free trade and do not go into the EEC, every worker will go down. I am convinced that there are some people in this country hellbent on their own destruction and not caring whom they bring down with them.

The Minister has made a very responsible speech. He has indicated the need for negotiation. When he wanted proposals to be sent in by the unions for changes in the legislation which any fairminded Labour man or union man would agree are necessary, not one proposal came from the unions. Therefore, the Minister had to put forward his own proposals and these, of course, were all knocked down by the various officials of the unions who objected to them without putting forward any alternative suggestion. I have not heard one constructive suggestion or even one destructive suggestion from either Labour or Fine Gael in this debate as to what the Government should do in these circumstances. It is about time the rank and file members of the unions started to look at the statements issued by their responsible unions in order to discover if they are true. I have yet to hear of a union calling in any independent authority to assess the state of the economy. They are all the time coming in with biassed reports.

During the last year we witnessed a recession which the Government handled exceedingly well but, in spite of that, the Labour Party and the Fine Gael Party continue to state that the Government by their policy are creating unemployment. That is absolutely ridiculous. New industries are being established and efforts are made to attract more industries.

We all know the record of strikes in the past few years in this country. Our name has gone abroad as being a country where the strike situation is very grim. A great factor in attracting industry is stability. There is a stable Government in this country, thank God. If the members of the Fine Gael Party and the Labour Party were sincere in what they say, they would be backing the Government all the way and proposing measures which the Government could take. On the contrary, there is no suggestion from them.

The Minister has announced that he is setting up placement officers within the labour exchanges to place people in employment and to take note of their qualifications. This is an excellent move. Nothing has been said in this connection other than the criticism that there are not enough details. I do not know what further details one needs.

While on this subject, I should like to say a word about a number of the staff of the labour exchanges. Not all of them, but some of them, treat the unemployed man who comes in to register as if he were a bit of dirt, as if it were a tremendous shame to be unemployed. The manner of some of these people towards unfortunate applicants is deplorable. I should like the Minister to look into this question and to engage somebody to give talks to the rank and file members of labour exchanges and a simple course in humanity, to teach them that they are dealing with real people who have feelings and who are not proud of the situation in which they find themselves. These people should be taught to have a more humanitarian attitude in their work. They are dealing with individuals, not with ciphers.

I understand that discussions are still taking place with the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and the Federated Union of Employers as to the type of disputes that have taken place during the past few years and how industrial disputes can be avoided. This is an excellent thing. It is about time union leaders began to have a more responsible approach to this matter and ceased making political capital. The worst thing for labour generally in Ireland—not the Labour Party but labour—is the fact that they are involved in politics and therefore most of their statements are suspect. The worker has been used shamefully by the Labour Party. He has been used as a stick with which to hit the Government. The Minister has been accused of waving the big stick, of threatening the unions that if they do not make certain recommendations the Dáil will have to do the work for them. It is not exactly that the Minister plans to put anyone in jail who would take part in an unofficial strike. The whole idea behind the Minister's statement is to strengthen trade union law, to implement certain proposals which will make certain types of strikes illegal, as was done last year under the Electricity Supply Board (Employees) Act. This was to protect the workers from themselves and was applauded by the whole country as being necessary.

I should like now to refer to shop stewards. In many factories throughout the country the man elected as shop steward is the man who says that he is not afraid to talk to the boss but who may not be qualified to negotiate on behalf of the workers. Because he says he is not afraid to wave the big stick at the boss, he is elected. He may be ambitious for promotion within the union. He engages in a very aggressive form of stewardship on behalf of the workers and may not fully realise what the management may be explaining to him. It is shameful that unions have neglected to educate their members to be able to negotiate at top level with management. Frequently one finds young shop stewards who have been waving the big stick being promoted to branch secretary. If they do not continue to demand and to obtain concessions for the workers, they are out. Therefore, regardless of what they may see the situation to be and regardless of the fact that they realise that management cannot afford to make certain concessions, they press for them because they know that if they do not do so, they will be dismissed by the workers. This happens.

Does the Deputy suggest that the employer should pick the shop stewards?

I am not saying that at all. To listen to the Opposition, one would think the Minister was directing all his remarks against the worker. This is not so. The Minister has directed many of his remarks towards management. In fact, he said in his opening speech:

The country requires, at this time, (i) that managements should intensify and expedite their efforts to modernise and adapt their undertakings and expand production....

What does that mean—to modernise and adapt their undertakings? That means to plough back profits into expanding their factories and improving their premises. This is one of the things in which every worker should be interested, for the welfare not alone of himself but of future generations—of building up a good strong industrial country.

The Minister continued:

... that a substantial improvement in productivity should be assured before there is any general increase in money incomes or other developments which would lead to increased costs.

If we price ourselves out of markets and factories have to close down, then again the Labour Party will be on the wagon: "You see, we told you". The public memory is very short and the Labour Party know this. They will forget about the time when the Labour Party were exhorting the Government, and the trade union officials of the Labour Party were exhorting management to give increased wages to workers, when the industry could not stand it at that particular rate.

The Minister further states:

Otherwise, there is a real danger of people losing their jobs and a certainty that the purchasing power of the wage packet will decline.

He means if these reckless demands continue to be sent in. When production costs rise, the cost of the finished article rises. Therefore, the consumer has to pay more. This is something every child in kindergarten knows by now, anyway.

This Government want industrial peace; this country wants industrial peace and it is about time the Opposition Parties stopped trying to sabotage the country, which is having a very great effect I am sure, in discouraging people and making the workers feel there is no future for them. It is about time, too, the workers began to take note of the kind of exhorting the Labour Party in this Dáil are engaging in on their behalf, without any sense of responsibility.

Every single thing this Government have ever done has been criticised by Fine Gael and Labour. When we started this industrial revival some years ago, Deputy Dillon spoke of tinshack industries and described various works as badly-run relief schemes. These people have no faith in the people of this country to produce. We are quite capable of competing with other countries. Every single facility is being given to people to produce. We must try to be a bit big, to explain to the workers, as it is known to the Members on the opposite benches, that we must produce first. Social welfare benefits, education, health, all those things are as a result of what we can produce. The same applies to any household with its budget: it has so much to spend on food, clothing, heating and everything else. Priorities follow, starting off with food, rent and so on.

I shall not delay the House much further except to say that I do not expect my humble little speech to have any effect at all on the speeches that will follow from the Labour Party or the Fine Gael Party. I do not envy the Minister his most difficult task of trying to bring the various parties together. I know he enjoys tremendous goodwill and the respect of the various members of the unions and employers' bodies and this Party is very proud of the way in which he is conducting his job as Minister for Labour. It is the first time we have had a Minister for Labour and he is the man who will be looked up to in years to come as the great architect of the schemes we have to-day. My colleague has brought my attention to the fact that Countess Markievicz was a Minister for Labour——

Not of the Fianna Fáil Party—of the Republican Party?

I conclude with those remarks and once more appeal to those members of certain trade unions who have this political bias to try to put it aside, examine their consciences and do what is necessary for the worker. I would appeal also to the workers to look again at what their executives are attempting to do on their behalf.

Since I came into this House, in 1954, I have always made it a point not to make a personal attack on any member of the Opposition or anybody else. I am sorely tempted this evening, listening to Deputy Briscoe's optimistic expression that nobody following him would pass any remarks on his speech. I agree he has put the correct assessment on it, but hearing a minicapitalist like Deputy Briscoe coming in here to criticise the trade union movement and trade union officials in this House would make one sick, because Deputy Briscoe knows nothing whatever of what he is talking about.

I am a trade unionist myself.

I am a trade union official. I came into this House from the shop floor and I know the type of people Deputy Briscoe is talking about as the kind employers who deal with the workers so that there is no need at all for anybody else to interfere. Leave the workers to the Government and to the employers and they will be well treated, no doubt! The sheer audacity of anybody in the Fianna Fáil benches, particularly somebody like Deputy Briscoe, to suggest that the people who are elected by the general body of the trade union movement have not that right, to suggest that the people who are elected as shop stewards have not the right to speak for those who elect them, to suggest that they are not educated—"educated" was the word he used—in the proper way, that those who want to make trouble——

I was not suggesting that.

I listened to Deputy Briscoe and now I intend to deal out a fair share of the medicine. Deputy Briscoe is talking about decent, respectable people. I know, because I have been on a picket line and I know that nobody goes on strike just because he wants to displease Deputy Briscoe, the Minister or anybody else. Workers go on strike when circumstances force them so to do. It is, perhaps, something about which Deputy Briscoe and his pals know nothing; it is the democratic right and the democratic vote by which those people decide to go on strike. When they do, it is they who suffer, not the gentlemen who sit behind the glass doors and wait for the workers to be starved into going back to work, the modern William Martin Murphys of this country. As far as the Labour Party are concerned, as long as we are here and as long as we have the right to speak for the workers who put us here, we shall do so.

Mind you, I would like to remind Deputy Briscoe, speaking for myself, that I come here representing several thousand trade unionists, several thousand businessmen and several thousand farmers and I do not have to listen to people like Deputy Briscoe, who get a handful of votes in Dublin. He comes in here apparently trying to impress some people in this House that the workers were codded into going on strike by the trade unions. If he had sufficient sense to go into the case, he would find out that trade union officials do not take such action unless there is a very good reason for their wanting their members to go on strike. Does anybody think they want to throw away the money which has been so hard earned, so hard fought for and so hard collected by the very same people to whom it must be paid out?

They do it because they know the only way the people, who elected them to office, democratically, can get what they want from the employers who, in 1967, have not yet realised they cannot get away with the bullying tactics which they apparently think they can put across on the workers of this country, is to go on strike. This refers not alone to private employers but people in this city and elsewhere who are in charge of semi-State companies. Indeed, we have the situation where State bodies have refused to meet the trade unions to discuss very important matters such as sick pay, which is generally accepted now in outside employment, a shorter working week and decent wages. When those things needed to be discussed, some of them would be deferred not for six months but for nine months, 12 months and two years because the State would not meet the trade union.

Almost two years ago two State Departments met trade unions representing some of their workers. We are still awaiting a decision on that. Last week they notified us they were holding talks as to when they would be in a position to discuss matters which were discussed two years ago. Why is this? It is for the very simple reason that they feel the workers concerned cannot go on strike. If they could go on strike, and if they could hold up everything in this country, the very important matters they want to get clear would be cleared up overnight. The Minister for Labour, according to the statement made last Thursday, will be continuing along those lines.

During the year gone by we had a wage increase negotiated, as the Minister said, between the employers and the trade unions and, because Ministerial sanction was required, the date of operation of that was put forward two months simply because the State wanted to save on the lower paid employees. Deputy Briscoe should note that in the Minister's speech, not alone did he threaten the workers and the trade unions, if they want to insist on getting wage improvements, but he threatened the employers because he referred to the fact that there were certain employers who were conceding this. He said they were improving working conditions in the State.

I have never found one of them.

There are a few of them. He said the State was going to deal with them also. Does the Minister seriously think this big stick he has introduced, no matter how much cotton wool it is wrapped up in, will get him what he wants? Does he not realise that the infamous Act, which Deputy Briscoe was so proud of a few minutes ago, the Act which forced the ESB workers to go back to work, could not be operated because of the fact that no matter what you do, the State has not found any way to make a worker work if he does not want to work.

Buíochas le Dia.

The Government should realise that when they talk about bringing in penal measures to force the workers to do something they do not want to do, they are only wasting the time of this House. If the situation has to be brought to the test, I can assure the Minister the workers of this country will not be coerced into doing something which they do not want to do and neither will they be prevented from doing something which they want to do. As far as the Minister is concerned, we all appreciate his kindness, his courtesy, and there is nothing personal in our attack on him.

Deputy Briscoe displayed his abysmal ignorance when he said that no suggestions had been made. The Minister might tell him about all the memoranda which he got from the trade unions and from various Labour Party people who are trade union officials, and who are also members of the Labour Party in this House, who went along and had discussions with his officials for hours and hours.

The Deputy is telling me they put forward some proposals.

The Deputy does not know the first thing about this. If he did, I would not have to tell him—he can check this with the Department of Labour—what took place. Not alone does the Deputy not know the answers; he does not even know the questions. The situation as I see it is that we have the Minister for Labour introducing his first Estimate. Somebody said to me: "Maybe it is not very big. It is less than £1 million. Departments look for millions." The Minister has broken up his Estimate fairly well. One of the things which most of us here are anxious to know is what in fact the Minister has in store, apart from the stick he has, for the workers and apart from the threatened wage freeze? It is an extraordinary thing that while we have heard an announcement about an incomes policy, when we take all the cover away from it an incomes policy develops simply into a wage freeze. No other income comes into it: it is just wages.

What is it proposed to do with the Labour Court? Is it suggested that it will become a court of arbitration? Is it suggested, as the Minister suggested in his Bill, that there will be a situation where people going to the Labour Court can go there only if they agree beforehand that they will accept the ruling of the conciliation officers? Is the present system to continue or are we to have a new system? Are we to have the present unsatisfactory position where people sent to the Labour Court as conciliation officers, and who develop over the years a knack of settling disputes, which is what they are there for, suddenly find that the only avenue of promotion for them is out of the Labour Court and back into some office of a Government Department? Will the Minister not consider that there will be promotion there for conciliation officers, that there will be promotion up the ladder and that he will not take out those people who are there at present?

Is the Minister aware also that there are not enough conciliation officers and that it is nothing unusual to have to wait several months before a conciliation officer can be made available to have a dispute considered? Is he aware that we had an employer where a dispute started over dark time last October and the bright days had come before a conciliation officer could be supplied to consider the dispute? It got him over it last winter but it will not get him out of it next winter as far as training and reduction in hours, which will solve the problem, are concerned.

The Minister refers to training and I would like his comments on that. There seems to be confusion as to who is to be trained. The Minister says farm workers are not to be included, but that when people engaged in agriculture move into any other sphere, they will be included. If a farm worker gets a job as a road worker for a day, he will come under the Bill. The people causing the main trouble in this country, as far as industry is concerned, are the people coming off agriculture and the Government have sidestepped by leaving them completely out of the Bill. The result is that these people cannot, and will not, be trained. Perhaps the Minister would reply to a question I asked him last year. For what are they to be trained?

Deputy Briscoe seems to be pleased that factories are springing up all over the place. There was one out on the Naas Road. There is one closed down in Finglas. These factories seem to be getting a lot of money but I should like to know whether the factories to be supplied with new tools are in Ireland, or whether the important machinery to be supplied here will be put into factories abroad. Is that how we will put people into factories for training workers? Will there be State control in the training of workers? Will we have almost 75,000 people looking for jobs? Will we say that there is a Bill going through under which they will be retrained?

It requires more than a bland statement by a Minister to solve the problem. The Minister has all our sympathy but not as much as we have for the unfortunates who are going to the labour exchange. Some people think that those who go to the labour exchange get easy money. Deputy Briscoe and his type should thank God that they never had to go to a labour exchange. I had to go, and I know how horrible it is to have to line up to get the wherewithal to keep body and soul together. In the labour exchange the question of jobs does not arise. The labour exchange knows nothing about that aspect. All they are concerned with is that you sign on the dotted line. If you have a certain number of stamps for a certain period, you get a paltry sum of money.

Deputy Briscoe referred to the fact that the staff in the labour exchanges, are rude to some of the people who go in. There are people in many walks of life who are not suited to the jobs they are doing. No mercy should be shown to people who are not prepared to do the job they are paid for doing. I wonder how some of us would react if we were behind a grille all day looking at people coming in signing on the dotted line and taking money. I know that those people who are handing out the money are getting their week's wages, but I am quite sure there are better jobs in the country than those in the labour exchange.

The Minister is not facing up to his responsibility if he simply says that the Bill will help in retraining. All our Governments, and I am not excepting the inter-Party Governments, appreciate the fact that unemployment is a national emergency. We should do something about it. It is no use saying that we had that number of unemployed last year and the same the year before and that there is nothing we can do but accept that.

What is the Deputy suggesting we should do?

I suggest that some of the money squandered by this Government, and other Governments, should be made available for the starting of industries.

What money?

I forget that Deputy's name; he is not here long enough yet——

That is an old gimmick.

If the Deputy comes along to me later, I shall explain things to him.

Deputies should allow Deputy Tully to conclude his speech.

We are waiting for his suggestions.

I suggest that much of the money being expended could be used for the purpose of starting industries which would give employment to a substantial number of people who are at present on the labour exchange.

Last year we had the extraordinary situation—indeed it happens every year—that towards the end of the season in various jobs men were declared redundant because there was no more money available for their particular job until the new money, as they call it, comes in on 31st March. I am talking about public works. These men go on the labour exchange. If they have a family, it is quite possible they receive as much as, if not a little more, than when they were working. They would rather work for the money they get, but because one Department of State cannot pay its way, the other Department of State——

Where would the Deputy get the money?

Deputy Briscoe has had his say. He should rest himself now and I will talk to him outside later on.

Would Deputy Tully tell us about the industries he would set up?

Deputy Briscoe should restrain himself and allow Deputy Tully to make his speech. He has only a few moments left.

A number of people are leaving the country. Of course, they are relieving the Government of an awful lot of the trouble the Government would find themselves in if those people remained here. It is a remarkable thing that those who have left are mainly people who, had they remained here, would be able to deal with the Government at election time. Therefore, it suits the Government that they should move off and having moved off, there is no responsibility for them.

Reference has been made to the EEC and the Free Trade Agreement with Britain. The Minister refers to competition with Britain and to the fact that we must work harder in order to be competitive on the British market. We warned the Government when the Agreement was being ratified that this situation was likely to arise. It has, in fact, built up to such an extent that we now have people out of work because tariffs are being cut. The Taoiseach commented to me when I remarked about this that surely a ten per cent cut would not have much effect. The Minister is aware of the fact that, not alone is it not having much effect, but that when the next ten per cent comes off in July the situation will be worse. I am saying this because I know it is a fact and because the Government should be aware of it. The fault is theirs, not the fault of the Labour Party or anybody else. The Government should make provision to meet this situation.

Deputy Briscoe said that "profit" was not a dirty word. Of course it is not. I am sure everybody in this House knows about industries making substantial profits. One shilling of this profit is never ploughed back into the industry. Nobody ever sees that the old chap living in the house on the hill—the owner of the industry—has actually been collecting money over the years. In most cases this money has been invested abroad. When the industry is no longer able to compete, all the owner has to do is get what he can and take a boat out of the country and he is a happy man.

How many cases do you know of where that happened? I never saw it.

(Interruptions.)

The Deputy is not entitled to ask questions. Maybe he does not know that. He is entitled to get in when I am finished and make his contribution, and no one will object.

(Interruptions.)

The Chair commented on Deputy Mullen's reference to prices. The Minister brought the question of prices into this. I want to repeat what Deputy Mullen said. So long as prices go up, we will have a continuation of the demand for higher wages. No trade union wants to see its members making demands for increased wages, if the wage they have is a fair one, but so long as prices go up, these demands will continue. I am sure the Minister has seen in the newspapers that the leaders of the various unions have made it quite clear that they do not want to see a demand for an 11th round of increases started. They have advised their members not to start an 11th round demand unless prices get completely out of hand. They get very little thanks from their traducers. They are branded as people who are trying to foment strikes. The trade union movement spend a lot more time trying to settle strikes than they do in trying to organise them—a lot more time. It is rather a pity that this is not appreciated by those who want to condemn and criticise them.

On the whole question of wages, the Minister says he does not believe there should be further increases. I will quote him because I think he is looking at me rather quizzically. As reported at column 1432, volume 226 of the Official Report, the Minister said:

There is now a real prospect that some unions will press claims, which, if conceded, will raise industrial costs to non-competitive levels, leading to a loss of orders, a loss of production and a loss of jobs. Further there is evidence that some employers are disposed to concede claims even where they realise that their firms must lose business and reduce staff as a result.

Both employers and unions have difficult decisions to face—the employer to concede a claim his industry cannot meet without damage, or face the dislocation caused by a strike; the union executive to do what he can say is his job in pressing for what his members demand, or risk unpopularity by refusing to give support to demands which he knows are too much for now or are coming too fast for the community—the community, of course, including his own members.

The Minister goes on to say:

If, having warned of the inevitable consequences, first, of income increases or other charges in excess of the growth of production, whether arranged by negotiation or secured by industrial action, and second, of misuse of the procedures for dealing with industrial disputes, we still find these damaging practices persisting, the Government will be compelled to come to the House for the powers necessary to deal with the situation.

I do not know whether the Minister is aware that his Department in dealing with workers are dealing not only with men on £20 or £25 a week but also with men who still have a gross wage of £9 per week only—some in State employment. Does the Minister suggest that there should be no increase for those workers? Does the Minister suggest that there should be a blanket refusal to increase wages or allow wages to increase? The Minister must know that if there is no general wage increase, there is not a snowball's chance in hell of getting an increase for the type of workers to whom I have referred. This is an aspect which no Government so far have been prepared to face up to. Now that a new Ministry of Labour has been set up, an effort should be made to try to bring up the scandalously low wages for which some workers are still forced to work.

I am quite well aware that when a wage increase takes place, everyone else thinks he should get it. I am also aware of the fact that there are thousands of workers who, despite what many people in this House and elsewhere may think, are living at starvation level. Any man who has £9 per week gross income, with deductions for superannuation and social welfare benefits taken from him, will find that he has very little to take home to his wife and family. I appeal to the Minister when he is making up his mind finally on this to try not to exclude these people from getting a fair increase in their take home wages. There is a grave danger that they will be left behind. There is a grave danger that they will be left as they were before one of the scandals which this country will never live down, when during the emergency period, during the war years, we had agricultural workers producing food not only for the people here but also for the people across the water in Britain, and getting £2 a week, while in industry and elsewhere wages of £9 10s were easily obtainable. There was no question of their wages being allowed to go up because there was an embargo on agricultural workers.

I do not want to go into the question of prices in any great detail, but I want to refer to the failure of the Minister for Industry and Commerce to live up to the promise he made last July that he would allow RGDATA to publish, on notification from him, every increase in prices which he sanctioned. That has now been countermanded with the obvious intention of hiding real increases in prices. If the Minister for Labour does not take cognisance of this and take the necessary steps, we will have a continuing demand for increased wages because there will be increased prices.

Deputy Andrews gave us the benefit of his long experience in dealing with the unfortunate lower paid workers. Like Deputy Briscoe, of course, I am sure he knows all about running a trade union and how shop stewards and officials are appointed.

I have been listening to hear one concrete proposal from the Deputy.

The Deputy has had his share. Deputy Andrews is a very decent and intelligent young man, like Deputy Briscoe, when he is talking about something he knows something about. He talked about the other things a trade union can do besides looking for wages. I am afraid Deputy Andrews, out of the depths of his ignorance, was talking about something he knew absolutely nothing about. I am sure these young men will be here long after some of us older Deputies have gone, and they will be pillars of wisdom, but I am afraid that at the moment the pillars of wisdom they claim to be are simply made of salt. I suggest that they should do their homework a little better before coming in here and lecturing people who have already done their homework and know their job.

I am still awaiting the pearls of wisdom.

When I heard Deputy Briscoe talking about Ballina, I thought he was going to tell us about the biscuit factory which was to be set up years ago, but that is something which is never mentioned by Fianna Fáil. I thought he was going to tell us why it was not set up.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 23rd February, 1967.
Barr
Roinn