Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 18 Apr 1967

Vol. 227 No. 11

Committee on Finance. - Resolution No. 4—General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Finance).

First of all, I should like to welcome the two benefits that are most acceptable to the area from which I come, the west of Ireland, namely, the derating of land and the 5/- increase all round to old age pensioners. I would ask the Government to finalise the matter of the 5/- increase granted last year, so that thousands of pensioners will know whether they are to get it or not. Every public representative, whether councillor or TD, has been inundated with letters regarding this 5/-. There are many people who happen to have some clause in their home agreement that they are to have living accommodation, that they are to be kept or have some other protection afforded to them, or they may have a 50-/ valuation or an insignificant little house in a town, and any of those things will deprive them of the increase. The Government would be doing a good job if they brought this matter to finality. We are still getting letters to say that the social welfare officer will call or that the case will be put before the pensions committee, or some other reason given for the delay in granting the increase. The air should be cleared in this regard. They are sure of the 5/- included in this Budget, and they will be very grateful for it. The cost of living has gone so high that the sooner they get all these benefits the better.

It is good that the Government did realise that the situation was so serious. Fine Gael have at all times been emphasising the need for derating and doing something for the small farmers. Therefore, we are glad on this side of the House to have got this good news from the Minister on the day of the Budget. Notwithstanding all that, it is only right that Deputies should come in here and make the case as best they can on behalf of their constituents. The Government would still want to go a long way to stem the tide of emigration. It is becoming very serious. The situation is aggravated by the fact that thousands of pounds are being spent freely on schemes that could very well be left over for five or six years. It is nothing unusual for a scheme to be carried out over two or three years at a cost in the region of £100,000; that amount would be mostly between Roadstone and CIE and only a small percentage of the money would be going into the homes of the people employed on the project.

When I first went into public life, it was usual for the small farmer to be employed on about three different occasions each year on county council work. Such schemes went on for three or four months. Today the whole thing is completed in about three weeks, with the result that those small schemes mean nothing to the small farmer. It would be a good thing if these bigger schemes on which thousands of pounds are being spent were left over for another few years and this money spent amongst the rural population to provide them with a tarred road leading to areas in which are the greater number of homes. Particularly in the county from which I come but also in Sligo, there is a lot of leeway to make up where tarred roads are concerned. If there is anything going to entice the younger people to stay at home, it is a tarred road leading to their door instead of one of those gravel roads which are repaired today and, because of present-day traffic, tractors, cars and lorries, gone tomorrow. It is a complete waste of money to put down gravel.

A few people asked me one time if I could tell them the reason why people are leaving the land. I said I could give a fairly good reason—I live in a rural area; I am a farmer myself and I know the troubles of those people. Most public men have a beaten track to the Land Commission office asking to have land divided, a holding that is perhaps lying idle, being rented on the 11-months system for the past five or six years. The process of division is very slow. People are watching it there to see if the Land Commission will divide it, and they hope they will get a portion of it. A person will see that a 20-acre farm has been taken over. When I asked the Land Commission did they take over land for one person, the answer was "No". What is the solution to that? The man who is looking for the land is not able to buy it and the Land Commission will not take it over for him. We spent a great deal of time talking in this House about the Land Bill and the desirability of creating economic holdings. If a 20 or 30-acre holding is available and if it would improve the lot of the local man, it should be taken over for him by the Land Commission.

The Land Commission staff in Sligo is limited. They are hardworking people who cover a very wide area; they are on the move, if the weather permits, and in their offices doing their book work, if the weather is unfavourable. There is an inspector in charge and five or six other inspectors. Seeing that local authority and other offices are well staffed, the question of increasing the Land Commission staff should be considered, so that the work can proceed at a somewhat quicker pace in Sligo and Leitrim.

The Deputy is travelling over a good deal of administration.

I shall not go any further into that. We hear a great deal about the flight from the land but something should be done in the West to encourage people who live on a small holding to enlarge it by the addition of other land that is taken over.

In my constituency there is a great need for housing. We are entitled to come up from our constituency and express our views the same as the Deputies who represent Dublin city. If a young man gets married, whether he is a professional man or engaged in any kind of work, he has the greatest difficulty in getting a house. Eventually he sees no alternative but to go over to England. Money should be advanced for housing. In the county from which I come very little has been done generally, though a great deal is being done now under section 5. That benefits people who were not able to avail of other grants, but the position is still difficult. Workingclass young men and professional people who get married are at their wit's end in north Leitrim to find accommodation. That should not be the position. If they find temporary accommodation, the moment there is any suspicion of an increase in family, they are told to get out. These people are an asset to the town or village in which they live and they should be in the happy position of being able to stay in these towns and villages.

Drainage, or the lack of it, impinges on agriculture and helps in the flight from the land. Smallholdings in the area I represent are of little use to their owners because the weather in the West is generally much more severe than it is on the east coast. Drainage would not alone benefit the farmers but would provide employment for young people who may otherwise be compelled to leave the country. Drainage work would result in a reduction of at least 50 per cent in the numbers drawing unemployment benefit. It would result in greater production of crops and better cattle. A greater number of cattle had to be treated this winter for fluke, all because the land was water-sodden. Money spent on drainage would be money well spent.

The sooner the Government return to the rural improvement schemes the better it will be for everybody concerned. We had a discussion here with the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance about minor employment schemes and he told us then that an attempt was being made to amalgamate both schemes. I do not believe that amalgamation will work. A small group will put up the contribution but the position is different where the larger groups are concerned. One half is inevitably indifferent and the other half will not contribute in order to benefit those who are indifferent. I think the minor employment schemes should be continued. They certainly benefited the West. A great job was being done. Gangers and workmen were employed and the small farmer reaped the benefit.

Consider the position of the towns. We make representations for the establishment of an industry and we are asked to show what contribution will be forthcoming from the area. That is not right. The Deputy, whoever he may be, has been asked to make these representations. When the Government are allocating money for a big road scheme, I suggest they should go down to towns like Manorhamilton and Drumshambo first and establish some industry there, an industry which will give employment to the people in the area. It is not right to expect people who have spent 40 years' hard work establishing themselves to come forward and establish an industry on their own. That is asking too much of them. The Government should experiment. Let the Government get the industrialists and take the full responsibility for going into that area and doing the job. We have an industry in Dowra which has been a great success; it employs about 350 men. The wages are substantial. If that industry had not been established, all these young men would now be over in Britain. Something similar should be done on the northern side in Manorhamilton. If the Government do something there, they will be doing a very good job.

It can hardly ever be estimated how much of a loss a man is who goes off to England at 20 years of age. If he stays at home and earns good money, £12 or £15 a week, gets married and builds up a home, he is an asset to the country. It will never be known what loss those boys and girls are who go off and leave closed homes. Even today coming up on the train, I spoke to a man, a man who was not so young, who found it difficult to live on a small farm and was coming up here to Dublin for an interview as a result of an advertisement he saw in the paper. He told me in plain words that he could not and would not continue to try to knock out a living on the small farm. The sooner all this is tackled the better. Any fellow who is prepared to work on the land should be given the plot that is lying idle beside him. Money should be spent on drainage and that would mean we would be employing people. Go down to those areas and at least experiment in one or two of them and put the £100,000 that is being put into road schemes into industry and let the road schemes lie for a while. I have no doubt the Government would not fail if they did something like that. The day is gone for living on the really small holding without employment or enlargement or something.

Another problem which has been engaging our attention for some time is the closing of schools. There is hardly a Deputy who has not been called in to a meeting of parents, Ministers, managers and clergy in connection with the closing of schools. People are beginning to ask themselves whether this regionalisation is doing the job as well as it is planned to do. Many people are beginning to doubt it. The school has closed and the next thing is the parents are beginning to pack up and go away. The net result is that the parish is much poorer.

Hospitals are being regionalised and people are being taken into bigger centres. We all know that the thing can be done better in a bigger centre but people today do not find it difficult to come to Dublin with modern transport facilities and the hospitals in each county were still of immense benefit and it would be cheaper in the long run. It would be cheaper for the people anyway. It might be a bit dearer for the Government but it would be money well spent.

Many people were disappointed on April 1st. Many parents came to me to see whether free transport was being provided for the children. I hope that when the summer holidays are over, this thing will be organised. I know it is a big job to organise it and get things moving all around, but I hope that when September comes, those children will have free transport. The announcement of the free transport scheme put new life into many parents who were paying bus fares and school fees and the cost of clothing, shoes and food for the children was getting beyond their power to pay. They were sadly disappointed on April 1st and I hope that in September transport will be free for those children.

The sooner the Save the West campaign is put into operation effectively the better for everybody. I know that no Minister has any idea how serious it is and how quickly the homes are gone. You must be living down there to see it. Where there were lights in homes at night and where people walked the roads on Sunday there is nothing. If there were more of the local employment that was there when some of us went into public life first they would not go. If there was that bit of employment for a small farmer to look forward to and if a housewife could see that there was money coming in, that farmer would not go. Poultry is gone; pigs are gone unless you are on a big scale. In my part of the country when all is counted you feed your herd of cows from about the middle of October until 15th May and you only get a creamery cheque from 15th May to the end of October. That is a short term for an income coming into any home. For a farmer with a small herd of cows it is not anything like profitable. He must look after them for 12 months.

At the time the heifer scheme came before this House, I said that instead of a heifer scheme, it should have been a calf subsidy scheme.

I think I have given the Deputy a fair amount of latitude already.

I shall leave it at that but I would just like to say that a calf subsidy scheme should be considered.

With regard to water supply schemes, it often takes a long time to get payment from the Department for some of these schemes. There are many schemes which should be proceeded with more quickly, the regional water supply schemes being left over for the time being, where that can be done. I remember a scheme being brought into this House under which water was to be supplied to every farmer's house. Many of these farmers did not want water at all because they had it flowing by the door or the gable and a plentiful supply was quite convenient. We had other people who had no water at all and who are still without a supply. I feel that those who are really in need of water should be looked after first and that those cases in which a water supply is not really essential, could be deferred.

I shall not delay the House too long but I think this is an occasion when most of us should avail ourselves of some time to make reference to this annual financial review which gives one an opportunity to look back and look forward with regard to the general state of the economy.

I had, like any other person intimate with the position, hopes of doing as much as possible in my Department of Social Welfare, but when one considers the demands there were and the considerable difficulties the Minister for Finance would have in meeting what would obviously appear to be a good many just claims, a good many cases where extra expenditure was justified, I had to be indeed very satisfied with the position as it was finalised.

When we all talk about securing benefits for this or that service in an annual Budget, we appear to forget the importance of keeping topped up the general pool out of which all this must flow, and I for one must be mindful of that important fact. Every time the economy improves in any particular sector, I must look on it as another tributary to the catchment from which I am likely to draw some improved benefits for the welfare class and if one is lucky enough to secure what one has demanded, what one would desire and what the people who benefit could justifiably claim, it might not ultimately be to the general good of the economy as a whole. The system which has been followed up to now of keeping social welfare in step with the general economic conditions would hardly be regarded as anything out reasonably fair.

I looked at the debate on the 1956 Financial Resolutions and particularly at the subsequent legislation introduced by the Minister for Social Welfare giving effect to the benefits which he derived from the Budget. At the time and in the conditions which then prevailed, they were very slender benefits. He emphasised, however, that they were slightly above what the increase in the cost of living would demand. On that theme, the increases given to social welfare recipients in this Budget are considerably in advance of what would be justified if one were to keep in step with the cost of living trend. The general pattern would justify no more than 2/- a week. The fact that we have given them 5/- a week can be regarded as generous on that score. While every Minister for Social Welfare is always anxious to get more, I can say I am very happy with the acrossthe-board increase of 5/- I have been able to give in present conditions when so many other sections had to be satisfied as well. We also must consider the other benefits, which will ultimately be worked out, in respect of travel and ESB charge reliefs. In that light the increases to old age pensioners cannot be regarded as ungenerous.

Anybody in the House, myself included, and certainly many people outside it would have little difficulty in justifying much more substantial increases but on these occasions we have to take into account the overall position and have regard to what may be necessary in other directions so as not to affect the pool from which we must expect these benefits continually to flow. I know that benefits and assistance from the Department of Social Welfare are very often the football of all political Parties. They are always something which will be listened to emotionally and which will evoke a good deal of sympathy, but a person giving expression to what one would like to give is in quite a different position from the person in the position where the giving has to be done who has to consider the size of the slice of cake which is likely to be available and which has to be properly apportioned to the best of one's ability and having regard to the rights of the different sections.

By every test we have done very well this year. Some people have seen fit to criticise the extension of the EPO, the employment period orders, not so much in the House as outside it. It behoves me to say a few words in defence of that section who are so often maligned as people who receive dole and do not do much to earn a living. Those of us with intimate knowledge of the western seaboard are aware of how important unemployment assistance has been to those living on uneconomic holdings, married couples with small growing children going to school. We frequently hear talk of depopulation, of houses closing up. I can tell the House that many more people would have gone in the past, were it not for the supplementary incomes they derived in this way from unemployment assistance.

Perhaps it may be possible to improve these holdings somewhat or it may be possible to improve slightly the incomes of the occupants if better husbandry and a better system were adopted, but these people are restricted by the limits to which they can go on holdings with such small valuations. There are many ways and means of giving assistance to agriculture. Many subsidies are given for the rearing of pigs, for the use of fertilisers and there are other stimulants to production. These, however, do not get through to the people most in need of assistance. They are a class who cannot often participate in many of these schemes and if there is any way of getting through to them in the matter of assistance it is by way of the supplementary payment of unemployment assistance, now proposed to be extended throughout the year.

March is the most difficult month in the life of a smallholder. It is the time when payments fall due and when income is at its lowest and frequently the only income he can glean as subsistence for his family is from the disposal of some of the few livestock he may have when the livestock are least ready for the market. The small allowances which will be received under this scheme will therefore be more than useful as a means of enabling these people to continue and to preserve for a better time their few livestock.

It has been said in the past that unemployment assistance was a disincentive to these people in the proper operation of their holdings. The means of assessing income has been changed since 1st January, 1966. Since that date the means of these people are based on the rateable valuations of their land, leaving them in a position to develop their holdings to the greatest possible extent, to improve their incomes as best they can from the holdings without interfering with their rights to have any adjustments carried out in the amounts they will draw by way of unemployment assistance. This was done for the purpose of negativing any disincentive element, of allowing these people to continue to do the best they can for themselves and their holdings. It is encouraging to know that this has had and is having the desired effect throughout the country and particularly on the western seaboard where most of them are situated.

It is for that reason that the Minister for Agriculture and I are anxious to assist this section. As far as I was concerned with the problem of doing something for small farmers, I could regard these people as being in the lowest bracket. This scheme came directly to the rescue of that section which I was so anxious to assist. At the same time, it satisfied a hope I had of extending social welfare for that category. I think that type of assistance will get through to this section much better than any other thing we could do. Many people have suggested that something by way of an incentive towards increased production might be better for the smallholder, the man on the non-viable holding but, as I have already stressed, an actual cash payment is the most beneficial thing you can give because any extra income which these people receive tends to assist them towards the better operation of their holdings. Nowadays this does not affect their unemployment assistance since means are assessed on the rateable valuation.

Derating is one of the things which is particularly welcome in this Budget because it is beneficial to a similar section of the people, and it reaches a section which is well above the category of those who are likely to benefit from unemployment assistance. Taking the benefits in the Budget as a whole, without dealing specifically with each separate item, I would say that the benefits I have already referred to—derating, tourism and the increased assistance for the establishment of manufacturing industries—are definitely of the greatest importance to the movement which has grown up for the improvement of conditions in the West.

I would not be relevant if I went in detail into the whole question of saving the West, but it is necessary to discuss these problems in a general way in reference to this Budget. This is a courageous Budget and it is an attempt to give the greatest shot in the arm that the campaign for saving the West, as it is now popularly called, has yet got since reference was first made, sincerely or otherwise, to this social and economic problem. While nothing that this House can do will ultimately lead to a final solution of that problem—it will depend on the co-operation of the people who live there—this certainly points the way to a real and genuine attempt to supplement the efforts made by the people in that area.

The commission which inquired into this problem, as the House knows, said that no single solution could be set down as the answer to the problem of the west of Ireland, and that a number of things would have to be carried out or encouraged to ameliorate the position of the people there and ultimately lead to the stabilisation of the population and an uplifting of their standard of living. This Budget hits three or four of the important problems and enables the people in a general way to devote their attention to the overall problem. Many incentives are offered in the Budget to the western seaboard to renew the people's confidence, and this is more important than anything else. A really genuine tangible effort is made in the Budget to assist this part of the country. That confidence has been lacking for some time. Some private people in their efforts to provide and operate schemes for the benefit of the western seaboard have also had in mind the instilling of a new confidence in those people to make them feel that the West is not a bad place in which to live.

If we continue our efforts to co-operate with the people who are doing something worthwhile and who are co-operating with the Government and the various Departments concerned, we will ultimately in the not too distant future reach the stage where the West will be regarded as a highly desirable place in which to live. It is already a most desirable tourist area. The western seaboard has a great potential in tourism and the Budget recognises that important economic factor. Wherever we have the raw materials for anything which will improve the income of the people of that area, we should exploit them to the fullest. There is much leeway to be made up and apart from the direct benefits which will be derived from the provisions of the Budget, it holds out the necessary incentives to people who are prepared to invest private capital in the development of the tourist potential of the western seaboard. That is one of the things we look forward to in the future.

We must remember in thinking of the small holdings in the West, that apart from assisting the occupants of these holdings to improve their lot, or to increase their income so far as possible by intensifying their agricultural production, by rearing and breeding pigs and sheep and other things which are suitable to small holdings, there is nothing which will so amply give them the necessary support, confidence and impetus as an industry where the farmers' sons and daughters may find employment in the local town or village. This type of income coming into a small holding gives the owner the necessary encouragement to make the greatest possible use of the holding. With all the incentives and assistance that can be given, let us be quite clear that there is nothing half as beneficial as an industry started in an area to serve the hinterland or the surrounding district. One has only to look at the towns that have been fortunate enough to get a few industries since the Undeveloped Areas Act was passed, and one has only to look at the small holdings on the perimeter of those towns to appreciate the importance to these people of being able to find employment in their own area and bring home a few pounds each week to assist the father and mother who have such a struggle without that supplementary income.

It is not possible to have an industry at every crossroads but we should aim at having one in every town and every village so far as possible. If the local people, when they come of age, cannot find employment in the local village or town, they go to the larger provincial centres or to the capital. That is why we find places like this city growing abnormally and people talking of wild plans for future development. It is only part of the emigration that is taking place. We must bear in mind that the fare from Mayo or Donegal or such places to Britain is very little more than the fare to Dublin and that, to the person contemplating emigration, there is not a great deal of difference between one strange city and another. It is more difficult now to solve the problem of emigration than it would have been 50 years ago when, for economic reasons, people were driven to find employment elsewhere. Those not familiar with the problem in the West can hardly appreciate the present position, when they meet some young man or girl about to emigrate, compared with that which existed 50 years ago. They have now many things in those areas that they could not dream of having 50 years ago. In fact, the standard of living has increased out of all proportion and this is a factor stimulating emigration because once people learn to enjoy a better standard of living they are not so readily prepared to continue an existence on a backward holding in a remote area. It is their desire for better standards of life that urges them to find more remunerative employment. For that reason, we should continue to press for the establishment of more industries on the western seaboard which, ultimately, is the real solution to the stabilisation of the population in those areas. I am not extravagant in my views when I say that this Budget is a definite step in that direction.

I think that people who do not come from the West or who may not personally be familiar with the problems in that area will not grudge any contribution that the more highly-populated and better-off industrialised areas may have to make towards the improvement of the lot of the people in this particular part of Ireland. We have referred to it as being congested and it is true that many holdings there are not viable or are totally uneconomic. The Minister for Lands has a programme and a policy for the structural reform of holdings as far as possible in that respect. An effort has been made in this Budget towards a good start in that direction and, on the overall, every individual must admit that the Budget is a step in the right direction.

I said that this is a courageous and bold Budget because it has taken many factors into account. While the temptation would be to give assistance in particular directions—particularly to my Department—it is important that the Budget should encourage production and the expansion of industry which, though slowed down in the past year or so, is now showing signs of revival. If we neglect this important aspect of our programme, we cannot expect benefits to flow from the economy and that is why it is so necessary to assist and to provide the necessary stimulus to progress at a greater rate in our economy.

Many Deputies, particularly the last speaker, have referred to the award made last year to old age pensioners and compared it with this year's award which is an overall increase of 5/- a week without any means test. Last year, the 5/- increase was given only to the less well-off sector of the pensioners. As I have explained here on other occasions, only a limited amount of money is available. We know that some old age pensioners are infinitely worse off than others and, in this Budget, special provision is made for them as regards ESB current. The effort last year was to get through to the most necessitous old age pensioners. It is possible to draw very pathetic pictures in relation to borderline cases and on many occasions I have been pressed at Question Time in this House about means assessment such as assessment of a small amount in respect of the occupation of free lodgings, and so on. There is not much one can do except to make provision where a very scanty means might be the cause of depriving some people of the award. There will always be marginal cases so long as a means test exists. I am frequently reminded that the means test should be removed altogether. My answer to that has always been, still is, and must be, that while our economy has not yet reached a stage where we can discard the means test, then if I had the money to provide pensions on the non-contributory scale without a means test, I should prefer to use that money to increase the amounts those already in receipt of pensions are receiving. In saying so, I am possibly recognising the importance of giving more to these people whenever circumstances permit.

Sometimes the amount being given is referred to as "a miserable pittance" while other people will say that it is a reasonable effort. Non-contributory payments come under the category of assistance and they are just what the word implies and are never intended to be something which will give those people a high standard of living. We are always hopeful they will get whatever assistance is possible from their families or relatives. We hope that the human respect and the spirit which existed in our society in the past and which was the sole means by which these people received any benefit, still exist to some extent and that the assistance we give them will ensure that they will never be entirely bereft of a reasonable means of living.

The progress we have made in our time towards bringing that state of affairs about is something of which one need not be ashamed. I hope we will be able to maintain and continue that trend in the future. I can only assure the House that in so far as the economy will justify it, it will always be my desire, as long as I am Minister for Social Welfare, to endeavour to get the greatest possible allocation for the weaker sections. However, in doing this, I must be mindful of what is due to others and mindful also of the source from which it is being drawn. We cannot kill the goose that lays the golden egg. Nowadays many people have become sufficiently aware of, and have an appreciation of, the importance of the welfare classes and they do not grudge paying a few pennies extra for their packet of cigarettes or the drink they may enjoy in luxury, so long as they know that they are assisting that particular section of the community. That growing awareness in what may now be regarded to a great extent as an affluent society is the greatest hope, in the field of social welfare, for the future.

We may have to create a better standard all round, sooner perhaps than we think. Our advent into the European Economic Community is something which is not yet predictable, but when it comes about, it will impose on us an obligation to harmonise our social welfare standards with those obtaining in countries which are already members of the EEC. We are already examining this in my Department and while I am prepared to admit that there are some anomalies and some voids, on the whole the comparison is not so bad. Indeed, in some respects we can boast that we are ahead. When it comes to bringing in what one might describe as a comprehensive scheme to harmonise with those other countries, it will be found that there are not so many gaps, not so much leeway to be made up.

One of the things which we must face up to in the future is the question of reducing the age at which old age pensions are granted. We are one of the few countries which do not grant these pensions until the age of 70. In most countries where the pensions are granted at an earlier age, they have the employment clause whereby the person may continue in employment without opting for the pension at the particular age. However, we are living in a community in which the number of contributors for the contributory pension, the number of insured contributors, is relatively small in proportion to the entire community and the greatest number of pensioners are on the non-contributory side, so that any reduction in the age level would impose a very heavy extra drain on our resources. I would hope to reach the stage at which we would have more contributors than we have at present and the gap would narrow between these two categories. In that context, one could see more easily provision for the granting of old age pensions at reduced age becoming a less difficult problem in relation to our resources on the whole. While I do not want to be taken as promising something or raising false hopes, it is only fair to point out what most Deputies already know, that this must ultimately come and if we are to proceed with our harmonisation scheme of social welfare in respect of the Common Market, this is one of the problems with which we will be faced.

There are quite a number of other matters which are not relevant to this debate but which I will have the opportunity to raise when my Estimate comes before the House or when we bring in a Bill to give effect to the improvements which have been carried out, but I want to say that on the whole I am very pleased with what the Minister has been able to do to meet my desires in regard to the requirements of the social welfare classes. People who were anticipating the Budget and endeavouring to create an impression of better things, were advocating 10/- a week increase and nobody would have been more surprised than they if we had granted that amount. In fact, many people were afraid that we would not have been as generous as we were in the knowledge that a certain section of the community, the agricultural community, were in line for some benefits, as they were, and they took up a considerable amount of what the Minister was able to provide.

In these circumstances and having regard to the importance of bringing in a Budget designed to stimulate expansion generally, we have done very well. If the prospects for the years ahead are to be realised, and I have no doubt that they will, particularly those in relation to tourism, industry and agriculture, we can look forward to this Budget being above all others a very definite springboard to higher standards, higher levels and greater benefits in the years to come.

In regard to industry, there are many people ready to offer advice to industrialists nowadays. This is the job of the Minister for Industry and Commerce who is well able to do it and who frequently has been advising them and giving them counsel from the specialised advice available to him, but there are many others who are so often glibly admonishing our industrialists that sometimes they must feel weary. People who could make no advance in any industry themselves are always ready to tell our industrialists what they should do and what they should not do. We know that industrialists have a difficult task but I have no doubt that they are quite capable of coping with it. The fact that they increased industrial exports in the past year in the face of adversity and in most difficult times, is proof that they are capable of raising themselves to the greatest possible heights and that they are aware of what is necessary, if they are to become competitive in competitive markets.

They require little advice from anyone in order to play their full part in raising the economy, so far as their sector is concerned, to the highest possible level. Indeed, they were criticised for sheltering behind tariff walls in the past, reaping the advantage of protection at a time when we were struggling to get an industrial nucleus established here, at a time when we were completely bereft of any industrial system. That was the time when we were setting the stage for the expansion in industry which has taken place and which manifested itself last year in the greatest export increase we have ever witnessed from the industrial sector, at a time when world conditions were not conducive to industrial expansion.

When we take it on ourselves to give advice and sometimes criticise and warn industrialists about the future and what they should do, we should remember that many of our industrialists are quite capable of competing with the best anywhere and will rise to the occasion. It is the task of the Minister for Industry and Commerce who is quite capable of undertaking it, and I think the various bodies such as Córas Tráchtála, An Foras Tionscal and the Industrial Credit Company and various people concerned with the matter also possess all the knowledge and experience and expertise necessary to advise industrialists in any way required in the more competitive years ahead. Their performance in the past gives no serious cause for alarm or fear that they will not be able to do a good job in the future. I wish that the agricultural sector could be similarly confident in the future in regard to improved methods necessary to reap the maximum benefit from agriculture now. I should not like us to reach a stage when we would merely sit back and feel that any losses incurred from year to year should somehow be made up by the Exchequer. One might say that agriculture is a precarious industry. Certainly, it is subject to a good deal of change and fluctuation depending on the factors of supply and demand and weather conditions and many other things but there is much that agriculturists can do to ensure their income will not drop below a particular minimum.

There is much they can do to increase it considerably and to reduce costs of production. It would be a great pity if they would come to regard their lot as one in which, if things do not go right for a while, the Exchequer would make it up, because in every industry the better years must stand by the worst years. Every industry experiences fluctuations and unfortunate setbacks which, while they may not frequently recur, are inevitable in any concern facing the chill winds of market competition whether in the sphere of manufacture or agriculture.

I do not think I should go into any other aspect of this Budget which, more than anything else, gives hope and confidence in the future. It is a courageous Budget because it undertakes to make generous provision in many directions at a time when many people would be inclined to proceed with caution. It makes a bold effort to give a necessary fillip to an economy which is showing signs of rapid recovery after sliding back to a slow rate of progress in the past couple of years. It is just the right time to give that shot in the arm to the economy and the right time for the Minister to get the tiger in the tank of the economy in order to make it move faster when it is already gaining momentum.

In these circumstances, I am very happy that the Minister has seen fit to be as generous as he has been to the social welfare classes. I should be happier to have got more but taking all the circumstances into consideration he has done reasonably well. What is best in the Budget is that it will provide the necessary basis to stimulate the economy so as to enable us to get more for these people in future so that our standards generally will improve and we shall reach a stage when people will stop drawing adverse comparisons between ourselves and other similar countries and what they have been able to do and are doing. We have shown most of the world that we can do almost anything as well as they can and many things better and I think we shall have reached the stage very soon when we shall have completely eliminated the inferiority complex, even from the Opposition.

It is little use for any member of the Government to try to stampede the people in the West into thinking that this is a great Budget for them. The Government have not faced the realities of the problems that exist there. We Deputies from the West have spoken on various occasions and explained to the Government that we have peculiar problems in the west of Ireland and that our problems are not problems in other parts of the country. I remember once, when I was putting up a case for the West, being told by a Minister on the opposite side that we west of Ireland Deputies were doleful willies and that those problems did not exist at all. Has their realisation of the position come too late? Is it too little?

Apart from the increase in the old age pension, which was, of course, due, I welcome the fact that the Government have changed their minds and recognised that there is a problem peculiar to the west of Ireland and that it must be tackled quickly. I imagine the reason the Government changed their minds was the pressure of public opinion. In addition to the Save the West Committee, we have had Father McDyer giving every possible assistance and the Bishops coming out in the open in every diocese in the West. It was not until then that the Government woke up and found that we in the west of Ireland had a peculiar problem which had to be tackled quickly.

Is it too late? In the past ten years, 44,000 people have left Connaught. The average age of those ranged from 18 to 26 years. The flower of the youth of Connaught have flown in the past ten years. If 44,000 cattle had died in the past ten years in Connaught or if 44,000 sheep were lost in the past ten years in Connaught, there would have been a public outcry and the Government would have rushed to the assistance of the people. They let Connaught die. When there were 44,000 human beings involved, a blind eye was turned to the problem, in spite of the fact that the position was explained year after year by Deputies from the west of Ireland.

I remember last November coming on the train to Dublin and at Boyle station 32 young men from my constituency of County Sligo got on to the train. That was one station on one day only. I had a chat with those young lads on the way to Dublin. There was a certain amount of cynicism and frustration among them. This is where the difficulty will be in doing anything about Connaught. That sense of cynicism and frustration has crept in and it will not be easy to kill it. Those youths were going away for three reasons. Let us say they were in three categories: some were going for seasonal work; some were going and did not know whether they were coming back or not; and some were going and had made their minds up that they were not coming back at all.

I want to give an idea of the picture of Connaught at the moment. I taught in a school among the hills of North Leitrim. One road coming into that school was black with children, some 20 or 30 coming from the foothills. I was down there recently and went out to see a friend of mine on that road. I found only two people living there. One was an old age pensioner and the other a single man about 50 or 55 years of age. The entire town had been wiped out. They were all gone. Until this incredible story is told and until this incredible story is believed, people will not be convinced.

A priest and I recently made a survey of half of a particular parish. We found in the area we surveyed 34 marriageable men and eight marriageable girls. Until this is believed, there is no use talking about it and talking about saving the West. All the girls have gone away from that area which we surveyed. The girls would not go in to marry on small farms. That is the true position in the West. As I said, until it is believed there is no use talking about the West.

The 44,000 people who have left Connaught in the past ten years mean a terrible lot to the economy of the country: 44,000 suits of clothes, 44,000 pairs of boots, 44,000 shirts and 44,000 everything else per year. All that is gone. The point I am coming to is this. The only way I can see to save the West, apart from what is being done, is the establishment of industries. It is the only way to hold the youth at home. It must be remembered this derating does not mean a lot. I met a man the other day who told me that the only benefit he will get is £1 14s a year. However, I will come to that later.

It is a pity that the sense of cynicism and frustration which I have mentioned has crept in. We will now have to try to instil confidence into the people. The people of the West are very courageous and with proper leadership, that confidence can be restored. Now, coming to the matter of the cure, I mentioned industry. There is in my constituency of Sligo, Leitrim and Roscommon, an industrial zone. The town of Sligo is a natural centre for an industrial estate. We have a number of small industries in that town. We are grateful for small mercies but actually what we want is a heavy industry. We have everything that is required in Sligo. We have more than adequate water supplies, ESB supplies, telephonic communications with a coaxial cable between there and Dublin, a good port, which requires more work on it, and we have excellent highways out of the town.

This town is really suited to the establishment of an industrial estate. There are also, as I mentioned before, security and stability there. The town of Sligo has the lowest incidence of strikes of any town of its size in Ireland. I quite agree with the last speaker that in order to stabilise population in the west of Ireland, you must have industries in small towns. If you like, you can call them pocket industries, but they must be there if we are to hold the youth of the country.

I live in the town of Ballymote, with a population of about one thousand. The only industry we have there is the railway station for exporting our people to England and Scotland. In this connection, I think the statement is a fair one, that when the Fianna Fáil Government offered 100,000 new jobs in the past ten years, 44,000 of them came from Connaught. They were not in the country; they were in the big industrial centres of Manchester, Coventry and Birmingham. What is wrong with the West is the absence of employment opportunities. I suggest, and recommend strongly, that more industries should be established in the west of Ireland.

I welcome the increase in the old age pension, as everybody must welcome it. The cost of living has gone so high that it was time something was done about that pension. I will not go back in detail on what happened last year. It has been said by several people earlier. The people expected a 5/- increase but only a small percentage got it. I hope that will not be the case this year. I thought that with the cost of living going up, there would have been an increase in children's allowances. The increase in pensions for teachers, gardaí and so on is very welcome but it was no more than could be expected because the cost of living had gone up by 14 points and they got only a 12 per cent increase.

There is one big disappointment in this Budget. Small shopkeepers have been forgotten, as they have been forgotten for many years. Their overheads are going up year after year and they have no private allowance or abatement. The advent of the supermarkets is squeezing them out of existence. I would ask the Minister to look into the case of the small shopkeepers before it is too late and see whether some relief can be given them. I make a special plea on their behalf because I know what their conditions are and that they will not continue to exist much longer in the West in present circumstances.

Derating of course is welcome but derating was part of Fine Gael policy. I preached about derating from every platform at the general election and said that if we were elected, we would derate under £25 valuation. I think derating could have gone from £25 to £50 on a sliding scale. This derating, although welcome, will, as was revealed in reply to a Parliamentary Question today, average out at £3 17s 6d per farmer for those who qualify over the whole year.

There is one other point I should like to stress. Some of those people will, in fact, pay more rates than they ever paid before. Any man who touches his house, by way of reconstruction or putting in a sewerage or water, will find that his valuation will go sky-high and all he will save is £3 17s 6d a year. I know of a thatched house in Killavil, the valuation of which was 15/-. The owner took the roof off and made a two-storey house of it and the valuation rose from 15/- to £8. That is where the Government will not lose by derating under £20 valuation. It will go on to buildings and I am quite certain that the valuation will go up in any case where a house is touched and those people will be paying more rates than ever before.

The increase in unemployment assistance is not a cure for the evil that be sets us in the West. It is essential for people who cannot get employment but we in the West are not looking for charity from anybody. Mention was made here by the previous Minister for Social Welfare on more than one occasion of what unemployment assistance in the West was costing the country. I can assure the Minister and the Government that, except in certain cases, generally the young able-bodied people in the West are not looking for productive employment. On this point might I add that there is plenty productive employment to be found in the West if the Government would only see it? In my country alone, there is drainage work which would give productive employment, instead of paying out dole. A scheme started in 1903 on the River Arrow, over 60 years ago, under a British Government. It is now listed No. 7 on the priority list and has not been started yet. Under a Cumann na nGaedheal Government in 1924, this scheme was marked out and ready for starting but since Fianna Fáil came into power in 1932, it was not heard of until 1961 when I asked whether there were any proposals in the Minister's Department about the drainage of the Arrow and the Owenmore. The answer I got was "No". After 60 years effort, is that the way to help the West? Money should be put into productive employment. There is plenty of it. It will help to keep people at home and prevent a situation arising in which 44,000 leave in ten years—the lifeblood of a province.

Another way the West could be helped is by providing money under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. I heard the Minister state that this was a waste of money. It might have been a waste in other areas but it certainly was not a waste in the West. We have many problems such as bad bog roads. I know of people who cut turf on their bog this year and who will not be able to get it off. Bog development schemes come under the heading of minor employment schemes and I would ask the Minister whether it is possible to provide money again under the Local Authorities (Works) Act for the congested areas. All that is wanted is the money.

With regard to drainage, there are 170,000 acres of arable land subject to flooding in South Sligo alone. These figures were given to me in this House. If you take into account the loss of feeding stuff, which would amount to about 20,000 acres, and the loss of animals. I reckon that the farmers of South Sligo are losing £1 million per annum. We talk about giving increased unemployment assistance. What we want is productive work.

Cul-de-sac roads and non-county roads are another problem but I am afraid they will have to wait.

Housing is in a state of chaos. The Budget revealed a surplus but I wonder was it a genuine surplus? I asked a question last week and the week before about 105 cases of essential repairs which were sent out by Sligo County Council and which are awaiting approval in the Department. I have 34 cases in my bag for tomorrow relating to people awaiting grants.

That is capital.

It is really a matter for the Estimates.

It has nothing to do with the surplus on the current Budget.

I was wondering whether or not this was a genuine surplus because, if all these things were not paid, there was bound to be a surplus.

There is one other matter to which I should like to refer. Again I shall go back to the west of Ireland and try to put over a picture. We have 1,200 applications in County Sligo alone for essential repairs to houses.

That matter of detail would be for the Estimates and certainly not for discussion on the Budget.

Very good. The point about it is that 1,200 houses in County Sligo will be closed up in the next ten to 20 years and surely that is a matter for the Budget—to give a picture of my county?

Repairs to county council cottages do not relevantly arise.

Finally, while the position of the West is not properly understood, nevertheless I welcome the fact that the Government have wakened up to the fact that there is a problem. I hope the means of dealing with it have not come too late... I hope the people in the West will face the future with confidence but, in the meantime, until such time as the provisions of this Budget are implemented, I am afraid the West will sit like patience on a monument smiling cynically at Fianna Fáil's proposals and contemplating the crumbs that fall from the Fianna Fáil table before they take the emigrant ship.

At the outset I wish to congratulate the Minister for his magnificent efforts in this Budget. We have over the past 12 months, listened to the wails of the people in the opposite benches about the mismanagement of affairs, about the conditions of people in industry, the farmers and business generally in the country. According to them, the country had gone down into the well. Today there is quite a different approach. I have appealed many times in this House for the co-operation necessary to take our nation out on to the path of progress and future projection, which is indeed necessary, and for which our people are crying out. We are an energetic nation, capable of producing the necessary means of sustaining all our people if they get the necessary encouragement and help. All too often people from the opposite side propagate theories and fantasies to break the will of the people. I do hope, in this start to a new Budget year, they will wake up to the necessity of helping our people to reach the goal we all hope to see them achieve in the not too distant future.

This Budget can be referred to mainly as a Westerners Budget. It has come at a time when it was badly needed and we hope it will help the people in the West. References have been made to the unemployment assistance given to our smallholders. This is an excellent idea. I asked for it many times in this House myself— that some help, by way of subsidy, should be given to the smallholders. I am glad it was given, in the first instance, 12 months ago and at last it has been seen fit to give it to them this year, that is, people with valuations of £2, £3 and £4 who were capable of earning £4 or £5 a week out of those holdings and who needed some form of subsidy to supplement that income, something to give them around £7 or £8 a week, particularly if they had reasonably large families. This Budget has definitely covered that aspect. Indeed the Minister and the Government are to be congratulated on their efforts in that direction. The relief in rates to people under £20 valuation—which brings relief to 84 per cent of land holders in Kerry—is indeed very welcome and appreciated by the people of the entire Kingdom of Kerry.

Our people are energetic and, luckily, do not take too much notice of the wailing of the Opposition. They are a hardworking people, facing the facts of life and doing their best to cope with them. They follow the programme set by the Government and do their best to carry it out because they see the advantages accuring to them from doing so.

I have spoken many times in this House about the necessity of having reasonably-priced feeding materials, which are so essential and which play a major part in the economy of the West. They should and must be allowed to be provided in that area with feeding materials at world prices. In other days, the West was dependent upon imported materials and the low prices played a very important part in the economy of the West at that time. Much of the feeding material now available is £10 and £12 above world prices. In future I hope the Minister will look to that line of business, because it has been proved already— by the reduction in the pig population —that something is radically wrong there. I believe it is due to the all too high prices paid for materials.

The increase to old age pensioners is indeed very welcome—the weakest section of our people — as is the availability of free transport and the provision for a remission of the ESB charges in certain cases, particularly, in the western areas where all too many of our people are living alone because many of their children—sons and daughters—were forced, in the past, to emigrate. However, we are improving our economic position there, particularly through the introduction of industry, side by side with tourism, which is also playing a very important part. It is very noticeable today that many more of our younger population are available around the county than there were in earlier years. We have a number of factories going up and we hope to see many more in the next five years. Tourism, however, is playing a major part, outside of agriculture, in County Kerry and the new assistance and supports given to hotel building, farmhouse improvement, et cetera, are indeed a very important step and one in the right direction.

More money should be channelled into the improvement of the lesser roads, particularly those in mountainous areas, to enable us get the maximum benefit from tourism. Since the establishment of the car ferry services from Britain, tourists are finding their way into the most remote and mountainous parts of our western areas. The roads there in many cases are impassable as a result of the severe weather we have had during the past few winters. It is very necessary to have dust-free roads in these areas.

We are under heavy pressure in Kerry County Council for the extension of water schemes and the initiation of new schemes. There is a necessity for increased funds to meet that kind of development, particularly in view of the farmhouse guest scheme and for the ordinary guesthouses. There is quite a large number of farmers in Kerry waiting to avail of the farmhouse grant if we can provide them with water. We are very grateful for what has been done, but we hope the Minister will see his way to increase the help in that direction. In this scheme lies our greatest hope of checking further emigration from that part of the country.

I must refer again to a much more energetic drive for the development of our fishing industry. It is a shame that £300 million can be reaped by others from the fishing harvest on the southwest coast, while very little of it comes to us. There is room for greatly increased development of our fishing industry. What we require are better harbours, more boats and, above all, handling and processing plants. I could never understand why Dingle, one of the largest fishing ports in the country, has been left without a processing plant to handle the large amount of fish that could be landed there. The Government must deal with this matter in a broader way and develop an industry which could be worth up to £50 million to this country. We must face up to the necessity of providing the means of landing the fish, as well as getting the people interested in the vast wealth abounding around our shores.

Farmyard industry should also be developed. There is a fair amount of it in Kerry at present, but we could have far more of it if development schemes are introduced to interest the people in that line of business. I am not at all happy with the efforts of our county development team. They should be much more alive to the availability of local industries and have them examined for further development. I was amazed to be called to Cahirciveen, where there was a danger that the turf station would be closed down for lack of turf supplies. I went around the area to find out exactly what was wrong. It appears that the three very wet seasons in the past have left our people with a lot of unsaleable turf. The change in the climate was not conducive to the old system of handwon turf. The people are interested in hiring light turf-cutting machines. These machines, by removing a percentage of the water at the cutting stage, allow the turf to be handled more quickly. I was amazed that the county development team, knowing that the amount of turf supplied for the past two or three years was only one-third of what was required, had not recognised this and had not tried to get production increased by conveying to the Government the necessity for the type of machine I have mentioned.

The Deputy might get an opportunity on the Estimate of raising this particular matter of detail.

I am only saying I am rather disappointed with the approach of the county development team and their efforts to face up to their obligations there. I was just giving this as an illustration. Schemes to increase farmyard industry are necessary for the congested areas. The Government should make some effort to have such schemes, framing them in such a way that many of our people may derive a further means of livelihood from them. Pig production always paid our people and it could still be a useful source of revenue to them, in addition to their small earnings from their holdings in the ordinary way. Not sufficient effort is being made by our agricultural experts to try to get such schemes going. Money is necessary, whether by way of credit or grant, or both, in order to develop this. It is something the Minister could usefully examine in the future with the other Minister concerned.

Increased road grants are necessary in Kerry because of the vast amount of traffic we get. Although we are drawing more from the Road Fund than we put into it, because of the vast number of cars and the number of heavy lorries coming in and ploughing up our roads, I believe we are not getting as much as we should. I should like to draw the Minister's attention to that and ask that more money be channeled to us.

I should like to refer again to another very important part of our tourist industry—the development of angling. Too many of the important stretches of our rivers have been taken over by individuals who fish very little themselves and will not allow the ordinary people to utilise them. Legislation to prevent that type of letting is very necessary. Such stretches should only be let to angling clubs who would make them available both to tourists and our own people. It is an urgent necessity and something well worth looking into.

Again I congratulate the Minister on this magnificent Budget that has been very well received by the whole country. It is a Budget that will help the weaker sections of our people, the smallholders and old age pensioners. I should like to convey the thanks of the people in the county I represent, and to express the hope that the Government and the Minister will keep turning in that direction to help the people in our congested and backward areas.

The Taoiseach or the Minister, I am not sure which, has described this Budget as being a reflationary Budget and a social Budget as well. When the Minister sat down the other day, having delivered his long oration, to the prolonged applause of his followers sitting in the benches behind him——

And justly so.

——I think they were under the impression that this Budget was going to be received with enthusiasm and acclamation throughout the length and breadth of the land; then a slight whisper of suspicion came and people began to say that this happened before now, that we have had this sort of thing on the eve of an election, be it a general election or a local election, and that we have had a supplementary Budget at a later date. Therefore, I am saying this now in a kindly spirit to the members of the Fianna Fáil Party. It would be a great mistake for them to throw about too much among their supporters the great news of what the Government are going to do for them because they may have some difficulty in explaining the situation at a later date.

Let us go into the Budget and see if it is a real social Budget and if it is a reflationary Budget or not. One of the essential things for a reflation or expansion of our economy is that we should retain the youth of this country, house them and put them into employment. It is rather unfortunate that today in one of our newspapers there appeared the statement by the Social Welfare Organisation in London that the rate of emigration of our youth today is higher than it has been in the past few years. Not only that, but the more dangerous situation is that the youth are emigrating direct from the schools. The reason they are emigrating —let us not beat about the bush—is that there is no employment for them when they leave school. That does not apply only to manual labour but also to those who have passed examinations, even to those who have got the leaving certificate. There is no regular inflow of employment which there would be if we had a proper expansionist policy.

There is nothing in this Budget to indicate there is to be an upsurge in housing. If there is not an upsurge in housing, the people cannot marry and settle down here. We have a ridiculous system in this country whereby people are not recognised officially for a house until they are married, and that is stopping people getting married. That is one of the reasons why they are emigrating and that is one of the reasons why our economy is stagnant and likely to stay so.

Has the Deputy never heard of the draw for houses for newly-weds?

It is hard to find one.

There is nothing in my constituency anyway, which is Wexford. I was written to the other day by some people thinking of getting married and asking if I would get them a house. There is no scheme in my county to get them a house.

The Deputy's original statement was that there was no such scheme in the country.

There may be one in Dublin, but is the Minister honestly suggesting to the House that there is any situation in Dublin that is making any real impact on the demand for houses that exists today? Is it not a known fact that people living in rooms in Dublin with three or four children are waiting for houses? Even Deputies opposite who are members of Dublin Corporation or Dublin County Council will be honest enough to admit that. I am telling the Minister there is nothing in his Budget to improve that situation. That is a serious situation, one of the most serious situations we have got to face.

In regard to a reflationary policy, there is nothing in this Budget to assist marketing. That is one of the real problems today, and it applies perhaps more to agriculture than to any other section of the community. I have been listening since I came into public life to talk about the things that are being done for the farmers to encourage them to increase production. My experience of farmers, big and small, east and west, is that they have always produced what it is necessary to produce when it is possible to sell it. The main problem in our economy is that there is no market outlet for our produce. Therefore, let me say here and now what I have said before, that the Trade Agreement made last year was a first class wash-out. That is about the only way to describe it. It has tied us back to back in the British economy and therein lies the whole weakness in our economy today.

Surely the Deputy voted for this Agreement?

I did not vote for it. I was sick in bed and, had I been here, I should have voted against it.

The Deputy's Party voted for it.

I did not vote for it.

The Deputy's Party did.

The Deputy should not interrupt. He can make his own statement later.

I can see no benefit whatsoever from that Agreement. All I can see is growing unemployment and an upsurge in emigration and, if Deputies in the Fianna Fáil Party can refute——

This Deputy will. I find it rather irritating to hear the Deputy making these statements.

It is, I suppose, discouraging for a Deputy, having listened to his colleagues saying what a wonderful Budget it is, to sit here listening to these home truths, but I am going to tell these truths whether the Deputy likes it or not, and the Deputy can get up and reply afterwards, if he wants to.

They are not truths and the Deputy is not entitled——

The Deputy should not interrupt.

I was not aware of the fact that Deputy Andrews was in the Chair. He may be a candidate for it in the next Dáil, for all I know. As I was saying, this is not a deflationary Budget. There is growing unemployment. There is no alleviation of the unemployment situation and there is nothing in this Budget designed to bring about any improvement. It is not a social Budget, in the correct sense of the word, because it does not provide for the rectification of the catastrophic housing situation. Every honest Deputy must admit that. It may be that the Minister for Finance is not entirely responsible for the situation since he inherited the results of the misdeeds of those who preceded him, but this Budget runs to £300 million a year and there are not 3,000,000 people in the country. That means a very high taxation rate per capita, probably one of the highest in the world. Some statistician may refute that but it seems to me that a small country like ours, with a somewhat shaky economy, asked to pay £300 million a year is being asked to pay more than it can and, at the same time, expand the economy.

The Minister has given some alleviation in the case of the aged and social welfare beneficiaries. Is it not true, however, that the cost of living has gone up considerably? Is it not true that the price of bread went up the other day? Butter has increased in price. Milk will go up shortly. Is it not true that the turnover tax has impinged on every section of the community by driving up the cost of living? It is only right and fitting that the Minister should give increased social welfare benefits. I honour him for having done so. I can assure him that no recipient will be able to play about with this five shillings. There will be nothing to spare out of it. It eases the burden and it may be useful in the case of old age pensioners living on a farm, or something like that, but for the ordinary run of old age pensioner this five shillings just about offsets the increase in the cost of living. If Deputies on the Government benches do not agree with that I shall be quite happy, if they get up later, and refute my arguments, but I think they will find it very difficult to do that.

It is a great mistake, in my opinion, from the point of view of the national interest and from the point of view of savings that there should be such a strict and rigid means test. I want the House to consider two types of case. You have the old age pensioner who has worked hard all his life and saved money, perhaps a couple of thousand, a thrifty individual who benefits the nation; he may have had to leave the country for the reasons I stated earlier and, because of a break in continuity of employment and a break, therefore, in stamps, he does not qualify for the contributory old age pension. He has to fall back on the generosity of the State. At the same time, the old age pensioner who never saved a halfpenny and who was never of much use to the economy from that point of view will be awarded the full contributory old age pension. I believe this kind of anachronism discourages people from saving. It is on savings the State relies in order to finance its capital budget.

We are told glibly, of course, that savings have gone up. But the value of money has decreased. Wages are bigger and there is perhaps more money in circulation but savings are nothing like what they should be. I suggest savings should be encouraged in every way. The Minister has admittedly raised the rate of interest from £50 a year on bank deposits to £70 a year, but I think he should have gone further than that. Further than that would have paid off in the long run. We are starved for capital and that is why we have had to borrow at such exorbitant rates of interest for a very slightly expanding economy. Of course, whenever our economy does show signs of expanding, we seem to run into balance of payment difficulties immediately and we have to start a policy of restriction all over again. I think the Minister could have gone a long way in relation to bank deposits. First of all, he could have eased the situation in regard to the means test and, secondly, he could have eased the situation in regard to bank deposits by making the allowable rate of interest considerably higher than it is now. The bank rate is three per cent now. It used to be 1¼ per cent, or something like that. If he does what I suggest he will get much more in deposits which will be available to aid expansion.

The whole trouble is that the Government are spending one-third of the national income and they have to have a great deal of credit available. Any Minister for Finance who can solve this problem will put the country on the road to prosperity. But this Budget will not do that. The Minister is a very able man and he is facing a difficult time, with the local elections coming on; he had a certain amount of money available and from a Party political point of view he has, I suppose, made the best disposition he could of the funds available. But that will not carry us very far in the future. What everyone wants to see is an expanding economy. What everyone wants to see is permanency of employment. That is not the case at the moment.

Where are we going? We are borrowing huge sums. The servicing of the National Debt is somewhere in the region of £30 million. It was £28 million seven or eight months ago. We have borrowed money abroad at a very high rate of interest. What the country needs is an abundance of capital. Annually we collect in estate duty—I have mentioned this before—about £3 million. The sum varies. Sometimes rich people die in the same year and the figure goes up a bit. Collecting that duty costs a fair sum. Quite a large staff is engaged. Now this estate duty acts as a disincentive to savings. Moreover, it is a disincentive to people to buy their own houses. Whatever chance they may have of getting away with other types of investment, a house is a house. It is subject to a certain rate of duty, and that is that.

We should have our own policy. Because we have reciprocal arrangements with other countries, the Minister's advisers probably tell him that we cannot abolish estate duty. I am not even suggesting that. I am not suggesting we abolish estate duty overnight. If we did that, we would have such a run into this country that even the big mansions would be full in no time and we are short of housing already. However, I am suggesting to the Minister that there is a lower income group—not the real bottom income group because they are not concerned since estate duty at the moment is free up to £5,000—but there is a lower income group, a professional middle-class group who suffer untold hardship due to this estate duty.

I want to put this case to the Minister; take a man in professional life or in business, or anything you like, who dies in the prime of life and whose widow is left with a small family. She has a property concern, say, a small business. The Revenue Commissioners come in and value the property itself, value all the stock and everything concerned in it. It does not take much to knock over £5,000 today. For every pound over £5,000, estate duty falls due. This is causing untold hardship. It happens on farms and to those with small housing property and in professional classes. In fact it hits every section of society.

I have always felt that any remissions that are given should have been given from the total estate duty itself. There is a remission up to £5,000. It carries one a very short distance today—I think the Minister will agree— because values are rising so rapidly. If that £5,000 were deductible from the overall estate, we might be getting somewhere. I would even settle for that if the Minister would agree but what I would like to see the Minister doing is relieving all estates up to £10,000 of estate duties in any shape or form. You would find that there would be a tremendous saving of this utterly untold hardship which is being imposed on the community. We do these things because the British do them. We have always made the mistake in this country of accepting everything from the British that is not good and if there is anything really good very often we do not accept it. We have accepted their tax code, their estate duty code and all these things and on account of the very close relations, relations which have been drawn closer and closer by the Government, as I personally feel to our economic detriment judging from the results over the past 12 months, I think the Minister should very seriously consider the position.

I am an unrepentant Common Market man as far as this country is concerned. I have been that ever since the day the Common Market founded a common agricultural policy. To go into the Common Market we will have to expand phenomenally agriculturally. We will have to be able to produce so much agricultural produce that it will be able to tide us over the difficulties that we will face in the industrial arena. For that purpose it is necessary that we should expand our agriculture. All over the world people are going off the land. There is only one country or one group of states in the world where people are going back to the land and that is the other side of the Iron Curtain. They are going back to the land there because the people were starving and the Government had to liberalise and pay them. There are better conditions on the land in the Iron Curtain countries than there are in the industrial arena.

I always shiver when I hear economists talking about most things but definitely when they talk about agriculture I know there is trouble around the corner. They have been saying: "Let the people go off the land; it is all right." That is happening in Ireland. We have not yet reached the stage where it is going to be difficult to get employment. I take it the overall policy of the Government which they believe to be an economic necessity — in that they may be right — is to increase the size of holdings. It means that the small self-employed farmer will disappear in many cases and there will be a demand for labour. It is nearly 20 years now since the relief for employment of agricultural labour was fixed at £17 a year. That rate is still the same. Successive Budgets have come and gone and that rate remains the same. Many Deputies have referred to this. I have even heard Fianna Fáil Deputies refer to it from time to time. Is it not commonsense? This is one of the essentials to try to encourage employment on the land and keep people there if we want to survive.

We may talk of industrial expansion to save our country and to build up our economy. It is true we want more industries. I like to give a little credit where it is due because I feel I annoyed a lot of Fianna Fáil Deputies when I started to speak. In fact I cleared all the benches except for Deputy P.J. Burke. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has, I believe, a small industrial plan for certain parts of Ireland. Deputy Corish will agree with me that from every plan that ever came into existence Wexford was always excluded. This small plan covers Kilkenny and Carlow and surrounding area. I think that is a good idea. I feel the future of our industrial life lies in having small industries, pilot industries here and there being built up.

I am sticking my neck out in a forecast I did this some years ago and was criticised but as it happened my forecast was right: I think it unlikely that the United Kingdom will be accepted in the near future as a member of the Common Market. I see no reason why Ireland should not go it alone. We have everything to gain agriculturally. If we concentrate on small industries, we will be all right. We will have open gates between this small country and that great market which is the greatest purchasing market in the world, the European Economic Community. It is greater than the US or any of the other big combines. We will get an inflow of capital here that will offset any of the disadvantages. The British will invest here as they never invested here and US capital will flow in here, too, To have that right, we would want to have a proper tax policy and that brings me back to what I said before. The Minister should take another look at our entire tax code and our estate duty and let us do a little unilateral thinking on behalf of and for the benefit of the Irish people as a whole.

I was very sorry for the Fine Gael Party when the Minister introduced this Budget.

The Deputy did not congratulate the Minister yet.

I want to deal with the main points. I was sitting here listening to the Minister and, of course, I was the first to say that it was the best Budget introduced in my 23 years in this House. I am sure the Parties opposite are really deflated. I saw them deflated that day, too. As a matter of fact, the day the Budget was introduced, I did not know how they were going to speak on it. My colleague and respected friend, Deputy Esmonde, made a very nice contribution to the debate. He had not very much to say but being a gentleman, he spoke on a few constructive points. He spoke but they could say nothing. My dear friends had nothing to say except that we were going to have a supplementary budget. We were going to tax the people further, they said, and this is an election Budget. The Minister for Finance is one of the most able men we have on either side. Nobody could do the job he is doing better. I look on him as one able man who will not be dishonest. He has been very fair to the people. He had a certain amount of money at his disposal and he has tried to relieve the weaker sections of the community with it. Because he did it, Fine Gael went into the Lobbies and voted against him. They voted against the derating of agricultural land up to a valuation of £20 — they did not want it. They voted against the increase in old age pensions——

Is it 23 times you made that speech?

Do not be taking it so badly. I will tell you later on.

I have heard it 13 times.

They voted against unemployment assistance and all social welfare benefits — pensions of all kinds — and they did not want the family man's income tax allowance increased. They spent the year bringing in booster resolutions in the House for increases in this and that yet when they were asked to vote for a Budget they went the other way. May I congratulate the Leader of the Labour Party? They went in and voted with us because they were practical and knew well enough that the Minister for Finance could not get money unless he put on taxation. I shall go to my grave trying to understand the dishonesty of the Fine Gael Party. Many times here we have had to vote against them and their playacting. During this year again they will introduce some motion or another for an increase for somebody but when they got an opportunity to do so in this Budget they voted against it.

They did not want us to give £5 million in help to the farmers yet they went to town during the NFA dispute. They took every opportunity of trying to make a case to embarrass the Minister and the Deputies sitting behind him. We were all very sorry a thing like that should occur. There is not a man on this side of the House who is not a man of goodwill and none of us wants to see anyone in want if the resources of the country can permit us to relieve it. That is our duty, that is what we are dedicated to do, but none of us can do anything except in accordance with the resources of the nation.

The Minister for Finance and the Government as a whole made a very good job of introducing the Budget this year. They tried to relieve the sufferings of the less fortunate and in doing it they spread the load as widely as possible. Every Deputy on this side of the House would like to be able to give £10 a week to all old age pensioners, widows and others if we could do it. In 1965 we had an economic crisis but thanks be to God we are getting over it. We have money for houses now and for public services like water, sewerage, roads, SDA loans. I heard Deputy Esmonde saying a few moments ago that we were not building any houses for newlyweds. We have a colossal problem in Dublin. I am a member of the corporation housing committee and we have spent enough time, God knows, trying to improve the position, trying to get on as best we could.

The Government give us £4 million a year to help out but the increasing population of the city and county demand more and more from us. The best we can do for newly weds is have a draw to give out a couple of hundred houses each year. Now that the credit situation is better we may be able to do better. The Minister for Local Government and the Government in general came to our assistance when we started the Ballymun scheme. At the time many of the old houses were falling down. We never had such a problem as we had in 1963 and I hope never to have to go through it again. We tried to build more houses but we could not acquire land overnight, we could not get plans through overnight and we could not get people to build overnight.

All these things take time. We are going reasonably well by comparison with other countries in which I have travelled during the last few years. Other countries have greater resources to do the job than we have. At the World Town Planning Conference, attended by delegates from all over the world, it was reported that we had the highest standard in the world in the provision of three-bedroomed houses. For a small country that has to depend solely on its own resources that was a magnificent tribute. The last speaker and others have commented on the fact that we borrowed abroad. Very few countries have not had to borrow from their neighbours or from the World Bank. We had to develop the resources of the nation from the resources of the people themselves and the manner in which we did it is a great tribute to successive Ministers for Finance, irrespective of Party.

Reference was made to the National Debt. If we decided to have no National Debt in the morning——

That would be a simple decision.

If the National Debt had not been started, we would be continuing solely on a hand-to-mouth basis. If we had not put money into industry, into the development of our land, into circulation generally——

The National Debt is a national investment.

That is what I was about to say. It is national investment that posterity will look after.

Provided it is well spent.

In houses, in factories, in schools.

Provided we spend it on houses and schools. We could spend it badly.

I do not see how it was spent badly.

Deputy Donegan has a few pets. I am sorry for having interrupted.

Deputy Corish did not do me any harm — he just helped me along the road. In my estimation, we have gone a long way and, please God, we shall go a long way further. It is funny to hear people who never sat in this House criticising us, no matter which Party we belong to. Any intelligent group outside knows well enough that any public man or any Minister will do his very best for his people and for his Party. The Government Party are anxious to get every single thing they can. Not only when we speak in a debate of this nature but also at our private meetings, we look for quite a number of things, and we look for a number of concessions from the various Ministers from time to time. That is what we are up against. The Minister for Finance will always come in for the heavy end of it.

The word "unemployment" is used very often here. No one wants to see anyone unemployed. I have often said that I should like the Department of Social Welfare to make a list of people who cannot be employed because they are not fit to do any work. They get unemployment assistance because they are not able to work. I should like to say for Deputy Donegan's benefit that when his Party left office, the figure for unemployment was 100,000.

That is wrong. It was 95,000. So far as unemployment is concerned Fianna Fáil have the record. In 1936, there were 104,000 registered unemployed.

We will split the difference. I remember it well: in my area we had 1,800 houses idle.

For the record, the figure was not 100,000; it was 95,000 or 96,000.

A few thousand one way or the other does not make any difference.

I should like to keep the record right.

The Government's figure is 75,000 at the moment and 300,000 emigrated in the meantime.

Deputy Burke must be given a chance to speak.

He says we are helping him.

He would break your heart. We are listening to this for 30 years.

Deputy Burke makes a very good contribution.

I am sorry if I am causing Deputy Donegan any embarrassment.

(Interruptions.)

I want to put a personal question to the Deputy through the Chair. How will Deputy Donegan be able to tell the farmers and the NFA that he voted against the derating of agricultural land?

In Louth they did not get one penny. They get one penny on milk automatically.

Is there no one in Louth with a valuation under £20?

There are no small farmers in Louth.

Indeed there are.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Burke must be allowed to make his speech.

I am sorry for you because I do not know how you will explain this.

Deputy Burke should not address another Deputy across the floor of the House.

Through the Chair, I do not know how he will explain to the farmers of Louth that he voted against the derating of agricultural land.

If he cannot he should not be in here.

We hear a lot of talk about the farmers. I was born and reared on the land.

The Deputy had the brains to leave it.

There were nine of us and we could not all stay there. The farms are too small and too uneconomical. In England four per cent of the people make their living on the land today. In other countries the trend is that people are leaving small farms and looking for a better way of life. Ministers for Agriculture and Lands even behind the Iron Curtain have the toughest job of all. A Minister for Agriculture behind the Iron Curtain never lasts any more than one year and sometimes for only six months.

Deputy Blaney is there for only three months.

I am saying how difficult it is all over Europe for a Minister for Agriculture to deal with the agricultural problem. In France some years ago three-fifths of the people made their living on the land and the latest records show that that figure is down to two-fifths. The trend has been towards larger holdings during the past nine or ten years in France. We must be serious about this. There are small farmers in my part of the country who would not be there but for the fact that they augment their farm incomes with weekly earnings from other sources. Thrifty farmers can till their land and get conacre and carry on a frugal existence. The idea of small farmers trying to be selfsupporting on the land and educating their children is all a cod. The people on the opposite side of the House who seem to have the cure for all ills did not succeed in doing anything during their period of office and they expect the Minister and his predecessor to work miracles. This is a huge problem. Up to 30 per cent of our people are still making their living on the land. Many people who are supposed to be living on the land get social welfare benefits and many of them work in factories and in towns to subsidise their holdings.

The Minister for Lands wants to bring the holdings up to 45 acres and the quicker that is done the better. My estimate is that 50 per cent of our farmers are neither farmers nor labourers because they are working on holdings which are too small. In Dublin County we have people living on small holdings but they are near a good market. This looks very rosy but the machinery is expensive, the overheads are high, and if there is a glut on the market, they can have a bad year too. I do not want to talk about local matters because I am here to speak on general policy, but in South County Dublin there are hilly districts, and people have hilly land, and they would not be able to live on the land without working in the city in various professions or jobs as the case may be. We must be sincere about this. It has been said that we are running the farmers off the land, but no man with a good holding will run off the land.

Is it not a fact that over the past five, six or ten years the bulk of those who left the land were wage earners, not farmers?

The bulk of them were wage earners.

Road workers and forestry workers and agricultural workers.

One of the problems is that if a man has nine, ten or 20 acres of mountain or bog, he is down on the register as a farmer. Poor man, he never could get enough to feed himself out of that small farm. There are two ways of dealing with the problem. The first is co-operative farming and the second is to increase the size of the holding, something at which we are aiming. If we get into the Common Market, we shall have to be up to date and do what other countries are doing. It is most interesting to listen to the debates on agriculture at the Council of Europe. The Netherlands, especially, seem to have done very well. On the whole, however, we have succeeded in doing a wonderful job within the resources of our country.

I am most anxious to ensure that, without upsetting the economy of the nation, any money we can spare will be devoted to housing. I am Chairman of Dublin Health Authority and it may seem strange that I should say that I regard housing as more essential than hospitals, but the fact is that many people who are treated in hospitals must return to live in old shacks to the continuing detriment of their health. I am a strong believer in having a home for all our people. If we succeed in doing that, then there will be a substantial reduction in the need for physical and psychiatric treatment in hospital which can arise in great degree as a result of bad housing conditions, overcrowding and trying to live with in-laws.

I am very pleased with what we have already succeeded in doing to house our people. The Minister for Local Government and his predecessor in office have done their utmost to relieve the housing position and to help local authorities in every way. Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council have been doing their best to cooperate in this respect.

Housing is one of the big problems of our time. I am very happy that the Minister was able to release a good deal more money for housing in the past six months. It is indeed a great help. I admit that hospitals are necessary——

Did Deputy Burke say that more money was released?

In what way?

For the building of houses.

For the building of houses?

By Dublin Cor-poration and Dublin County Council.

You got the money, then. They did not get it in other parts of the country.

That is true. It happened in Louth.

Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council are prepared to take whatever money they get.

You are not dominated by the Fianna Fáil Party there.

The county council is dominated by the Coalition. This is the very problem we are up against.

This is not a free-for-all.

You got more houses than anywhere else.

I have pulled my weight to get houses built in Dublin: Deputy Tully would not believe that.

I would; I would believe anything Deputy Burke would say — and that is saying something.

Believe that, too. We have succeeded, in Dublin city and county, in building a number of schools and in replacing old schools. We have a backlog but great progress has been made in the past few years and, once again, we have more money this year to do the job. I hope that situation will continue. The more money we invest in education, the more we invest in posterity and in the betterment of the nation.

I welcome the Budget. It contains many useful provisions for the assistance of our people. It is one of the best Budgets ever introduced in this House. It is fair to every section of the community. Above all, it will help to stimulate purchasing power which, in turn, will help to maintain and promote employment. I welcome the money which will be spent on the improvement of our harbours, especially that old harbour with which I have been connected for a long time. I shall even bring Deputy Tully down to see it.

I do not think I shall live that long.

Skerries.

And I shall bring Deputy Donegan there too, and bring him into Joe May's.

I shall go there under my own steam.

We are not too discourteous at all. Deputy Donegan would be a visiting Deputy in the constituency. I am really sorry that the Fine Gael Party have been so upset by this Budget. They have nothing to say. All they can do is develop a lot of grievances. They are afraid of a supplementary Budget. So long as they are afraid of something and have not anything serious to say to us then we are doing remarkably well. I hope Deputy Donegan will tell the farmers that he voted against providing all the money which this Budget is designed to give them. I should like him to be honest with them. If he does not tell them the truth, I shall go down to Drogheda and tell it to them.

Every year, at Budget time, Deputy Burke and I seem to arrive in this House at the same time and, for that reason, I have to listen to him saying that we voted against money for the old age pensioners, and so on. This year, I am pleased to hear something new. We were informed that the Minister for Lands and the Minister for Agriculture behind the Iron Curtain normally last only six months. Deputy Burke did not tell us what happens to them after that but I can imagine it. Nobody can say that you vote against any of the things in a Budget, the individual taxes that are imposed, because a Budget is a very general thing, taking in as it does a vast amount of detail, and it is a Deputy's decision whether or not he votes against the total proposals which, as I say, take into their fold all these things. You have to consider the taxes, the benefits, the state of the country, the availability of money, the possible availability of money during the coming year, the outturn of the last Budget and so many other things that it would be quite stupid to list them as any proper sort of contribution towards the Budget.

I should like to quote from page 1 of the speech circulated by the Minister on Budget Day where he says under the heading "Current Budget, 1966-67 — outturn":

The surplus of £800,000 with which last year ended, though small, had an important economic significance. It marked the success of the Government's policy of curbing, largely through budgetary action, the excessive pressure which total national spending had been exerting on the balance of payments. The elimination of the 1965-66 deficit of almost £8 million, coupled with the stabilisation of public capital expenditure, played a big part in bringing national spending within the resources likely to be continuously available. It has thus strengthened the basis for future development of the economy.

want to deal with that statement.

First of all, it is a statement that claims credit, which suggests that things are now better than they were and that "reflation"— this new word, which covers not only expansion of the economy but admits that "flation" if there is such a word, was necessary — was being put into expansion for a second time when the expansion had ended. This statement indicates that by the most stringent measures the Government sought to set financial figures at rights. I want to indicate the cost of that, not in money but in people and in the interference with people's lives. There are 1,000 fewer in employment than there were last year; in the previous year there were seven thousand fewer in employment. I regard those figures as being far more important — although possibly they are not as sad — than the unemployment figures, because if we do not keep employing more people, we will have more unemployment and more emigration.

Now I will move on to the unemployment figures. Today there are 64,000 people unemployed. To those must be added the figure of 11,000 approximately, because of the change in the manner of assessing the employed and the unemployed introduced by Fianna Fáil about a year ago. The NIEC produced a report on full employment and in regard to next year, all that it says is that it hopes for an increase of 1,000 in industrial employment. The normal numbers leaving the land varied between 14,000 and 8,000 over the last 15 years.

One must take it then that the situation is that only 1,000 more jobs are to be created next year — which is the estimation of the NIEC, an organisation which embraces representatives of the trade unions, Government Departments, the Federation of Irish Industries, the Federated Union of Employers and other people — and that indicates the manner in which the Government healed their economic difficulties. The manner in which they healed their economic difficulties seems to have been at the price of the people, their jobs and their future. The numbers coming from agriculture slowed last year to an extremely low figure, a figure with which I will deal later. Now we are estimating, and I am quoting the NIEC report, an expansion in industry over the next four or five years which is about half what the Government estimated in the Second Programme for Economic Expansion would be the figure we would be enjoying.

It should be remembered that the Minister takes pride in the fact that he is only to take £25 million from the commercial banks this year, and takes pride also in the fact that last year he went to outside borrowing and only took £16.2 million. This indicates that there is to be an increase in the amount taken from the commercial banks this year and that means less money for the private sector. Whether you regard this sector as embracing private companies or individuals, it is the sector that must produce the real earners. We need the Civil Service — it is doing a good job — and we need all the different people like the Garda, the Army, and so on, but when it comes down to real earning, real exports, real production, then we have got to go to the private sector, except perhaps in the few instances where the Government have gone into State-sponsored bodies and are producing such things as electricity to keep our factories going, or producing turf through Bord na Móna, or are actively engaged in commerce, as in Aer Lingus. With those exceptions, it is the private sector which produces the goods, which produces the money, the food and the clothes and allows us to have more jobs, allows more of our people to live here.

The Budget, however, proposes that that sector will get £9 million less of the new money coming forward this year. You might say that last year there was £43 million more in the banking system and the Government only took £16 million of it. This is in a situation in which we have been exporting 30,000 people per year over the past 20 years and in which the only hope for us lies in a real expansion of production and in allowing our private enterprise sector to do it.

There is only one source from which the private sector can get the money for the investment which will mean more jobs, that is, from profits which normally find their way into the banking system, either by way of reduction of overdrafts extended to companies or by payments arranged through the banking system. If this money is to be taken by the Government, if the Government are not in a position to secure money through National Loans as in the past, then there will be less productive employment here. Everybody, on every side of the House, will agree that hope for this country can only exist when you have the increase in productive employment suggested in the Second Programme, which contained that wonderful set of figures which was indicated as necessary and which was suggested by Deputy Lemass in 1956. He, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, went to Clery's Restaurant at that time and indicated that he was going to spend £100 million in five years on productive investment and create 100,000 new jobs.

What has been the situation since? Again, I must go to what I regard as being the most important figure as far as employment and unemployment are concerned, that is, the figure of 34,000 fewer people working than when Deputy Lemass made that statement. In addition, there are 170,000 fewer working than in 1926. I do not want to go back to pin failure on one or the other and swop figures for unemployment as Deputy Burke desired to do. We had a credit squeeze in 1956-57 and the Government have had one now but let us consider where we are going, whether the Minister is right when he says we are coming out of the wood because that is what I think he says in his first paragraph.

The ordinary company today in industry must find somewhere, if it applies for an adaptation grant and gets a maximum of 25 per cent, 75 per cent of the cost of that adaptation, somewhere, from the banking system, the Industrial Credit Company or some other source. Most of these companies, even public companies, have to give debentures to banks but when they go to the Industrial Credit Company or other credit organisations they do not find themselves so popular. New industries coming in here — which I agree is entirely necessary — can get a 50 per cent grant towards their expenditure in the ordinary areas of the country and 66? per cent in the undeveloped areas. There have been instances where the Government have also come in with an extremely large loan with, in more than one instance, disastrous consequences. Existing industry is faced with the situation that the best it can get is a 25 per cent grant.

If one takes the Free Trade Agreement with Britain and examines it, one finds that by 1975 something of the order of 72 per cent of our industrial home market will be open to the full blast of competition from British manufacturers and if we involve ourselves at that stage — as we must, because we cannot live on an economic island even though this is an island and even though the Tánaiste at one stage said that we would be better off if all the ships were at the bottom of the sea — in the Common Market our position will be even worse.

We must ask ourselves if there is anything in this Budget that helps existing industry to gird up its loins to meet the coming competition in the first instance not so far as exports are concerned — though these are probably equally important — but as far as the home market is concerned, remembering that the old concept of industry here is that we were producing industries in the 1920's and 1930's right up to the start of the war to supply our own people and that these were supply industries operating behind tariff walls. They were built on that basis and they still exist largely on the market here behind tariff walls. These are going to disappear but the best we can give our industries is half of what we give the foreigner.

The first paragraph of the Minister's speech indicates one year. I want to suggest that the outturn of last year's Budget in a year in which there was a second and a third Budget — one on June 15th when petrol and cigarettes were increased and one on October 1st when we had the selective wholesale tax imposed — was the direct result of Government action in 1964. As we talk of 1967 it is probably now getting past the stage of talking of the 12 per cent wage increase but I have heard Fianna Fáil Deputies say that every Fine Gael speaker who gets up talks about that.

I am not one for going back and throwing out catchcries but I want to record now that the reason for the deflationary Budget last year, the reason for the hardship and the difficulties, was the fact that in 1964 there were two by-elections, one in Kildare and one in Cork. At that time there was an effort to get some sort of agreement on wages and prices. It was failing and the Government would not go into two by-elections on a failure. In fact, they cooked the books and Deputy Lemass boasted that he had got a good settlement of 12 per cent for two and a half years and that this would mean industrial peace. At the same time, the Army, without any prior notification, was given increases. The Government won the two by-elections. The unfortunate workers had been duped because everybody knows prices will follow wages up inside nine or 12 months. When that period had elapsed there was a year and a half during which the worker had to wait and was made to wait according to his bargain while enduring a lower standard of living. The net result, of course, was strikes and rumours of strikes.

The number of man-days lost is a figure I should like to quote. In 1963, before the Government's intervention in this matter, the number of man-days lost through strikes was 233,617. The number lost in 1964 was 545,384; in 1965, 552,351 and in 1966, 783,635. One can see the pattern emerging and that the difficulties arose when a professional government took a professional answer to a political difficulty. The figures for the man-days lost are taken from the NIEC Report on the Department of Finance Review of the outcome of 1966-67.

I should now like to quote from page 4 of the circulated version of the Minister's speech:

The increased volume of national production is provisionally estimated to have amounted to about one per cent, compared with 2½ per cent in 1965. The volume of output of transportable goods industries was somewhat higher than in 1965 but, as building and construction fell, the rise in total production is believed to have been less than in that year. The volume of agricultural output showed little change.

We now find ourselves as a nation, according to the Minister's figures, where 70 per cent are involved in agriculture and 30 per cent in other activities. We are moving towards a greater number in industry because obviously, as agriculture becomes more efficient, it will employ fewer people unless we go to the very high employment items such as horticulture under glass. We are moving towards this industrial expansion that is necessary to preserve our balance of payments position and to employ the extra people coming forward each year. We are a nation of rather large families with people who marry and have such families and want to stay at home. Each year we have more people coming forward for jobs than we have ever succeeded in employing. The best that could be done last year — and I charge the Government that this was because of their action in 1964 — was that we had a one per cent increase in national production, the volume of industrial production remains static or decreased and our agricultural income fell. Surely this means failure. Surely all the bland statements of the Minister when he introduced his Budget ring false.

The remedies of the present Taoiseach when he was Minister last year were applied. The results I have described. How does one reconcile the situation with the position when people are now told by the Minister for Labour that if they look for any more money they are, in fact, sinking the ship and doing things to the economy that will mean fewer people in employment. It will do all sorts of unpatriotic things and their hymn and catchword must be expansion and that they must reduce their incomes.

While this is happening those people must look at the facts of what happened on June 15th last year when petrol was increased and there were also increases in the price of cigarettes and in the price of beer. The reason given — we have the Minister for Labour at present following in the tradition of the Taoiseach last year — was that there had been an increase in wages when the recommendation of the Government was that they should get three per cent because the gross national product last year was estimated to have increased by three per cent. I want to tell the Minister as I told him before — as a professional accountant he knows this quite well — that increasing incomes in the same relation as the increase in the gross national product is a stupid mathematical exercise.

This figure was produced out of the hat. If the gross national product increases in certain items as much as five per cent or ten per cent there might be a case for no increase in the national income, whereas if the gross national product increases by less than five per cent there might be a case for a spectacular increase in incomes. Whoever brought this figure out of the hat was either a mathematical genius or was not being honest. However, the trade unions last year reached some agreement with the Labour Court and the £1 increase was given. The Taoiseach, in order to get that £1 back, increased the price of cigarettes and the price of petrol about five per cent. He also brought in the wholesale tax of last October. This tax is so stringent that if you build a house today and if you do not make the doors on the site — this is not done in usual building projects but is done in the workshop — you must pay the wholesale tax. In most items the increase in wholesale tax and turnover tax is something in the region of eight per cent.

That is where the surplus in the Budget came this year. I charge that, in fact, last year the Minister for Finance was budgeting for a surplus. Again, June 15th was the significant date. He did quite well in the circumstances. If they knew the trade union organisations were likely to accept three per cent, which as I indicated is an entirely false mathematical figure, and the Minister this year is now budgeting for a deficit we are faced with one of two alternatives. The first is that he will trot out a miniBudget in a not so mini-skirt around October or we will have a more difficult Budget next year. That, as I see it, is what the Minister is doing. The relevant date is June 28th, the date of the local elections.

I indicated the price paid for the 12 per cent wage increase. The unfortunate working people were duped by the Government at the time. Unfortunately, they rose to the fly. I am now suggesting that a further Budget is indicated. The payment has to be made. If the seller is also the buyer and if the Government wish to do this later in the year they can introduce another mini-Budget.

I want to indicate also the situation in this country at the moment in relation to employment, industry and labour. We have a Minister for Labour who is making strong speeches and indicating that he will take legislative measures if there is any attempt to increase incomes and that incomes must be held at their present level. This is being done, of course, in the shadow of a situation in which the predecessor of the Minister for Finance allowed the banks to increase dividends. If the trade union organisations in this country, which obviously they have a right to do, reject the Minister's proposals, we are now on the threshold of a situation in which the trade unions may not remain patient and we may be left in a situation in which the Government have achieved a high level of taxation which has artifically raised prices so much that now our competitiveness is ineffective or people may say that they are not satisfied with the 12 per cent increase which they already received. A man who has received the 12 per cent increase, who has three children and is paying a high rent will have to continue paying that high rent until one of his children goes to work. Many people who are in that situation may say they want to return to the previous level they were at. If they do that, then the OECD Report which said that competitiveness was entirely impaired by rising costs will be accurate. The increase in costs, if those people seek to go back to the level they were at previous to 1964, will be double that indicated by the OECD. This would likely mean a further increase in taxation.

I would not blame anybody who saw his income seriously retarded by the action of the Government since 1964 seeking a return to his previous position. If that happens our position will be far worse than it is. There will be fewer people in employment. I can echo Dr. Hillery on that. There will more people on the emigrant ship and fewer people in the country here. Who caused this? It was the people who were in charge of the country in 1964. They tried to right themselves in 1966 and we are paying the cost of that in 1967.

I now want to refer to the situation in relation to existing industries. Great play has been made in Governmentsponsored papers of the fact that the Minister increased the depreciation allowance.

There are no Government-sponsored papers.

Very well — Government-kept newspapers.

Equally inaccurate.

If the President holds the majority of the shares and his family also holds them, surely that is the same? Perhaps there is a more precise definition.

The Deputy may not discuss the President.

I want to discuss the present situation in relation to existing industries. When this great idea to correct the ill that the Government had perpetrated on the country of prices and incomes remaining static was produced one of the most enthusiastic Ministers, who sought to really do his job in this tough way, was the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Colley. The first thing he did was to refuse an increase in the price of fertilisers to a fertiliser company. That fertiliser company moved from a profit of £428,000 to a loss of £153,000 in one year. The firm circulated their shareholders to the effect that they might have to close half of their plant and they also circulated every employee on their staff giving them the facts. What was the eventual outcome? The price of fertilisers had to be increased.

The next situation which developed was that the price of beer was investigated. He was most diligent in this. I should say at this stage that I am describing the actions of the Minister's predecessor. It was not Deputy Colley who was Minister for Industry and Commerce at that time. It was Dr. Hillery who dealt with the price of fertilisers and who also dealt with the breweries. I have described Dr. Hillery's action at that time as a man with two feet walking over a strawberry bed. One brewery was not allowed increase their prices. The assistant manager had to come on television and make his case. What was the outcome? The figure was not produced but the price of beer had to be increased.

We then had the row with the flourmillers. At this stage it was not Dr. Hillery who was Minister for Industry and Commerce: it was Deputy Colley. The flour millers had seen what had happened the fertiliser company, which had lost £458,000 and they had seen what happened the breweries and they decided that they would not have any of it. They said they were increasing their prices. Their reason was quite clear. The Minister for Agriculture of the time, who is now sitting opposite, had increased the price of Irish wheat by 10/- a barrel, which is £4 a ton and on 1st November, the stocks were exhausted and the wheat was costing £4 a ton more. That represents far more than £4 when you come to flour. You only get 70 per cent of flour from the same weight in wheat form. The increase, therefore, was of the order of £5 to £6 a ton. The flour millers were to be in jail for three months and the headlines were in the newspapers.

Then, the price of bread was increased by 2d a loaf. The price of flour was proportionately increased per sack and the Minister came and had the gall to say that this included a factor that would compensate the millers for a period during which they had not charged the increased prices and that if there was any change in the situation, there would be a decrease in price by next September. He knew when saying that that the wheat harvest next September would be approximately 50 per cent higher than last year. This means that there will be more wheat going into the grist. The result is that next November there will be a further increase in the price of flour.

It is as clear as amber that the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Government would like to play political tricks and, if possible, have certain people go broke or lose colossal amounts of profit. Again, this means fewer people in employment.

Lest anybody think I have been painting a gloomy picture, lest anyone think that I have been doing the opposite of gilding the lily, I now quote page 8 of the Minister's speech:

There are, however, several points of danger which must be watched if expansion is to be sustained without interruption. Our export competitiveness disimproved in 1966; unit wage costs in Irish manufacturing industry went up by seven per cent compared with a rise of about five per cent in the United Kingdom. In view of the continuing restraint on incomes in the United Kingdom, it is vital to ensure that there will be no further deterioration in our competitive position. On the contrary, we must all work for an improvement. It will be more difficult to sell our goods abroad this year. Demand in the United Kingdom is likely to remain depressed for much of 1967. Most of the advanced Western European countries anticipate a slowing down in the rate of increase of their imports. While it will be harder to sell abroad, more imports will be required to sustain the projected increases in production, investment and home consumption. Already, in the first two months of the year, imports are £12 million greater than in the corresponding period of 1966. This emphasises the crucial importance of making this a year in which priority will be given to improving competitiveness through income restraint and increased productivity.

Does anybody see much difference between that page of the Minister's speech and what I have been saying for the last 15 or 20 minutes? There is only one difference, that is, that I have been drawing different conclusions. I suggest that my conclusions are sounder than those drawn by the Minister.

This fairytale Budget is the best Budget in the 23 years of his life in this Chamber, according to Deputy P.J. Burke. In the background, there is the fact that our competitive position has disimproved. There is the fact that things will be tougher abroad and, if we read page 8, there is the fact that by October-November we will have a mini-Budget introduced here, or, if not, a very tough Budget in 1968.

We on this side of the House welcome all the personal reliefs, whether in the shape of social welfare payments, income tax relief or children's allowances increase. We welcome the derating of agricultural land. This was proposed by me, of all people, six years ago as shadow Minister for Agriculture for Fine Gael, the only difference being that we intended it at a figure of £25. We gave our figures. The Minister, of course, could not do exactly the same thing so he gave it up to £20 and graduated a scale to £33.

We welcome the 1d a gallon for milk but I want to analyse that. God help the old age pensioner; we hope that he will get more next year or in future years. The same thing applies with regard to infectious diseases allowances, unemployment assistance, and so on.

To come down to the small farmer, what does this derating mean to him? It represents £11 a year, or 4/- a week. I do not think that any small farmer or his son will stay on a farm in the west of Ireland, or in the east either, for an increased income of 4/- a week. An increase of 1d on milk is the standard increase but I would suggest to this House that in 30 years' time milk will cost 2/6d a gallon. The normal activity of creeping inflation will mean that 1d a gallon on milk per year will represent an increase of 1d.

Before the Budget, I said that if the Minister wanted to do it and he had the money at his disposal, he should put 3d on milk. One penny is little value to the man who is sending in 20 gallons of milk a day.

I wanted to see steps in the Budget towards increased production, that on the small farm, and on the large farm as well, there would be further changes in the Land Project, further changes in the heifer scheme and further changes in the farm improvements grants scheme. I wanted to see further changes in the whole structure of the Department of Agriculture, but there were no such changes in the Budget. The purpose of this Budget was to buy a few votes by July 1958. It gives £11 to the small farmer and a few hundred to the pilot areas. If you put one penny on 20 cigarettes, you get £1 million. I described to the Minister opposite when he was Minister for Agriculture the £100,000 provided for the pilot areas last year as the butt of a cigarette and that the man who was thinking of what was being done for him was walking up the road with his bicycle smoking his cigarette could say: "That once a year is what the Minister for Agriculture got for us so far as the pilot areas in the West are concerned." He could now look at the butt of his cigarette again and say: "It is slightly improved; we will now get two butts of the two cigarettes." I said that to the Minister last year and he said: "We are giving them the Land Project and other things as well".

Of course he is; I can get them, and I am not a small farmer. So can he get them. But I am talking of the extra expenditure on pilot areas. I define it clearly — and I ask anybody here to refute me — as the butts of two cigarettes as far as taxation is concerned. These things will not keep the small farmer here; these things will not employ the extra numbers in industry we need. We need tax incentives for existing industry. The Minister made great play when he interrupted me on the question of who kept the Irish Press and made great play of this business of an increased depreciation allowance. Anywhere in the country, the increase of ten per cent is not of great benefit because — the Minister, being an accountant, knows perfectly well — if you depreciate a new vehicle 20 per cent in the first year, in the second year, it is 20 per cent of what is left and, in the third year, 20 per cent of what is then left. You never fully enjoy the depreciation on that vehicle or the depreciation on that piece of industrial machinery.

The Deputy understands that to the initial allowance you can add the first year's depreciation?

Yes, I understand that; but what has been suggested to other Ministers as well as the present one in the past few years is that existing industry can prove that a machine in, say, a boot factory, a flour mill, or in any branch of industry would cost a much larger sum to replace than the depreciation allowance could possibly provide, or a much larger sum to replace than it cost. There should be, then, a depreciation allowance relative to the cost of replacing a new machine. That is what existing industry wants and needs. If you want to put things in their proper perspective and put the horse in its proper place in relation to the cart, our objective, first of all, is to preserve the jobs we have, because, if 72 per cent of our industry is to be opened up to the competition of Britain and, perhaps, Europe, in 1975, then those jobs are in great danger and are in far greater danger than any new jobs created because, surely, when those new jobs are being created, everybody will try to make them the sort of jobs which will be competitive in 1975.

I want to deal now with an element of the Capital Budget which agitates me, and many other people, to a great extent. I would mention the failure of certain industrial grants. I examined recently the total number of grants given and the failures. Then I proceeded to continue my examination of certain investments made by the Government — some of them social, because of industrial difficulties in certain places, some of them because the Government had decided that certain large industries would be established. I discovered that, apart from Statesponsored companies — where there is a large sum of money owing in the form of interest not paid — in moneys invested in industry by the Government and not either making any return on its capital or interest on the capital employed, and adding that to the grants that have failed we have a figure which can be proved for the period since 1957. It is not in our interest here to prove it publicly but £10 million were invested by the Government, which is not making any return, and is employing the minimum number of people such a figure could possibly employ, because we have certain industries involved in this figure of £10 million, such as the one out on the Naas Road where employment is nothing like commensurate with the investment of £1,319,000.

We have a factory in Monaghan which was never opened, another in Cabra in Dublin never opened, a factory in Cavan employing the minimum number of people — perhaps 20 or 30 — in a plant which cost something of the order of £500,000. These are failures and no matter what the Minister for Industry and Commerce may say to me across the floor, no matter what the Minister for Finance may say, they constitute too high a percentage of the investment made. When one adds to that certain large investments made by the State, which are not recouping the capital they employ, or making no payment on the principal, one ends up with the very conservative and minimum figure since 1957 of £10 million invested by the Government which is bearing no fruit, or very little, or the minimum amount of employment, where such should be the maximum. I was walking through double doors the other day with a noted parish priest. He pointed out words on the two doors to me, one on either side, and said: "Those are the two most important words in Ireland today". The two words were "push" and "pull".

That is a hairy old one.

But we could always give it a haircut and bring it out, because it is very relevant at the moment. I want to suggest that the Government have a responsibility in this matter, because Governments and Cabinets must live in the cold blast of examination by people who are their voters, who are their bosses. The Government have a responsibility in this matter to ensure that as and from this day there shall not be any opportunity for any citizen to accuse the Government, or to think in his own mind, that there have been cases where whom you knew was more important than what you knew. I feel the evidence I have given of a minimum figure of £10 million wrongly invested in recent years—the details of which I would prefer not to give in this House but will give to anybody who wants them privately afterwards — constitutes a position in which if the Government are not guilty, at least, by French law, they are: there is the responsibility of proving themselves not guilty. That is my interpretation of the situation in relation to industrial grants.

I want to say now that one of the good things I see in this Budget——

I am glad to hear the Minister's cheer. One of the good things I see is the provision of grants for hotel and farmhouse accommodation. I have seen some of the farmhouse accommodation offered and have found it extremely good. This can make for an increased income on a farm and at the same time, provide holidays for the sort of people to whom I think our tourist industry belongs, people who can provide for us a sounder basis than any other. I refer to the English industrial worker, whether he is a worker on the floor or in management, who can come here for a relatively small travelling expenditure, can bring his car be it small or large and who does not want to spend his time in some of the more expensive hotels in Dublin or the provinces but who prefers a more modest type of accommodation. We on this side of the House have been yelling loudly for the past ten years for grants for small hoteliers and for people outside the Dublin area. This provision seems to be a change and I am prepared to welcome it.

One absolute failure in this Budget is the fact that we have not, as yet, changed our policy for industrial encouragement since 1956-57. On the last Estimate for Industry and Commerce, the then Minister, Dr. Hillery, did not tell us anything about what he was doing in this regard in his opening speech because he knew that would be discussed, and discussed in full. In fact, it was discussed in full. In the last sentence of his concluding remarks he told us he had a firm of international consultants at present looking into the position in relation to industrial grants and the ordinary encouragement of industry.

Let us face the fact that there is a relatively small figure of £575,000 for industrial estates in this Budget. We have only started in Galway and Waterford. If you go up to the North, you have a situation there in which at Portadown they have gone a big way towards starting a new town and industrial complex. They have done the same at Newtownards and Ballymena. I know they have money from a source from which we would never wish to get it, or would get it, but at the same time, their thinking has been years ahead of us. They have no global prohibitions, such as not giving grants to bakeries on the basis that they cannot compete in free trade conditions. It seems extraordinary to me that a man employing 100 or 150 workers in a bakery is not entitled to seek an adaptation grant, whereas his fellow in some industry that may not be as important is fully entitled to do so. Up there they have a system whereby you get a grant if you buy a machine. That is all there is to it. Down here we have a system whereby you apparently seek to disqualify people in a certain category from getting such a grant. We are all in the soup together, and when 1975 comes we will have an extraordinary situation.

I want now to deal briefly with something that irritates us on this side of the House beyond all comprehension. I refer to page 8 of the Current Budget Tables, 1967. This deals with what is known as State expenditure in relation to agriculture from 1963-64. If any citizen has not got this document, he will have no trouble getting the same information in a recent issue of the Sunday Press and the Sunday Independent, which was given at a total cost of £2,064. This was at the height of the campaign of repression against the NFA. This table tells us that the State is spending £60,102,000 on agriculture. I want again to suggest to the Minister, as I do at every Budget time, that he should remove this table from the series issued to us. Nothing irritates farmers more than to be told £60 million is being spent on them, when it is not true. You will find that the gentleman looking after the rather rare orchids in the Botanic Gardens is charged up in the £60 million referred to in this table. The same applies to every officer of the Department of Agriculture, even those we were talking about today — the egg inspectors at the ports who are in the sad position of having no eggs to inspect. All these are charged up against the farmers.

There is a crisis looming in regard to agricultural incomes. When Britain put a levy on our industrial products last year, the Government paid five per cent of it. I asked a series of questions recently in relation to the number of our cattle moving to Britain and thence to the Common Market countries. The information received indicated that if nothing was done on 1st April this year, we would be again facing a glut of cattle at the back end of this year, in the months of September, October and November. But something was done on 1st April. The barriers against the entry of our cattle to the Common Market countries, as well as the cattle we send to Britain to gain the Queen's subsidy and then be exported to the Common Market countries, were strengthened by those countries. The jump was made higher for our cattle and the cost of the tariff was sufficient to exclude us completely. As I say, we are again facing a crisis at the back end of the year so far as cattle are concerned. If the Minister would consider that aspect and realise that, just as he had to come to the aid of industry when there was a levy against our exports, he may have to do the same with cattle — the Minister need not shake his head.

You cannot do it with the EEC countries. That is all I am saying.

There is a rumour that your Minister for Agriculture has guaranteed the British there will be no headage grant this year. We will wait and see whether that rumour comes true. But if the Minister has to do it, and break his word to the British, he could at least make sure it is not included in the £60 million. In times of glut, in times of levy against an industry, in times of national disaster — and that is what it will be if we cannot keep our balance of payments right by exporting our cattle — you do not charge up every penny you spend individually against the person in trouble. You do not throw a lifebelt over the side of a boat and charge up in the cost of lifesaving the wear and tear on the lifebelt. This procedure of putting down this £60 million is one of the greatest irritants affecting agricultural Ireland today. The expenditure of the £2,064 by the Minister when he was Minister for Agriculture, and the sum of approximately half as much when he had his first row with the NFA, represented nothing more than the throwing down of the gloves and the taking off of the coats for a fight.

This Budget, while giving some small personal reliefs, does nothing to face up to the problem of unemployment, the problem of fighting emigration or the need for increased employment and an increase in agricultural production and incomes. It does nothing to give us hope for the future. It is an as-you-were Budget. As-you-were was the year of the three Budgets. The first Budget, plus the cigarettes and petrol on June 15th, plus the selective wholesale tax on October 1st. An as-you-were Budget in that situation is a hair shirt Budget, a repressive Budget, one that is not going to reflate the economy and one that is going to see us in a worse position in 12 months' time than we are in today.

I desire to make some brief observations on this Budget.

It is good to hear Deputy Donegan's colleagues congratulating him on making the best of a bad job.

It certainly was a bad job.

It is a pity that elections do not take place every year because then the people might reasonably hope for some worthwhile consideration from the Fianna Fáil Government. We all anticipated that the Budget on this occasion could not, for obvious reasons, be a harsh one. This was local elections year and it was obvious that the Minister for Finance and the Cabinet would bend over backwards to provide sops, stimulants, palliatives and aids of all kinds to appease quite a large section of our society who have in recent years been outraged by the action or inaction of this inept Government.

There is nothing statesmanlike or sincere about this Budget. It is clearly a Budget designed for political expediency alone. It is a short-term measure designed to court popular support, to win back the votes lost to Fianna Fáil by their mismanagement of the affairs of this nation in recent years. The Budget ought to be designed to inspire confidence and hope in the nation, to stimulate production, to increase employment, to raise living standards, and generally should be a preconceived, long-term plan to secure economic independence. There is not a vestige of long-term planning in this Budget. Sops have been thrown out here and there, in the hope that the gullible populace, who have been so overburdened in the struggle for life in recent years, will forget the depression of past years and give to Fianna Fáil the votes and support they so badly require in the forthcoming local elections.

This Budget does nothing to provide much needed additional jobs. It gives no relief to the hardpressed family man who is struggling vainly against an exceptionally high cost of living. We treat this Budget with the utmost suspicion in respect of the measures proposed in it for our aged, our sick, our widowed and our unemployed. Is it suggested that a 5/- increase on this occasion in old age pensions, non-contributory in particular, will compensate for the fraud which was perpetrated on these the most helpless section of our society in the Budget this time 12 months?

The 5/- increase of last year for the non-contributory section was brandished in banner headlines in all our daily and evening papers. Much political capital was made of it, but when the Bill came into the House to give effect to it, it transpired that the 5/increase for old age pensioners and other such categories was provided on the basis that these people had no means whatsoever. It further transpired from the odious, rigid and vicious means test which was applied that this increase was negatived completely, and nearly 90 per cent of old age pensioners never received the increase which was purported to have been provided for in the Budget of last year. I should like the Minister to say clearly whether the same odious means test still applies in respect of the provision made on this occasion.

What is the Deputy talking about?

I marvelled on many occasions in this House at the brass neck of the Minister for Social Welfare when he tried to fence off questions and challenges in this House as to how he could justify this shameful imposition of a means test which deprives——

These details would be a matter for the Estimate.

That is not a detail; it is a Budget proposal.

The Deputy is talking about a means test, which does not arise on the Budget.

Of course it does arise.

These details would relevantly arise on the Estimate.

On a point of order, the Deputy is referring to a proposal to increase old age and widows' and orphans' non-contributory pensions in respect of which he is merely trying to ensure there will not be a new means test.

He is discussing the means test in detail, which does not arise on the Budget.

With respect, I submit he is perfectly in order in talking about the proposal I have just mentioned.

I do not think Deputy Corish should interfere, because the Deputy is out of order completely.

He will interfere as long as he thinks he is right.

The Deputy does wish to ensure that when the Government say they will give an increase of 5/to old age pensioners, they will in fact get that increase, and that there will not be included in the statute which gives effect to the increase a stipulation that it applies only to people with no means. That is a despicable trick which we in this Party deplore and which was perpetrated on the most helpless and defenceless section of our community.

On a point of order, I have already made it perfectly clear in my Budget speech that this 5/applies to all old age pensioners.

How is that a point of order?

That is the Minister's reply; it is not a point of order.

It is a point of disorder.

What I want to ensure is that the fraud which was perpetrated this time 12 months will not continue. Indeed, as I said, I did marvel at the courage and the tenacity of the various Ministers in seeking to defend themselves in regard to this imposition which could not be justified on any grounds whatsoever.

Do not try to confuse the unfortunate old age pensioners for your own purposes.

It was the Government who confused them last year, not we.

This Budget has made it clear. You are trying to confuse the issue and confuse the old people.

We shall take the Minister's word for it now.

They were deceived this time last year. This Budget is purely a short-term Budget designed to court popular support. It has been said that we may well expect a further Budget in the autumn or that the Budget next year will be a hairshirt Budget. This is understandable because during last year we had two Budgets within a few months. A Government who are incapable of planning the economy for even six months ahead is incapable of decent administration.

My criticism of this Budget is that it disregards the ordinary workingclass people. We have long sought a relaxation of the rigid income tax code, and the Minister and his Party have made much capital on this occasion of some concessions in that regard. The income tax allowances of £60 will be granted in full where the income of a dependent relative does not exceed £140. I do not regard that as a worthwhile concession. Indeed, it is particularly shameful that the workingclass people, who are maintaining elderly parents, have been denied a dependent relative allowance for income tax purposes because of the niggardly approach in the means test, which takes into account the old age pension, or some small pension of some kind, thereby depriving people of the dependent relative allowance. That means test has been slightly liberalised in this Budget. The limit still stands, however, at £3 per week. While an aged relative has an income in excess of £3 per week there will be no allowance for a dependent relative. That is most unsatisfactory because £140 would go nowhere near maintaining a human being in these days of high prices and a high cost of living. The Minister should have been more realistic in his approach and liberalised the means test further. Confining it to £140 will mean that many workingclass people will not qualify for a dependent relative allowance.

The Minister has shown a flagrant bias against the working classes when he conceded to the rich, the opulent, the well-off section of our community — someone called them the "new executives"— an allowance of £1,250 earned income relief for surtax purposes. This is quite a concession. It is interesting to compare that with the application of the income tax code to ordinary workingclass people. A single man is taxed on every pound he earns over and above £6 10s per week. We had all hoped that this would have been increased in this Budget but the Minister completely ignored the sorry lot of the real producers of wealth, the working classes, the people who are taxed on every pound they earn over and above £6 10s per week. He must realise this is a serious disincentive to work, to earning more money and to increasing production. Yet, he ignored the plight of the worker and gave a concession to the wealthy, to those in receipt of £2,000, £3,000, £4,000 and £5,000 a year.

I am aware of the sufferings of the ordinary workingclasses from the point of view of the application of the income tax regulations. Only this week I met a man, a builder's labourer, who, since last Christmas, has been coming home with a wage packet of £2 10s per week, having worked in the most arduous and laborious work there is and in most inclement weather. The remainder of his wage packet of £10 or £11 a week was taken from him by way of income tax. He had worked in England for a number of months; his earned income there was reckoned against him as arrears outstanding and those arrears have been deducted from his wage every week since last December. I was surprised at his tolerance of this situation, surprised that he should continue to give of his sweat and take home a paltry sum of £2 10s per week. The Minister must appreciate that this is a most vicious imposition on ordinary workingclass people. We all appreciate that we must pay tax and none of us begrudges paying tax.

Would the Deputy like to give me the particulars of that case?

I will. I have already communicated the facts, in case any one might think I conjured up the case, to the inspector of taxes in Waterford and I shall be glad to give the Minister a copy of my letter.

There must be more in it than the Deputy is telling us.

Money earned in England was assessed against him and since last Christmas he has been forced to work for £2 10s a week.

The Minister will not fault me if I say that it is very difficult for us to understand why he should give such a generous concession, £1,250, to the wealthiest section of our community by way of earned income relief. It works out at £25 per week. The Minister gives that concession to the wealthy and confines the workingclass man to an income limit of £6 10s per week. I cannot understand the logic of the disparity. Those whom he penalises are the real producers of wealth in this country and those to whom he is giving this generous concession are, in many cases, the drones and the parasites. This concession is unjustifiable.

It is on earned income only.

I appreciate that.

And, in the main, it is taken off the higher reaches of the income.

We are grateful for the concession in regard to medical expenses. This relief is long overdue. Medical expenses can be a crushing burden on a family obliged to maintain a sick relative over a long period of time. Even those with substantial incomes can find themselves in a serious financial predicament if they have to meet medical expenses over a long period. This is a welcome relief.

With regard to the 12 per cent increase to former civil servants, national teachers, gardaí, members of the Defence Forces, and so on, who retired before February, 1964, I want to ask the Minister to include another category not mentioned, namely, employees of local authorities. I am particularly concerned about county council employees who retired prior to 1964 on relatively low pensions. The Minister will appreciate that it is difficult for a county council worker to secure a worthwhile pension by reason of certain stipulations in the Superannuation Acts which make clear that an employee should have at least 200 days per year to qualify for pension purposes. Many of the county council workers I know are on very low pensions. On each occasion when increases were granted to civil servants of this kind they anticipated that they, too, were being included for these increases. I have had countless representations made to me in this matter. I would ask the Minister to see whether county council employees and retired pensioned persons from, say, hospitals, mental health boards and the like qualify for this particular 12 per cent increase.

I am gratified to note that the means test to which I have already adverted in respect of non-contributory pensions does not apply on this occasion. In that regard I would hope sincerely that the means test, if it is to be applied, would be greatly liberalised in respect of a proposed increase in disabled persons' maintenance allowances and infectious diseases allowances. The Minister will realise that a very strict means test is applied on two grounds before one is granted a disabled persons' maintenance allowance. One must qualify firstly on health grounds, one must be clearly invalided, incapable of pursuing industrial work of any kind and one must also qualify on income grounds. Here a test is applied of such a niggardly nature that one has to be virtually destitute to secure a disabled persons' maintenance allowance.

This is a straightforward increase. There is no qualification.

I should like very much the Minister's sentiments in that regard to be conveyed to managers of county councils, managers of health authorities, because I believe that the means test will still be applied in respect of these categories of persons, the disabled persons and the persons in receipt of infectious diseases allowances. So strict is the means test that it invariably happens that persons in receipt of disabled persons' maintenance allowance are also in receipt of home assistance. Many health authorities in conceding the Minister's increase in respect of disabled persons' allowances have the audacity to reduce the home assistance allowance. I would ask the Minister to take steps to ensure that the increase of 5/- to disabled persons and persons with infectious diseases is, in fact, applied and that there is nothing done by way of giving the increase on the one hand by the local authority and taking it away on the other as has happened in the past.

My main concern and my disappointment with this Budget is that it has done nothing to give hope to the many unemployed in our country. It has done nothing to allay the anxiety, the frustration and insecurity for the future which is actuating the minds of so many thousands of people in employment and out of employment in this country. We have been labelled here in this House as the moaners and the groaners, the Jeremiahs of this country, because we have harped so consistently upon this question of employment and emigration. If we are doleful Jeremiahs we are in pretty good company.

We have the reports of the experts and the many furnished documents available to us, many of them from the Government, indicating their fears for the future. We have reports of the Committee on Industrial Organisation, a very impartial body set up by the Government a few years ago to investigate Irish industry and ascertain its capabilities to compete in sterner trading circumstances especially having regard to freer trade. These bodies have reported that of the 26 industries which they investigated employing some 77,000 workers in freer trading circumstances which we have now embarked upon with Great Britain some 11,000 workers would lose their jobs and if the adaptation measures which this committee recommended were not speedily adopted a further 23,000 workers would lose their jobs.

Many people tried to play down this, what they regarded as a gloomy report, but the fear is that the forebodings contained in the reports of the Committee on Industrial Organisation are coming true and there is now ample evidence of rising unemployment standing at some 64,000 at the present time. There is positive proof of an increase in the haemorrhage of emigration. There is also regretfully evidence of many industries of long standing, old established family industries going to the wall and thousands of workers being rendered unemployed.

We had quite a lot of talk about the manpower policy. We have had quite a lot of promises and indications of the intentions of the Government in dealing with this matter but up to now it has been all talk, there has been no action whatsoever to arrest the situation. The only measure or rather the only instalment, I might call it, of the manpower programme we have seen as yet is the Training Act which has passed through this House and the Seanad. That Training Act in our opinion will not be a reality for at least a few years, perhaps two or three years, maybe more. We have had a lot of talk about dealing with the problem of redundancy, of retraining and reabsorbing people in alternative employment but the stark realities of the situation are that despite the growing problem of unemployment and redundancy, not one man has been trained, not one man has been retrained, not one man has been paid redundancy pay as yet. These are the facts.

Our labour exchanges are to be reorientated; instead of being places of unemployment, they are to be agencies of employment in the future, but the 63,000 people who are at present signing in these dismal places have as much chance of getting a job under our manpower programme as a snowball has of surviving in hell. It has been all talk, and talk is no good to the unemployed. Dynamic action is required to provide jobs quickly, to provide for job security, to raise living standards, to bring about price stability and to remedy the problem of the imbalance of payments.

The record of the Government in this respect is truly deplorable, considering that they have been in power for almost 30 years. It is a record dismal in the extreme. We are looked on by progressive nations as a country with a dying population, with a people gradually dwindling away. We are frowned on by the progressive nations of Europe as an underdeveloped nation. I would not wish to be a member of a Government with the unique distinction of being so long in office and yet of having failed so miserably to solve social and economic problems. Outside the totalitarian states of Europe, I do not know of any Government who have been permitted to govern for so long and to fail so signally to honour their promises to the people.

Last year was a particularly dismal year in the record of the Fianna Fáil Government. Production rose by a mere one per cent, almost stagnation. Agricultural incomes fell by two per cent. Employment fell disastrously and unemployment rose by 6,000. Investment decreased and we had a rigid freeze on capital and credit. This Budget will not conceal these salient defects in our economy because it is the function of the Opposition to expose the real defects in our economy and a palavering Budget of this kind will not trick the thinking people of the country into believing that all is well just because a few sops have been thrown out here and there to allay anxiety, to court votes and to lure back into the fold the many thousands of our people who have become alienated from Fianna Fáil by the disregard of the Government for their plight in recent years.

In this context, the section I refer to, naturally, comprises the farmers. We have serious social unrest and agrarian trouble in recent months, understandable because the proof is there that the small farmers in particular have been having a very tough time in trying to eke out a livelihood. The Minister for Finance as Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries was responsible for conveying false promises to the farming community by the manner in which he approached the Free Trade Agreement with Britain in December, 1965. The Minister had the foolish notion that the Agreement, especially in the matter of agriculture, was the panacea for all our ills. He is on record as having said that the Agreement would mean an increased income of some £10 million for the farmers. How foolish a notion that was has become well known. We have had an outburst of unrest, of marches, of sit-down strikes, of road blocks and traffic stoppages, of no-rates campaigns which were worrying in the extreme to the average citizen, an indication of the grave unrest that prevails among this important section of the community. I do not believe responsible people would react so and sacrifice so much if they were not suffering very sorely in respect of their economic survival.

We are grateful for the concessions the Budget to allay the anxiety of the farmers but there is nothing in it to convey peace and prosperity to our farmers. I have referred to other sections of our people who have been aggrieved, to the old age pensioners, the widows and orphans. Another important section who have felt the lash of the Fianna Fáil administration in recent months are corporation and council tenants throughout the nation.

The Minister for Local Government conceived the idea of a rack-rent device to raise revenue for local authorities, which he could not provide, by means of what he called a rent rationalisation policy. It has had a most serious impact on local authority tenants throughout the country whose rents have been increased out of all proportion. That Minister and the Government have been responsible for making serious inroads on the standard of living of the working classes. Rents have been increased by 5/-, 7/-, 10/- a week. In my constituency the rationalisation policy has meant that cottages which heretofore were let at 10/- a week plus rates of approximately 5/-, that is, 15/- a week, are now being let on a graded or differential basis through which the maximum rent is more than £3 a week.

The working class people of my county have been so incensed by this unfair, iniquitous system that they have thrown back the keys of their cottages to the county manager rather than accept these rack-rents, and rightly so. When the Government expressed concern about stability in prices, when they established a prices advisory body, they ought to have had regard for the increase in the cost of living because of this rationalisation of rents proposal which has meant so many extra shillings in the budget of every workingclass household in the country who are tenants of corporation or council.

One would not mind if the increased rents, or the revenues derived therefrom, were designed to benefit the tenants concerned, but invariably these additional revenues have been used to keep down the rates, to reduce the impact of the rates on the well-to-do, the opulent section. Revenue raised in this manner is unfair, and the Minister ought to be more honest in his approach and admit that his capital resources were limited on this occasion and that he could not provide the amenities for which the local authorities were crying out. The gimmick he devised was to increase the rents, and that is now being done in most authorities and, as I have already said, it is deeply resented by our people as being unfair, inequitable and unjust. It is a system of penal taxation on the ordinary workingclass people to buttress the rich and wealthy in our society.

1966 was also a year in which we had absolute stagnation in respect of the provision of many of the more important amenities which our local authorities deeply wished to implement. I refer particularly to housing. No one can deny that the allocation of money for housing, last year in particular, fell considerably short of the requirements of the local authorities, and that the housing programme in our various authorities has been grinding slowly to a halt as a result of a shortage of capital. It was bad enough that people were condemned to live on indefinitely without any hope of rehousing in ratinfested hovels and overcrowded slums, but it is much worse that in regard to amenities such as piped water supplies, much needed sewerage schemes, and the provision of amenities under the Land Project and the rural improvements scheme, in my experience as a public representative, no moneys whatsoever have been made available.

Lying in the office of the Minister for Local Government there are final plans amounting to over £1 million for the implementing of regional piped water supply schemes for many parts of my constituency. These projects, these final plans, have been lying in the Department since December, 1965, or some months earlier. As yet, there has been no indication, despite all the pressure we could bring to bear upon the Minister and the Department, as to when even some of this money will be made available so that we can proceed with these much needed amenities for our people.

It is futile to talk of clean milk, of hygiene or of any of those things, when we find the central Government completely unable to meet their commitments in respect of loans for these important purposes. Frustration in respect of the implementation of piped water schemes is such at the moment that many farmers, cottiers and householders are now embarking upon the provision of their own water supplies by way of sinking wells rather than waiting indefinitely and interminably for the provision of these schemes. This is to be greatly deplored because these group schemes are being provided in areas where it is well known that piped water is designed to run as soon as the schemes are implemented and the wastage of money involved in the provision of these pumps will be a monument to the ineptitude of the Government and the stupidity of all of us who allowed that situation to be created. Likewise, amenities such as the provision of car parks and playing grounds——

Surely these are departmental matters?

——cannot be proceeded with because of lack of money. I want to make the point that while I am grateful to see this concession in the Budget for a relief in the rates of farmers whose valuations do not exceed £20, there is the other section of our society which we must also consider, that is, the town and city dweller for whom the rates have become a crushing burden, a burden beyond bearing.

The Deputy will have wept for everyone before he is finished.

Maybe so: it is a good thing that someone weeps here for someone some time. If I do weep, they will not be crocodile tears like the Minister's but a genuine and sincere desire to improve the lot of my fellowmen. There will be nothing insincere about them. I say sincerely that it is time the Government provided some amelioration for the ratepayers of the cities and towns. The situation is such now, and the demands so exacting and excruciating——

May I ask a question? I thought a moment ago the Deputy was complaining that differential rents were in favour of the ratepayer as against the tenant?

Council tenants are also ratepayers and that is what the Minister's Party seem to forget.

The Deputy wants it both ways.

In respect of the moneys provided by the increased rents — for the Minister's benefit this was sponsored by members of his Party—

I just want to be clear.

I will clear the air for the Minister very quickly. A sum of £5,000 extra was provided in the estimate last year for the Clonmel borough authority by way of increased revenue from rents. That £5,000 was utilised to reduce the rates. This I contend was done at the expense of the ordinary workingclass people in council houses, to buttress the very rich and opulent in our society who could darn well afford to meet an increase in rates.

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy but that seems to be a departmental consideration and not a budgetary consideration.

He has to bleed for everyone. He has bled for the tenants and now he wants to bleed for the ratepayers.

I have referred briefly to the problems of unemployment and redundancy and I have indicated clearly that as yet the Government have done nothing practical to deal with these problems. The only instalment we have had of the manpower policy was the Training Bill. I understand that the Redundancy Bill is coming to the House very soon and I would not wish to anticipate what that legislation will be like. I sincerely hope that it is a worthwhile measure, that it will have regard to wages prevailing at the present time, that it will have regard to the redundancy pay scheme which many trade unions have already been enabled to operate with the respective employers. The average scheme I know of is one in which some two weeks' wages are paid for each year of service while, in some others, one week's wages is paid for each year of service. If the redundancy pay scheme proposed by the Minister falls short of that kind of criterion, then it will not serve the purpose for which it is intended and will not give very much satisfaction to the trade union movement.

Despite the admonitions and strictures of the Committee on Industrial Organisation indicating that if the various industries they vetted did not quickly embark upon modernisation and re-adaptation, then as the barriers of protection went down and as we were involved more and more in free trade, we should have a most critical unemployment problem to deal with. My concern is that while many employers, be it said in their favour and to their credit, are availing and have availed of the adaptation grants there are, regrettably, too many more who are ignoring their responsibility and have failed to avail of the many State aids available to them in respect of adaptation. They have done nothing whatsoever and they are failing signally in their duty to society at large in allowing themselves to remain in this vulnerable position when free trade becomes a reality.

The Deputy would find that hard to tie up with a Budget speech——

That may be true, but many Deputies held out for quite a long time——

——on industrial development——

——and did in fact mention many aspects of the problem.

I am not anxious to limit the Deputy but I should like him to be relevant to the matter before the House.

With regard to the problem of redundancy, may I say that the Minister for Industry and Commerce shares our anxiety in respect of those many employers who could and should have availed of the State aids towards adaptation and gearing themselves for the sterner competition with which we shall have to contend. So concerned is the Minister that he has threatened to invoke certain powers in order to make these people more aware of their responsibilities. We should very much like to know what these powers are which he feels he possesses and when——

The Deputy is travelling very far beyond the Budget Statement.

The Budget has given relief to, I suppose, many people, in the sense that there was little by way of the imposition of additional taxation except on the pint and on tobacco. The other reliefs, doubtless, are to be welcomed. However, I said earlier that it does not give any hope, enthusiasm or courage to the mass of our people towards the attainment of a more secure or a more prosperous life. It does nothing, Sir, to implement certain positive promises which the Fianna Fáil Government made from time to time. One promise was contained in the White Paper on the Health Services. Briefly, it promised the speedy implementation of all that that White Paper contained, the main features being a liberalisation of the means test for medical cards, the provision of a choice of doctor and the abolition of the outmoded and archaic dispensary system.

There is nothing in this Budget which gives any hope whatsoever of the implementation of the much sought for and much hoped for reliefs in respect of health. The only aspect of health in relation to which the Minister has given relief is income tax but that is a far cry from the grandiose statement and promises held forth in the White Paper on the Health Services two years ago. It is pertinent to ask in a matter of this kind when these promises will be fulfilled. Too many of our people are suffering the deprivation of adequate health services by reason of the rigid means test applied for medical cards. Too many of our people are restricted to a doctor with whom he or they do not get along very well together. Too many of our people are still forced to adopt the red ticket system of going to the dispensary. It is pertinent to ask, in relation to future Government policy, when these proposals will be implemented.

It seems to me that the Budget is purely a gimmick, a device to win back the lost support of the Fianna Fáil Party in the hope of gaining seats in the local elections to be held this year. The record of the Government in respect of the more important matters, the social ills of our society, is such that it would seem to us that this Government have abandoned their responsibility for government and are now fastening on to the hope of gaining association with Britain or the countries of the EEC, or an economic merger with one of these economic units, in the hope and belief that the gold will rub off and thereby give some kind of boost to this wilting and backward economy of ours.

We have already embarked upon free trade with Britain. The barriers of protection are going down ten per cent each year and, as they do, inroads are being made into the industrial life of this country. Gradually, our industry is being dislocated. Employers are throwing in the towel and refusing to avail of adaptation grants. Workers are being thrown out on the unemployment scrapheap. I do not want to embark upon the pros and cons of free trade, as such. However, we think it was particularly deplorable to precipitate our people into free trade with Britain at a time when we were clearly unprepared for it.

Apart altogether from the ten per cent reduction in quotas and the reduction in tariffs which have been agreed upon, there is concern about the real possibility of dumping and the fear that there is not as yet adequate protection against dumping, especially by our nearest trading neighbours. I appreciate, without going into details, that there is anti-dumping legislation but it deals specifically with low cost countries and there is nothing to prevent large scale dumping from Britain, the EFTA countries and the EEC. The future for industry does not look bright from any standpoint and the Government have an obligation to shelter and protect industry until such time as they are satisfied that it is clearly advantageous to us to indulge in freer trade with Britain or the EEC countries. This Budget is not going to delude anybody because everybody realises that this is the year of the local elections. Everybody expected that the Budget would, to say the least, be a cushion budget but people may well be in for a rude awakening in the autumn and if they do not have the blister raised on their backs in the autumn they will certainly have it raised with a vengeance when we come to discuss the country's finances this time 12 months.

The Budget debate provides Deputies with an opportunity of expressing their views and the views of the public on the manner in which taxes are levied and the manner in which the Government spend the taxes collected. Fianna Fáil have been in office since 1932 with the exception of a three-year break from 1948 to 1951, and a further three-year break from 1954 to 1957. Any Government who have been presenting Budgets since 1932 cannot present a bad or a severe Budget every year. I do not know what all the rejoicing on the Fianna Fáil benches is about. They have been presenting Budgets since 1932 and they have created an atmosphere in which people do not expect anything but a bad Budget. An atmosphere of strain and fear has been created and when a Budget comes along with small, additional taxes in it everybody in Fianna Fáil rejoices. No matter how bad a government may be it must be possible for them to present a reasonable Budget some year, and so it is with this Budget this year.

In recent years various Ministers for Finance have presented us with severe Budgets and each year these were aimed at budgeting for a surplus but at the end of those years we found that that was not the case. Last year the Budget imposed taxes on petrol and cigarettes and increased income tax. A new sales tax was then introduced in a mini-Budget in June. This mini-Budget followed the annual Budget. We never know where we stand in relation to Fianna Fáil Budgets. There was a custom at one time whereby there was a Budget every year and that Budget levied taxes and made allocations and concessions but in recent years we seldom have had only one Budget. We have had two or three annual Budgets and we have had Ministers coming in seeking additional amounts for their Departments. This is a cute Budget and it is really a good political Budget because 1967 is local elections year. When we saw that the people administered a stern reprimand and rebuke to the Fianna Fáil Party in the Presidential election last June it was obvious that some steps would have to be taken to prevent a recurrence at the polls of a further reprimand.

For a moment I thought the Deputy was going to refer to Kerry and Waterford.

I must admit that the Minister for Finance is probably the best man to administer a bitter pill coated with very tasty chocolate. That is the position in relation to this Budget which has the hallmark of the Minister all over it. I want to pay a tribute to the Minister who can present an excellent political Budget for a political occasion. I wonder what would the Budget have been like if we were not having local government elections this year. However, that does not arise because we must face facts. This is election year and, therefore, we have a Budget to suit the occasion. I would not go as far as other Deputies and say that there will be a supplementary Budget in September or October. I should not like to set myself up as a political prophet, prophesying what is likely to happen next September or October, but I do say that last year's Budget was unreasonable, that it caused very severe hardship, and that this year's Budget has been deliberately designed so that at the end of the financial year there will be a very serious deficit. This Budget will not be sufficient to meet the State's commitments to the end of this financial year and I do not think it was designed to do so. It is designed to shower benefits on a large section of the community because it is a year in which the Government are likely to be very seriously tested in the local elections.

I do not understand why there has not been greater emphasis in this debate on the primary concern of everybody in the country, the cost of living. Even in the past six months, it is going steadily out of reach of practically all our citizens, with the rising prices of clothes, foodstuffs and other essential commodities. The manner in which the steady price rise is continuing has undoubtedly caused severe hardship for many sections of the community. Therefore this Budget can be looked on as another limp in the limping progress from crisis to crisis of the Fianna Fáil Party. So long as they get over 1967, it is all right; when 1968 comes, they will deal with that. When 1969 comes, that will present a different problem again but there is no question of long-term planning.

When practically every country is engaged on long-term planning, here we are limping from crisis to crisis, with no evidence of any planning ahead by the Government. The Budget offers no prospect of a reduction in the cost of living or indication that the increase that has taken place, particularly in the past 12 months, will not continue. There is no evidence of any effort by the Government to prevent the cost of living from soaring yet higher or ensuring that it is kept within reason. I do not wonder why the Taoiseach asked himself some time ago: What went wrong with one of the Fianna Fáil Budgets? I shall not be surprised if, at the end of the present financial year, he will not put himself the same question in regard to the 1967 Budget.

I do not profess to be a political prophet and we must just wait and see. There is no long-term planning and no hope for the provision of employment which is our greatest need at present. There is nothing in the Budget to show that any positive action will be taken in the immediate future by the Government to provide work for some 63,000 people. But for the manner in which the unemployment figures are made available, I believe they would be much higher. The true figure and a more realistic figure would be nearer 90,000 than 63,000 unemployed.

The latest reports show that emigration during the past year and the present year is at its highest. We see boys and girls who are denied work at home and who are dissatisfied with the standard of living they can achieve here, forced to take the emigrant ship as their predecessors have been doing for many years past. They are going to the land of our traditional enemy across the sea, to work in British coalmines and factories and our girls are going to British hospitals, hotels and restaurants. If this Government were composed of young, energetic men, full of ideas and plans for a new Ireland in the future, their first thought would be to provide work for the 60,000 or 70,000 we know are unemployed and make some effort to stem the tide of emigration.

Undoubtedly, the rise in emigration is causing grave alarm, particularly in rural Ireland where at many church gates you see only schoolchildren and old aged pensioners; the young and middle-aged able-bodied people are missing. They are emigrating steadily and there is no prospect of work at home for them. The principal concern of any Government should be to provide employment for the citizens and enable them to secure a decent standard of living in their own country. There is nothing in the Budget to stem the tide of emigration or provide employment for the many thousands lining up outside labour exchanges over the past 12 months, for those leaving school each year, or those completing courses in vocational schools or leaving national schools, or those reaching their 15th, 16th or 17th year. There is no encouragement for people to remain here as the future does not seem too bright.

There has been an extraordinary flight from the land. Rural Ireland is practically stripped naked of population and while that decay is allowed to continue, there can be little hope for the future. That is why the primary concern of the Government should be to provide work for all our people and make a serious effort to reduce emigration.

We have been described as the European country that is losing most man-hours in strikes. If we want to increase production, if we are serious about raising our standards, we cannot afford to lose time through strikes. The Government have done little to bring about greater harmony or greater cooperation between unions and management. I hope that in the coming year an effort will be made and a headline set by the Government to ensure that we will endeavour as far as possible to reduce the time lost through strikes which has very serious effects on the country's economy and on the management and running of thousands of homes and families.

There is nothing in this Budget which will do anything in a positive way to solve our housing problem. We in the Twenty-Six Counties, in relation to the population and the size of our country, must have one of the most serious housing problems in Europe. There is nothing courageous in this Budget which will help to solve the serious housing problem with which we are confronted in relation to the provision of houses for our people. This most definitely is the responsibility of the Government. The Minister may say that the duty of providing houses for our people is a matter for the various housing authorities and the various housing councils in this country. It is actually a matter for the Government. They must set the headline and provide homes for our people.

It is astonishing throughout the length and breadth of this country in this year of 1967 the number of people who are still living in condemned hovels unfit for human habitation. It is an extraordinary thing the number of people in urban districts who are waiting for houses for a long number of years and who have little hope that they will obtain houses during the next few years with the way the Government are tackling this problem. We have people living in houses which are sub-let in flats. Three and four families live in the one house. We know that the shortage of houses is having a very serious effect on the marriage rate in this country. Young people anxious to marry cannot possibly marry because of the lack of housing accommodation. When those young people think about getting married the first problem they must face is to find a home for themselves. The cost of building houses and of providing the wherewithal to furnish them is a very serious problem. The vast majority of those people whose employment is responsible for bringing in a very limited income cannot obtain houses at rents within their reach.

What positive steps are the Government taking to provide houses for our people, particularly the younger people who are anxious to get married and settle down but cannot do so because of the lack of housing? I have already dealt with unemployment and emigration. The Government have taken no positive steps to deal with these problems. I should now be glad to know what positive plans they have for dealing with the housing problem. There is no clear evidence of any practical steps being taken in this Budget towards solving the very serious housing problem which exists in this country today.

There is nothing in this Budget, as has already been pointed out by a number of Deputies, that will lead us any nearer towards providing more up-to-date health services. Surely the Government must realise, having been in office since 1932 with the exception of the two small periods to which I earlier referred, that we have probably the most out-of-date health services in any democracy in the world. Our health services are very bad indeed and blame for that must rest on the Government Party. They have the same knowledge of this as anybody in the Opposition. A White Paper was issued some time ago which announced that we were to have some improvements in our health services. The Minister, when he comes to reply, will probably say that those health services are coming. We want to know when they are coming, when the people will have a choice of doctor and when our health services will be improved and be within the reach of everybody in this country. It is a desperate state of affairs that health services of the highest degree are available to those who can afford to pay for them but those who cannot afford them have to take their place in long waiting lists and cannot avail of the professional and specialist services which well-to-do people can. I should like to know what positive plans the Government have — I see no signs of any of them in this Budget — for giving improved health services to our people. This Budget, as far as I can see, shows no sign of any improvement.

I should like the Minister to tell us when he is going to take down from the shelves of the Office of Public Works the Arterial Drainage Act which must now be covered with dust and completely surrounded with cobwebs. The country is crying out for drainage. We find that land in all parts of the country cannot be used either for tillage of grazing because it is not properly drained. I say this with particular regard to County Kil-kenny and the Nore catchment area, the Barrow catchment area and various other catchment areas, not leaving out the Shannon Valley, the Suck and other areas in relation to which Members of this House have been pressing for Government action and Government attention. It will take some very large sums of money to implement the Arterial Drainage Act. There is no evidence here of any positive or practical steps being taken by this Government to have comprehensive drainage schemes carried out. Those are schemes which would improve the quality of the land. They would improve the fertility of the soil and provide in addition to that much needed employment which is required in rural Ireland.

We have become very much accustomed to tax increases. We have functioning today the turnover tax, the subject of debate for many a long day and for many a long week in this House. I am not too happy as a result of reading the Minister's Budget speech but that a further increase in the turnover tax is contemplated before the end of the present financial year. I should be more satisfied if the Minister would give two guarantees when he is replying to this debate, firstly, that we will have no supplementary Budget and, secondly, that no step will be taking during the present financial year to interfere in any shape or form with the present system of turnover tax. I do not believe it is possible to present a Budget in which every section is a bad one. Therefore, there are a few sections in this Budget which I feel are useful, valuable and helpful.

Hear, hear.

In regard to income tax, the increase in the dependants' allowances and the allowances for children will be very helpful to the worker particularly and to the father of a young family. Those reliefs are to be welcomed. That is a good move. I would have preferred if the Minister could have found it possible to have that even increased to a much greater rate than at present. We realise now that the vast majority of our workers are caught out, so to speak, under the income tax regulations. The income tax regulations most certainly cause hardships to the workers who have large families and also to the workers who have young families. The Minister would be well advised to increase as far as possible the income tax allowances.

Another excellent provision in this Budget, and one which is long overdue and very desirable, is that under the income tax regulations medical expenses will now be allowed. That should have been so all the time. It may, unfortunately, have come late for many people who have had to pay large sums for medical expenses and who have received no concessions under the income tax regulations, good, bad or indifferent. I hope that by the end of the present financial year, when the Minister is reviewing the financial position for next year, steps will be taken to provide, in so far as is possible, greater relief for those who can furnish certificates of medical expenses. I hope the Minister will be even more generous in the next financial year than he has been this year. This is a good start and it is something which will be welcomed by many. Allowances for medical expenses in income tax assessments is something which has been advocated from this side of the House for a long time and it is something that will be of great help to many people.

In regard to the social welfare services and the increase granted to old age pensioners, widows, orphans and those in receipt of unemployment and disablement benefits, 5/- a week is of little value nowadays. I do not want to refer to the invisible 5/- that was granted by Fianna Fáil last year — the 5/- which the people never saw or handled. This was the 5/- quoted on all the newspapers; it was supposed to be there for them and they were supposed to get it. This mysterious 5/which they never got has at last served a purpose. I would have expected, having regard to the fraud that was perpetrated on the people with regard to the mysterious 5/- which was granted and which they never got and for which practically no old age pensioner in the State qualified, that old age pensioners, widows and orphans and those qualifying for 5/- would qualify for 10/-.

They got 10d in 1956.

Any steps taken to improve the lot of old age pensioners, widows and orphans and disabled persons, is a step in the right direction. The thousands of old age pensioners who are in receipt of noncontributory pensions will be grateful for this small mercy. It can be described as a small mercy. These are a section of the community for whom we could not do sufficient. I want to place a complaint on record. I hope that when the old age pensioners receive this 5/- per week, with the similar allowance to widows, orphans and others, steps will not be taken by the local authorities to reduce the supplementary home assistance by the same amount. I would ask the Minister to address himself to the local authorities who administer public assistance to ensure that the allowances granted under this Budget will not be used as a means of reducing allowances in the form of home assistance.

In the past when the social welfare allowances were increased, we have always had the sad experience of the local authorities taking back what the Government had given. For that reason, a circular should be addressed as soon as possible to the local authorities so that the supplementary allowances which are payable, or likely to be paid, will not in any way be interferred with.

I was hoping that mention would have been made of those in receipt of old IRA pensions and those in receipt of special allowances. While old age pensioners, widows and orphans, and those in receipt of unemployment benefit and unemployment assistance and disablement benefit are a section of the community whose standards we are all anxious to improve, and whom we are all anxious to help, and they are the major concern of this House, many of the Old IRA who have served this country well and nobly are in receipt of small, limited pensions, particularly those in receipt of special allowances. Steps should be taken to improve their position and I trust it is not too late to do this.

Did the Deputy read the Minister's speech?

I did, and I am not satisfied. The allowances granted are not sufficient, particularly having regard to the increase in the cost of living during the past 12 months. No positive action has been taken by the Government to prevent an increase in the cost of living in the next 12 months. Whilst these increases have been granted——

May I ask the Deputy a question?

I do not mind.

What increases have been granted to the people in receipt of special allowances in the Budget speech?

I do not intend to be cross-examined by Deputy Nolan or any other Deputy. I propose to make my own speech in my own way and I shall listen most attentively to Deputy Nolan's speech.

Thank you very much.

Were I to question Deputy Nolan, I would probably embarrass him. The increases in special allowances, increases in the Old IRA pensions or increases for old age pentio sioners and widows and orphans and others are not sufficient.

How much are they?

They are not sufficient. I hope the Deputy will not leave the House in a hurry because I have facts and figures which will be of interest to him. I should like to ask the Minister, if I may, why positive action was not taken in this Budget to provide allowances—because I think allowances should have been provided—with regard to retarded children. The Budget gave the Minister a golden opportunity to provide an allowance for parents in respect of retarded children. I understand that no such allowances are paid by the State. This Budget afforded the Minister a golden opportunity to take a positive step forward, and not only a positive but an original step forward. I would have been interested also to see steps taken in the Budget to provide funds with regard to catering for, looking after and providing allowances for retarded children.

In addition, I would have been interested in a statement with regard to the Government's policy of providing suitable homes, with trained specialised personnel, for such children and that, in addition, we would have had some statement in regard to the Government's policy to provide suitable homes for such children, and specialised and trained personnel to run them. That is something that would have been welcomed by many hundreds of people and would have been a step in the direction of assisting these people.

The free transport for old age pensioners is a good thing.

An original step.

An original step. This original step has been advocated in the editorials of newspapers, by the various city councils——

——and by the Opposition.

——and has been advocated by county councils and by the Opposition but it is always original, mind you, when the Government bring it in. As it so happens in this country, everything brought in by Fianna Fáil must be original because nobody else, since 1932, has got a chance to bring in anything.

The Deputy should remember, that he was a Parliamentary Secretary.

I have very happy recollections of those years when we had more houses in Dublin than we had tenants to go into them.

(Interruptions.)

I also remember the days of the inter-party Government when we introduced the land reclamation scheme which was decried by Fianna Fáil. I also remember the scheme which was responsible for providing fertilisers and manures for our land, when in 1948 there was as much ground limestone in the country as would fill the top of a claypipe; it was not until the inter-Party Government brought it in——

(Interruptions.)

The first increase the old age pensioners got was in 1948, because in 1947 Fianna Fáil voted against the Resolution in this House and also announced there was not a penny piece to give an increase to old age pensioners. In 1948 the inter-Party Government were the first Government to give a positive increase to old age pensioners for many years.

(Interruptions.)

Would Deputies cease interrupting and allow Deputy Flanagan to continue his speech?

You never gave an increase; the first increase was given in 1948.

In 1947 they voted against an increase to old age pensions in this House, and the change of Government came in 1948.

We never reduced it by a shilling.

You reduced it by 5/-. It was 10/- from 1932 to 1948. You were 16 years in office and why did you not increase it?

Then we had the invisible 5/- granted last year, the increase nobody ever saw. Every old age pensioner applied for it and they were all disappointed.

Not all.

In other words, you had to do something for the old age pensioners this year because you tricked them last year by granting them a 5/- increase they never got.

Why did they reduce wheat by 12/6 a barrel when Deputy Flanagan was a Parliamentary Secretary?

Why do Deputies not allow Deputy Flanagan to make his speech?

Do not mind Deputy L'Estrange, but perhaps Deputy Flanagan would answer my question, because I come from Carlow-Kilkenny and he comes from Laois-Offaly: why did he reduce the price of wheat by 12/6 a barrel when he was a Parliamentary Secretary?

(Interruptions.)

I presume I can proceed, now that order has been restored. I was just about to make reference to the farmers when Deputy Nolan intervened on the question of wheat. In my opinion, this Budget is a good one in so far as the farming community is concerned. The increase of 1d per gallon on milk from 1st May is, again, a step in the right direction. I do not want to be critical of the Government when they do good; rather I want to encourage them to do better. I am still disappointed it is not 2d a gallon.

The Deputy voted against it. Why did he vote against the penny?

He voted against increasing beer by one penny.

Deputy Flanagan voted against providing the money——

He did not; the Parliamentary Secretary is wrong, and he knows he is wrong.

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I will ask you to produce any records in this House that I or this Party, this year, or on any other occasion, voted against an increase in the price of milk.

Last week.

I recorded no vote in this House against an increase in the price of milk.

The Deputy was missing.

I was not; I took part in any divisions there were. I challenge any Deputy to produce the records of this House to show that any Deputy on this side of the House, last week or at any other time, voted against the farmers getting an increase of 1d per gallon for their milk.

(Interruptions.)

I shall tell you what I did vote against: I voted against the penny going on the poor man's pint and I voted against the 2d going on the poor man's cigarettes.

The Deputy did not.

I voted against the 1d on the pint but certainly there was no question——

(Interruptions.)

If Deputy Nolan does not cease interrupting, I must ask him to leave the House. The debate cannot be carried on in this disorderly fashion.

I think it would be a pity if you did ask Deputy Nolan to leave the House.

I asked Deputy Flanagan why he reduced the price of wheat by 12/6 a barrel?

I certainly do not like being accused of voting against the farmers getting an increase of 1d a gallon for milk when this did not happen. The records do not prove it. Will the Parliamentary Secretary have the records produced and show that I or any member of this Party voted against the farmers getting an increase of 1d a gallon for milk?

Before the Budget.

A penny on the pint.

To provide the money for the farmers.

You will tell us next it was for social welfare purposes.

Deputy Nolan is deeply concerned about the wheatgrowing farmer. May I ask what have Fianna Fáil done for the tillage farmer? Is it not true that agriculture in this country was never at a lower ebb and that the farming community are on the verge of bankruptcy? That is why I am glad to see 1d a gallon for milk. I am with the Government on that. The wheat grower, the beet grower, the oats grower and the barley grower are not getting sufficient to show a profit at the end of the year.

Have they got increases during the past five years?

Is it not true that in January, 1955, a three year old bullock was £9 per cwt and this year was £7 per cwt? Can that be denied?

What price is he today?

What price is a dropped calf today? They are feeding them to greyhounds.

The calves are making £20 per head.

Will Deputy Fanning please cease interrupting?

That is typical Fianna Fáil bluff.

And Sunday Independent bluff.

Will Deputies please allow Deputy Flanagan to continue?

It is hard to listen to this.

The Deputy has a remedy.

For the information of Deputy Nolan and Deputy Fanning, in 1955 malting barley was £4 and last year it was £3. Have Fianna Fáil anything to crow about in that? In 1955, feeding barley was £2 10s and last year it was £2 5s. What have Fianna Fáil to be proud of in that? In January, 1955, bacon was £14 7s per cwt and last year it was only £14, despite the fact that rates were up 110 per cent, fire insurance over 100 per cent, workmen's compensation contributions over 150 per cent——

And auctioneers' fees?

——and farm wages went up from £4 to £10. I ask anybody in this House who would view the position impartially whether he can say in the face of that record Fianna Fáil have done anything practical for those engaged in agriculture?

Why are you worrying, so?

Your man said he would not be got dead in a field of wheat.

Who is my man?

The man who looked after the hens—Deputy Dillon.

He did more for the farmers than Fianna Fáil did in the past 30 years.

(Interruptions.)

Is the Egyptian jew in jail yet?

Fianna Fáil have so many associations with Egyptian jews.

Deputy Flanagan is in possession.

A personal reference was made, sir. Anything I sold was my own. I bought another. I did not buy it with money robbed out of the banks, like some of the people sitting on the Fianna Fáil benches.

Will you make that statement outside this House?

I will make it here —people who robbed banks, bought farms and got pensions for being supposed to be patriotic fighting men.

Now we come to the rates. Do Fianna Fáil tell us that those on the land were paying less in rates last year than they were in 1955? Is it not correct to say that the rates have now gone beyond the capacity of the people to pay? The derating provided for in this Budget is only a drop in the ocean, equivalent to 1/6 a week, compared with what is required.

We got from your own Minister today the figures for the average farm in the country.

What about the small shopkeeper?

Hear, hear.

As far as the small shopkeeper is concerned, he may put up his shutters, draw down his blinds and lock his doors. He is out of business.

You are speaking of rates.

As well as having to pay the increased valuations going on practically all small shopkeepers, he cannot compete against the supermarkets. Thanks to Fianna Fáil the day of the small shopkeeper is over. The small shopkeepers in our country towns are acting merely as tax collectors for Fianna Fáil.

The backbone of our country towns.

I could not agree more. The backbone of our country towns is being dislocated by Fianna Fáil. There is nothing in this Budget for the small shopkeepers and urban ratepayers. There is nothing in this Budget for the people in our cities and towns who are paying considerable increases in rates year after year.

I am glad the Deputy reminded me of that.

When Deputy Nolan is so concerned about small shopkeepers, why did he not talk to the Minister for Finance and get something done in this Budget for them? There is not a single word about the small shopkeeper and the small trader in the Budget.

Is there anything about the small auctioneer?

I should like to know why some steps were not taken by the Government to give some measure of relief to the urban ratepayer who is suffering very severely because of the heavy burden of rates.

I am with the Deputy all the way. I am an urban ratepayer.

Can Deputy Nolan tell me what is in this Budget to help the urban ratepayers, of whom he is one?

There are no provisions in this Budget designed to assist in any way the urban ratepayer who has to bear the brunt of the rates.

And will continue to do so, the Deputy and I.

The small towns in rural Ireland where business has declined, where the population is vanishing and small business premises are closing down, are proof of the general decay which has set in due to the policy of the Government. No positive action has been taken in this Budget to prevent further decay and the complete disappearance of many of our small towns and villages.

A very practical step taken in this Budget is the increase that has been awarded to retired pensioners, but again the increase is insufficient to meet the increase that has taken place in the cost of living since the pensions were originally granted. There are the Civil Service pensioners, a very important section of the community, who before they retired gave excellent service to this country. The increase which has been given in this Budget to retired teachers, gardaí and others is welcome. Any of the ex-civil servants or other pensioners to whom I have spoken since this Budget was introduced have expressed their appreciation of this increase.

Which the Deputy got for them.

I am very grateful to the Parliamentary Secretary for that compliment.

The Deputy told them.

Being a man of great humility. I can assure the Parliamentary Secretary that, even though I probably will get the credit, I will not take it.

Even though the Deputy voted against it.

Again let me say there is no truth in the Parliamentary Secretary's observation that I voted against this increase.

Of course there is.

Nobody from this side of the House voted against it.

What did the Deputy think the penny was for?

(Interruptions.)

In this country we must have the dearest motoring in the world. That is why I was disappointed, and I am sure there are some thousands of motorists likewise disappointed, that there was not some measure of relief given in that direction. There are thousands of motorists who use their cars solely for taking them to and from their work. With the high rates of motor taxation, with the substantial increases in motor insurance, and the very high cost of petrol, I was expecting that the Minister would have introduced in this Budget some new form of motor tax, such as a flat rate tax. If a flat rate of car tax were introduced it would be a very great help to the motorist who uses his car solely for getting to and from work.

I was also disappointed that some provision was not made for a general reduction in the special ESB charges. The special charges for electricity have gone completely beyond the capacity of the people to pay. It is high time some action was taken by the Government to prevent electricity consumers from being fleeced by the ESB.

What about the free electricity for the aged?

I am all for that, and I most heartily congratulate the Minister on that concession.

What about the seven per cent on our businesses and private homes? That applies to everybody.

The Deputy knows all about that.

I would say Deputy Andrews knows about it, too.

I know nothing about big business.

I can assure Deputy Andrews that nothing brought greater joy to my heart than the announcement about these free units of electricity for old age pensioners. I was very pleased, but now I want to know what relief will be given in the case of industrial and business concerns who now find that they cannot meet the high cost of electricity? What relief is proposed for rural consumers of electricity who simply cannot go on paying the present very high charges? Some positive steps should be taken by the Government to extend the relief to all old age pensioners, to all widows and orphans, and to the unemployed. The same relief should be available to all these categories. At the same time, there should be an inquiry into electricity charges. I welcome the trend shown in relation to some old age pensioners and I trust that when the next Budget is introduced, the Minister for Finance will be able to extend this concession further. I am convinced he will.

And the Deputy will vote for the taxation necessary.

Of course I will. Why should I not vote for free electricity for old age pensioners?

(Interruptions.)

I am glad steps have been taken to assist the tourist industry in some small measure. It is an important industry. It is an industry in relation to which there should be the greatest co-operation by all with a view to its further development. The steps taken in the Budget will help the industry.

I am disappointed that there has been no reference to mining, particularly coal mining. In the Leinster coalfields, there are quite rich undeveloped anthracite seams and no proper steps have been taken to extract that anthracite. A body should be set up, somewhat similar to Bord na Móna, to undertake mining development. There is a ready market available. There is the employment content. There is in these areas a good mining tradition. All that is needed is the capital investment. Large sums would be involved and it would be unfair to expect local private enterprise to find the necessary capital. The development of our mineral resources is the responsibility of the Government and it is the duty of the Government to provide the necessary funds to develop our coal mines. There is nothing in this Budget which gives hope for the future of mining. Large areas are involved— north Kilkenny, Carlow, Laois, Roscommon, Leitrim. We have untapped natural resources at our disposal. Proper development would provide good permanent employment and money should have been provided for this development.

The establishment of the National Agricultural Council was a wise step. It should serve a useful purpose. It is regrettable that it got off to a bad start. If there is a harmonious relationship between the Minister and the Council, it should prove invaluable to the Minister in the formulation of agricultural policy. Policy-making will, of course, remain a function of the Minister. It would be very wrong if bodies like this were to usurp the function of the political head of a Department, be he Minister for Health, Agriculture, Education, or anything else. Any delegation of ministerial authority would turn Parliament into a farce.

Hear, hear.

I hope that will never happen. Over the next few years the National Agricultural Council should contribute in large measure to uplift in agriculture. I sincerely hope all aspects of our agricultural economy will be dealt with impartially and I trust advice offered by the council will be taken note of by the Minister. On that body there are men of wise counsel, very practical, honest in their approach. I know most of them personally and I say that they are a council in which I, as an Opposition Deputy, would have confidence.

Hear, hear.

It was very regrettable that one farming organisation saw fit not to participate in the National Agricultural Council.

I cannot see how we can discuss these things on the Budget.

It might be better not to make reference to that until the Agriculture debate. I was just referring to the fact that future policy in relation to agriculture or to any other Department should most definitely be left to the Government and to the Minister and that it would not be a step in the right direction if a government, any government, were to hand over its policy-making to any outside body or any outside authority. That is what a Government are elected for.

While we may complain, we are very fortunate in this country in that at least we have a parliament, an assembly elected by the free vote of the people. If the people desire at any moment, they can change the Government or put a Government back. We must always adhere to the view that in this country parliament is the supreme authority. It would be very regrettable if now or at any future date parliament were in any way to hand over its rights or its functions to an outside authority. I hope that this is never done.

Those of us who are elected to this House carry a great deal of responsibility. We carry the responsibility of making the laws. Whether we make right laws or not, they are the laws which we are sent here to make on behalf of those who sent us. Naturally enough, all of us will not agree from time to time with various types of legislation passed here. We are reaching the stage in this country, most regrettably, when both parliament and democracy are being challenged. That is why I feel that there is a duty on every Party in this House and on every Member of this House to see that the laws and Acts passed by this House are put into effect. If any outside authority wants to challenge the right of parliament they have a very good way of proving themselves, that is, by offering themselves to the people at elections.

We cherish, and I hope always will cherish, the right of the free vote. The free vote in any democracy is a great safeguard to our people——

I am afraid the Deputy is getting away from the Budget.

I do not intend to say anything further on that because I know another opportunity will arise.

This is a Budget that lacks many great qualities and that has some excellent qualities. I would be wrong and I would be dishonest if I did not say there were some excellent qualities in this Budget but, in my opinion, they do not go far enough. A lot of the excellent qualities in this Budget can be described as too little and too late.

He would not vote for it.

However, I feel that the debate was of great educational value to the Minister for Finance. In conclusion, I should like to express the hope I expressed at the start that we will have a guarantee from the Minister in the course of his reply, an assurance that there will be no supplementary Budget during the present financial year. Most of our people view this Budget with grave concern and a certain amount of suspicion this being local elections year.

After listening to Deputy Flanagan for the past hour or more I think we must all agree that it was a good Budget. People were asking for the last few months whether Deputy Flanagan was out of Dáil Éireann completely. It seems the Budget was good and Deputy Flanagan had to come back and try to speak against it if he could and a very feeble attempt he made. He attacked it during his speech but he finished up all in praise of the Budget. We will leave it to the people to say who was right and who was wrong.

We heard a lot of talk about our having given relief to the small men. I am not a small farmer but I did not take the stand before the Budget that a small farmer should not get any relief. I only hope that some of those people who are fighting for small farmers would come out now and say the small farmer has got it but the big fellow has got nothing. Mind you that is the feeling of some people down the country, that we have given everything to the small man and nothing to the big man but they will not have the courage of their convictions and say that. They use the words "small farmer" just to get the people going.

We have given relief to a certain number of people. We have given relief to the small farmer. The complete derating of a farm of £20 valuation is a very good relief and on a sliding scale up to £33 valuation. They did not seem to get much relief before now but I am glad to see they have got it now. I was one of those who always thought they were not getting a fair deal even with subsidies and everything else. If you take the question of the subsidisation of fertilisers the big farmer could put out 20 tons of manure at £5 a ton and could claim £100, whereas the small farmer would only use two tons and get £10. I am not one of the ranchers but I have over 100 acres. I feel that any man with over 100 or 120 acres should stand on his own two feet. We had a good country years ago when we got no hand-out from anybody.

We hear a lot of talk about the price of calves, especially from my friend across the floor. I was sorry to read in the Sunday Independent and I am sure he was sorry, too, when the thing was hot between the NFA and the Government, a report that calves were for sale at 2/6d and 5/-. A woman said to me: “I was thinking of going to Limerick and buying a pound's worth of calves.” If she went to Limerick she would not get a calf or the hide of a calf. It is a pity we have people like that trying to make things worse than they are and they were not bad at that time. I met a man last Saturday when I was selling cattle at the mart. He said to me: “Cattle are gone mad dear. They are worse than they were before. The trouble is now the farmers are trying to buy back. Small cattle are too dear. If the big man could sell his cattle at his own price and buy back it would be grand.” That is the trouble with the people on the far side of the House. They say: “We did not vote against giving relief to small farmers. We did not vote against an increase to pensioners.” They voted against the Budget. Fine Gael voted against the Budget.

Only against one part.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 19th April, 1967.
Barr
Roinn