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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 27 Nov 1968

Vol. 237 No. 8

Private Members' Business. - Income Tax Code: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following Motion:
"That Dáil Éireann is of opinion that the income tax code is in need of urgent revision in view of the fact that it now creates considerable economic hardship for the least well-off section of the community."
—(Deputy James Tully).

Last night, for a quarter of an hour—that was all the time that was left to me—I moved and spoke to the motion put down by the members of the Labour Party that Dáil Éireann is of opinion that the income tax code is in need of urgent revision in view of the fact that it now creates considerable economic hardship for the less well-off sections of the community.

During the debate I was explaining that I considered that certain sections of the community who are in receipt of small wages were being harshly treated by the Minister for Finance. When I mentioned that men who used motor cars to go to work did not receive any allowance for those cars, the Minister for Labour, Dr. Hillery, suggested that using motor cars to go to work was a sign of the affluent society. I do not know what sign of the affluent society there is in a man who gets up at 6.30 a.m., drives 40 miles into Dublin, where he works hard all day on a building site, with nothing to eat but a few slices of sandwich and perhaps a flask of tea until he arrives home in the evening, when he cannot do anything else but go to bed, because otherwise he will be unable to get out again next morning for his work.

The Minister no doubt was thinking of the type of transport he is used to where there is no question of pulling up at a petrol station and filling the tank, no question of paying road tax, no question of paying for repairs. Indeed, most certainly in the case of the type of man I have in mind there is no question of having a spare driver with nothing to do, but to drive one around. The people for whom I speak drive the full distance themselves, work their day and then have to drive home again. They must meet the cost of all the repairs, tax, insurance and other outgoings. If the car is on hire-purchase they must make the repayments and if it is an old car it must be paid for by the unfortunate workman. Despite all this, the Department of Finance say that, since he is not using the car in the course of his employment, he is not entitled to an income tax rebate. Again and again I have given instances in this House of the man who drives from Meath to building work in Dublin and home again as well as the cases of men who drive from various areas——

Let CIE do the driving.

Unfortunately, as Deputy Cunningham might know, CIE do not get out early enough in the morning to get a building worker on the job at 8 a.m. Even if they did, they would leave him somewhere in town from whence he might have to get another one or two buses to take him to the site. If the worker does not turn up until dinner time he will lose a substantial portion of his day's pay. Those people are treated as if they are living beside the job and have not any expenses.

The extraordinary thing about it— and this is the point I was developing when the debate adjourned yesterday evening—is that if the man who owns the whole building firm—the man for whom the person I have been speaking of is working—lives beside the builder's labourer or the carpenter or whatever he might be and does not get up until 10 a.m. drives to his office, drives to the same building site and drives home again, he can claim a tax free allowance for his car. Indeed, while the man on the site will have to do with the flask of tea and the few sandwiches, the owner of the building firm can bring not alone himself but his pals out on a business lunch or a business dinner and can claim that for tax purposes also. This may amount to more, every day of the week, than the unfortunate workman is getting for his whole week's work. I think there is something very unfair there.

I am giving the extreme case of the man who travels 30 or 40 miles to his work. We can come back to the man who has to travel four or five miles to his work. If he is not strong or if he is getting on in years or if, for any of a number of reasons, he uses motor transport, he is refused a tax free allowance or any allowance at all in respect of the vehicle he is using. When introducing the first Budget of this year—we have had another Budget since then and it seems an awfully long time ago—the Minister for Finance, Deputy Haughey, explained that because I was referring to this point so often he thought mention should be made of it. His argument for not giving an allowance was that it would upset the whole set-up, that it would mean that something would have to be done which would cost a lot and, according to him, would give very little relief to the people concerned.

As in the case of the Minister for Labour last night, the Minister for Finance may consider seven shillings in the £ on every £ over £6 10s per week for a single man and over £10 10s per week for a married man with no family, not very much. Maybe he considers that £3 a week is not very much but it is an awful lot to a man who is working on a job—and getting overtime maybe now and then—which is not a permanent job. It means that if he is laid-off at any time during the year, as he well may be, he will have to live on social assistance until he gets another job.

The whole approach of the State towards income tax allowances is wrong. This is typified by the cases I have instanced. It is also typified by the approach of the Government to old age pensioners. If a man works until he is 65 and maybe, as happens in many cases, pays into a pension scheme and, at the end of his working life retires at 65 years of age with a small pension, he is entitled to draw unemployment benefit for himself and his wife and his children until he is 70 years of age and there is no question of income tax being deducted. However, as soon as he reaches 70 years of age and he transfers from unemployment benefit to his contributory old age pension, he must immediately fill up a form and he is liable for income tax on every shilling earned over £6 10s if he is single and £10 10s a week if he is married.

Maybe the State considers that a man of 70 years of age requires less to keep him. Maybe they think he is no longer of very much use and it does not matter a whole lot if he goes hungry. If we apply this to the State itself, there would be very big changes in the Government benches, in the Dáil, and indeed outside it. Apparently, the approach is that, if persons are so poor that they are unable to avail of the services of talented and trained people to fill out their tax forms and if they are unable to pay for advice as to how they should avail of every loophole in the legislation, then they are fair game for the State and for the income tax authorities.

One of the things which really annoys me is the fact that most of those people seem to feel that it is the particular official dealing with their case who is responsible for everything, that it is the official who replies to their form and sends out the tax free allowance who is responsible for the money deducted from their pay packets. It should be explained to everybody who does not understand it that the people responsible for the deductions are the Government and particularly the Minister for Finance who is the man who frames the Budget and who allows or disallows the tax free allowance in general.

This whole question of income tax has changed greatly since PAYE was introduced. Before that there were numerous loopholes and when it was introduced, with the exception of State employees, everybody who was earning a wage or salary was put on PAYE and arrangements were made for a weekly deduction of income tax. I do not know whether it is true but it is alleged when the time comes for the issue of tax free allowances each year there appears to be absolute chaos in some of these tax offices where people are trying to handle a volume of mail which they have no hope of dealing with before the tax year starts. The result is that many people do not get their tax free allowances in time and the employer feels obliged to make a deduction from the entire wage or salary until the allowance arrives. This is something which should be dealt with before the start of another tax year. It is something which the Minister should try to have remedied.

I made representations to him in this House about conditions in this city. A man goes in to fill up a tax form and finds that he is lined up in a double queue with his next door neighbour standing beside him. A shutter is opened and a little girl asks for numerous details about his income and he has to give them in front of his neighbour and other people. This system is all wrong; it is wrong for the people who are providing the information and it is wrong for the people who are getting the information. Strictly speaking, this may not be a matter which is covered by this motion but it is something which should get more attention than it has got.

The Minister assured me that he would make arrangements to ensure more privacy and to have better arrangements generally, particularly in the city offices, but the effort to improve them can only be described as pathetic. We still have the cubicles which put one in mind of former days when a fellow who was looking for drink knocked on a shutter which was opened and if he had the money he was given the drink.

In addition to the case I have made this evening, there are numerous cases of people, mainly in the country districts, where the custom has been that the family stay together in one house and one person is responsible for the upkeep of the house and that person must bring in a week's wages. The income may sustain the man himself, his sister, perhaps, and maybe an aged mother and father. Very often when the parents die the sister remains on as the housekeeper and it seems ridiculous that what happens is exactly the same as what happens in regard to social welfare, that the sister is not reckoned as a dependent relative, the man is treated as a single man and must fill up a tax form and pay on all money received in excess of £6 10s 0d a week. It was increased from £6 5s to £6 10s by simply including the cost of the stamp. Before that they could claim social welfare insurance but now it is included and they do not claim.

This is one of the things which are causing a lot of annoyance and distress. When I am replying to this debate some evening next week I propose to give figures which will show how unfairly this works. In addition, I propose to give figures to show that while over the years the tax free allowance given to a person with the big salary has increased in percentage the allowance given to the person at the bottom of the table is very much less than it was. Deputy Corish moved a motion which was almost similar to this on 22nd February, 1966 and it was debated and, surprisingly enough, it was voted on. The Fianna Fáil Party en bloc voted against it and the motion was defeated. I suggest that when this motion has been debated here, since it is something that is desirable, since it is something with which most of the speakers on the last occasion agreed, including the Taoiseach, who was then Minister for Finance, it should be adopted by the House and the Government should make some effort before the next Budget to have some of the proposals put into operation.

It does not make sense that in 1960-61 the tax free allowance was £6 5s 0d and the average rural wage was about £5 to £5 10s 0d a week and the income, therefore, which could be earned over the ordinary wage, tax free, in overtime was £1 to £1 10s 0d a week, and that in 1968 when the average rural wage is around £10 per week the tax free allowance is still £6 5s. 0d. No amount of juggling with figures by the Acting Minister for Finance or anybody else can alter the fact that a man who is getting a bare subsistence on a wage of £10 per week now has to pay tax on £3 10s 0d to £4. It is not only unfair but it is morally wrong for any Government to carry on as this Government have been and deducting tax from workers who have barely enough to live on.

The last time this matter was discussed a number of points were made, one of which I thought was something which would have been adopted immediately by the Government. It was in a reference to page 17 of the Report of the Commission on Income Taxation where at paragraph 39 they stated:

We recommend that a widowed person should be entitled to the equivalent of the married allowance for the four years following that in which widowhood commences and that, after this time, he or she should be entitled to the unmarried allowance only.

Would the Minister, when he comes to speak, tell us why this perfectly reasonable suggestion has not been adopted? On page 17 there are very convincing arguments in favour of it. I believe this recommendation should have been adopted years ago. There does not seem to be any point in setting up a commission like this while having no intention, apparently, of considering the recommendations of the commission.

This question of income tax will continue to be raised here by us irrespective of whether or not this motion is adopted. Unless we keep prodding the Minister and his Government nothing will be done to improve conditions. The Minister for Finance seems to think that the implementation of these recommendations would cost a great deal of money and necessitate a great deal of change. One of the things that causes a great deal of trouble and one of the reasons why the lower paid worker finds it difficult to claim his full allowance is that the forms, even the most recent type of form is so difficult that the ordinary person simply does not understand what is required. It would almost seem as if these forms are framed in order to trip up the unwary so that they may make mistakes and can then be told: "That is what you said yourself on your form."

Another improvement could be brought about where the tax free allowances is concerned. Duplicate forms are sent with the request that they be filled in quickly so that the following year's allowance can be sent out early. I suggest these should be held until the end of the year when they would have some meaning for those who get them. Usually recipients throw them away or return them saying they have already filled up a form.

With regard to allowances under PAYE, there is no reason why those who have to pay income tax should not pay it on wages or salaries in excess of, and well in excess of, an amount which would keep them in frugal comfort. It is nothing short of disgraceful that sections of the community should be required to pay income tax on money which the State itself admits, because some of the statutory bodies fix the sum, is barely sufficient to keep body and soul together. The Agricultural Wages Board fixed a minimum rate of wages and that wage is taxed. When we see those who do not have to pay income tax, some of whom get away with it on fine fat salaries, it is ridiculous that the unfortunate man on the bottom rung of the ladder should always be asked to pay more than he can afford.

I formally second the motion and reserve my right to speak later.

(Cavan): This is a motion standing in the name of the Labour Party. It is a motion with which I entirely agree and I support the motion fully. The motion reads:

That Dáil Éireann is of opinion that the income tax code is in need of urgent revision in view of the fact that it now creates considerable economic hardship for the least well-off sections of the community.

That has been more or less the position since the introduction of PAYE. Since the introduction of that system a great many people earning very modest incomes, indeed, have fallen into the net—unmarried road workers, clerical workers employed by local authorities forestry workers and others.

Income tax is a tax not particularly suited to the Irish mentality. As a race we do not take the law relating to income tax very seriously and, when we are asked why we did not make our proper contribution to the running of the State through income tax, we look back at once to the bad old days when we were governed from abroad and we say that it is a penal tax and everybody who can get out of it gets out of it. Up to a point that was all right when we did not have PAYE but, since the introduction of PAYE, those on the bottom rung of the ladder are now caught in the net even more stringently than other sections of the community.

I am aware that there was provision in a recent Finance Act making it obligatory on all sorts of people to keep accurate records and it is an offence not to keep such records. However, I still think there will be considerable scope for evasion and, because of that, the system is neither fair nor just. It is immoral. The whole system needs to be revised. Leaving that aside, the personal allowance has not been increased to any appreciable extent for many years. The value of money has declined while the cost of living has increased. The personal allowance is in or about the same. That is not fair because it really means a substantial increase in the effective rate of income tax each year. It may be that this is not an easy problem to deal with. It may be that the money which would not be collected in this way would have to be collected in some other way. I certainly think that as a step in the right direction the personal allowance, the child allowance and, indeed, the dependent relative allowance should be increased.

I have not, I must confess, prepared myself very well for this debate. I was taken at rather short notice, but this is something I feel strongly about. I think I am correct in saying that the dependent relative allowance has stood at £60 for many years—certainly for as long as I can remember. If I am correct in that, it needs revision. As I have said, the personal allowance up to a certain grade of income needs drastic revision. So do the child allowance and the dependent relative allowance. Only in that way can justice be done to the lower income group and the fixed income group. It should be the object and the mission of the Government of the day to ensure that any tax imposed is a fair tax, and that it falls evenly on all sections of the community and on all those who contribute to it.

As I said, we do not believe that the income tax code as it stands at the moment is fair or reasonable. Part of the reason for that is that many people still regard it as an unjust and penal tax, and treat is as such. It is the people on fixed incomes and comparatively low incomes, and lower incomes, who fall fully into the net. A glaring example of a failure of the Government to face up to this problem fairly and squarely was their attitude in the last Budget and the previous Budget. I think I am correct in saying that in both of those Budgets some relief was given to the surtax class. Up to the year before last, anyone who earned over £2,500 became liable for surtax but in the 1967 Budget, I think it was, certain earned income relief was allowed to the surtax class which meant that a person earning up to £3,750 was exempt from surtax, providing it was earned income and not unearned income.

If my memory serves me correctly, this year the surtax class got a further relief and another £750 of earned income was declared exempt. That was quite unjustifiable in a Budget which gave no relief of any description in the personal allowance for the lower income group. The personal allowance for the lower income group was not increased either in the 1967 or the 1968 Budget whereas, as I have said, the earned income relief for the surtax group was increased in both Budgets.

These are my personal views on the subject. I hope that whoever is framing the Budget in 1969, if we have not yet another before then, will pay considerable attention to the praiseworthy views and praiseworthy calls contained in this measure.

Income tax as it is operated in this State is a grossly unfair and penal imposition upon one section of our people, that is, the section who are in the PAYE class, the Pay As You Earn category. One might say it is applied almost exclusively to this category when one thinks of the facilities available to professional people and others to evade by one escape route or another their responsibilities in regard to income tax.

The PAYE class, as it is called, is made up predominantly of industrial workers, and also includes agricultural workers working for wages, as well as those employed by the State or local authorities. That is to say, any worker whose wages are returnable in any form enters into the PAYE class. This is the section of the population which pays far and away the greater amount of income tax. For the reason that it is applied in this fashion income tax is grossly unfair.

Take, for instance, the widow who is in receipt of a widow's pension in this city and has to work, as so many of them do, as office cleaners, as they do in this House in the early hours of the morning. They are subject to income tax, and must pay income tax. Take the married man whose family has gone from him, he must pay income tax. Perhaps a man has no family and there are just himself and his wife, and his wife is in employment also, they are subject to income tax. If his wife is not employed he will be taxed on any earnings he has in excess of £11 or something in that neighbourhood.

Think of the many thousands of ill-paid State employees Deputy Tully has mentioned, workers who come under the various Government Departments, whose wages are known and returned automatically to the Department of Finance, because that Department control the amount paid in each such case. They are all made to pay income tax, as are pensioners. One case comes to mind. Last week I had a man in with me who was in receipt of £8 a week by reason of having very long service with Dublin Corporation as a labourer. At the end of a long discussion that man said to me: "There is something I do not like to mention to you, but I did my share, or what I think was my share, at the time when this country was in trouble." I asked him was he a member of the Old IRA or what, and he said: "I was in the City Hall. I was with Joe Connolly on the roof of the City Hall in Easter Week." That man was unassuming and unwilling to talk about it. He has every right to talk. He is a man who had taken great risks and had been in what was possibly the bitterest fighting of all in the City Hall where the casualties exceeded those of Mount Street Bridge. He did not want to talk about it. He gets £8 a week for his long service of 40 years with the corporation and he has to pay 10/- a week income tax out of that. That strikes me as most unjust. It would strike one as unjust apart from his background, but in the context of his background it must surely be apparent to everybody that income tax as we know it, or the code as applied, is very unfair to the people.

The vast majority of people caught by this tax are industrial workers. They are workers employed in industry by various firms who are required by law to make returns to the Revenue Commissioners. There is no escape for them. They are taxed on their wages and on their overtime. They are taxed on their gross earnings. Every half-penny they get is returnable and they are taxed on it. They are required to pay income tax. If they were wealthy people and were in jobs which were well paid, which, of course, they are not, they could afford the services of income tax assessors or accountants who are well versed in the methods whereby evasion may be managed. The fact of the matter is that in this country, and it seems to be the case in every country, the more wealthy classes regard it as quite in order and as part of the ordinary game of life to evade so far as possible, by fair means or foul, the payment of income tax. Whatever may be said about that, and I am not one to moralise on these things, I simply want to point out that here we have the perfect setting wherein the well-to-do can get away with it. They can have the skilled services to enable them to get away with it while the ordinary worker who is hard pressed to live with the increases in his living costs with each succeeding month is trapped by the income tax code.

I think that the Government have a duty to do something about this. That is the reason why we put down this motion to enable us to air in the Dáil the grievance of such a large section of the working population and the unfairness of imposing this tax on one section almost exclusively. I am told by those who profess to know that the Revenue Commissioners suffer from shortage of staff and that the upshot of this is that they are not enabled because of their shorthandedness to make investigations that they would be required to make in regard to most of the individuals earning high salaries or getting big profits in the course of their business activities, for instance. There are not enough people to undertake the prolonged and tortuous research that might be called for to establish the debts which these people owe to the State. This is a handicap. It means, apparently, that there is a random system of examination pursued whereby individuals are selected for investigation more or less, as it were, by chance and that there cannot be, because of inadequacy of staff, a proper and thorough investigation of all the people who might be deemed to fall due to pay tax and who are escaping without paying tax. The case may be made that if sufficient staff were employed the expenditure would not be justified by the amount of the return they would bring in. I am not in a position to know if that is correct.

There are many thousands of people getting away without paying tax who are far better able to pay it than those caught in the trap of having to pay it by reason of the fact that their wages are known to everybody. In the last couple of Budgets concessions were made to surtax payers, that is, tax-payers who pay a high rate of tax because they receive a very high salary. A case was made, following submissions by the Federation of Irish Industries, that the policy being pursued was resulting in the discouragement of managerial talent and expertise coming to this country, and that such people were being taxed more heavily here than they were across the water with their resultant loss to this country.

The Government as a gesture, apparently, towards retaining or attracting these elements to industry made surtax concessions. If they can do that in such an instance, surely there is an unanswerable case for doing it for the people who are really unable to meet the ordinary cost of living and who are still compelled to pay tax and from whom tax is still demanded? Another point which has been made many times is that the levels of tax relief have been fixed for many years and that this has had the effect of bringing more and more people within what is called, for want of a better description, the income tax net by reason of the consistent inflationary tendencies which are apparent so far as money is concerned. The idea that wages have advanced is illusory and totally false.

The fact is that real wages have not advanced to any appreciable degree. The value of money has been dropping. At the same time, the superficial or apparent improvement in wage rates over a long period of years has brought into the income tax net many thousands of people who were not affected before although the real economic position of such people had not been improved to any appreciable degree in the meantime. In fact, the case could well be made that their economic position, speaking in terms of real wages, in terms of real standard of living, had depreciated.

This policy of non-interference with income tax reliefs which has prevailed here for so long has been a very subtle and insidious way of exacting more taxes from those who are least able to bear the brunt. The sum of £6. 5. 0. per week is the amount a worker is now permitted to earn before taxation begins. Surely no person of commonsense will argue or suggest for one moment that that figure has any relation to reality? What can be got for £6. 5. 0.? Take an individual living on his own. There are people paying more than £6. 5. 0. as rent for a single room flat in this city, apart from the matter of food and the other necessaries of life.

It is high time that there was a review of the whole income tax code. The Labour Party has long been seeking such a review. We put down this motion in an effort to bestir this lethargic Government to do something about it. It may be that in doing something about it some tender toes will have to be trodden on but in order to secure justice for those who are entitled to it and who are not in receipt of justice it is sometimes necessary to make life slightly less luxurious and comfortable for other sections. We know that this is a course of action that does not commend itself to political Parties or Governments at any time but it is a course of action which tests the real strength of Governments and the bona fides of Parties, the question being whether they are prepared to do something which might cause certain irritation, and could cause no more than irritation, amongst the wealthier sections. One can use one's imagination as to who are the wealthier sections in this country at the present time. Unlike the Minister for Education, I do not propose to spell it out. We all know where the wealth lies and we all know the areas where no tax is imposed and we know where the tax falls most heavily, which is upon the working people and, in the last analysis, heaviest of all upon the industrial workers in the cities and towns.

The Deputy would need to tread very warily when he speaks about areas where tax is not imposed.

I do not follow.

Ask Deputy Tully when he comes back.

It is Deputy Byrne who interrupted.

The Deputy's time has now expired.

How much time had I, Sir?

Thirty minutes.

I am frightfully sorry. It is most unfortunate. I apologise to Deputy Byrne: I would have wished to have spent a little longer pursuing the interesting point he raised because he seems to be anxious to make a case for the well-off and the wealthy against the industrial worker. I am circumscribed and encompassed by the Rules of Order which prevent me from pursuing it further.

The Deputy is getting off the hook.

I should like to support the motion that the whole income tax code be revised. I realise that the income tax code is probably the most unpopular method of extracting money from any section of the community, that it has been unpopular since it was established by, as has been said earlier, an alien government and for that reason, of course, had to be unpopular at the time. Any government in formulating or fabricating a tax structure must at least have in mind the necessity to be completely fair to every section of the community that has to bear the tax. A government is not doing its duty in a moral or Christian manner that does not examine in every detail the methods of tax extraction to ensure that they do not bear too heavily upon any section and above all, do not bear too heavily on the poorer section of the community.

I have some experience of having to fill in tax forms for unfortunate workers who are getting very little over £6 a week—£7, £7 10s and £8—and who are faced with the fact that they have to pay income tax. Having regard to the present high cost of living, it is unrealistic that a single man earning less than £10 a week should have to pay income tax on that. It is high time that persons earning less than £10 a week were exempt from income tax and, in addition, that the methods of assessment for the purpose of tax relief were reviewed. There are workers on the Moy drainage scheme, for instance, who have to travel 20 miles to work and have to provide their own transport. A worker may have a car or a few workers may have a car jointly. Surely, these workers should be entitled to a rebate of income tax in respect of such transport costs? If a worker has to travel by motorcycle he must wear expensive protective clothing. In many cases, workers are not provided with protective clothing needed for the work they do and must provide it for themselves. Mayo County Council workers have to provide their own protective clothing. Although the county council would wish to meet the workers on this point, we cannot provide them with such clothing on account of the rate being so high in the county. There should be a rebate of income tax in respect of the provision of protective clothing and transport costs.

In reference to the forms, from time to time everybody, whether in the Dáil or in the local authorities, is called on to help his neighbour to fill a form and, I suppose, with postage charges so high at the moment, more people come to us to have their forms filled and sent away for them than ever before. Anybody who sees and examines an income tax form will say that it was devised by somebody with nothing better to do than to make it as difficult as it could be made. It seems to have been designed by a fellow doodling on a pad who came out with a form that he or anybody else could not understand.

If people have to suffer under penal taxes, like the lower paid workers have to do, they should at least get a form that somebody without the mind of a computer could understand. I do not know who designs the forms but I ask the Minister or somebody in his Department to examine the individual who designed them to try to get him to issue a form that will be readily understandable.

Earlier I said the time has come for a complete revision of the tax code. I do not wish to repeat the arguments already well made by other Deputies but I appeal on behalf of the lower income groups to the Government to give full consideration, between now and the next Budget, if they are here by then, to having the tax code made more realistic and fairer to every section. I suggest that instead of suddenly introducing a tax at Budget time in order to bring in a certain amount of money, the Government should devise a code that will be fair to everybody from top to bottom, and to ensure that this code will take in the people mentioned by Deputy Dunne who are able to evade it at the moment—the chancers, the speculators making a £½ million without paying their dues to the State.

Writing about socialism once, George Bernard Shaw said: "You would know a good Budget by the fact that income tax went up". At that time, the ordinary worker was not liable for income tax. Since Shaw's time things have changed completely and now in Ireland people with an income of £6. 5. 0. or £6. 10. 0. per week are liable. Deputy Dunne said the figure is £6. 5. 0. but I think it is £6. 10. 0. Anyway, the five shillings does not make a terrible difference. That is the case of a single man, but if you take a married man without children and add the £140 allowance he gets for his wife it brings the figure to £8, £8. 10. 0. or £9 a week. If we take the average wage in the Republic as being roughly £13 and take the income tax at 7/- in the £, the amount paid by that man in tax is considerable.

That is not the only financial burden on that man. He pays his insurance, possibly he pays into a sickness fund and, as well, the corporation, the urban council or the county council, exercising their rights under the differential rent system, assess him on his gross wages. Should he endeavour to sacrifice his leisure in order to earn a little more from overtime, he must pay increased rent and he will lose his medical card.

Despite all this, the income tax people are so inhuman that they think this is an encouragement to productivity: those of us who have influence with the workers are being asked to encourage them to build up the State. We have heard President de Gaulle in France asking the workers to work for France. Those who work in Ireland have to give it to the Revenue Commissioners, to the housing authorities and at the same time they lose their medical cards. Is there any reason why our workers should not say: "So long as we can keep our wives and families in ordinary comfort we will not endeavour to bring about the extra production we are asked for"?

Our income tax system has degenerated to a very low level when it takes money from a single man with £6 10s a week or a married man without children who earns £8 or £9 a week. There is little more encouragement for a man with a number of children who is capable of earning up to £14 a week. We can think of Dáil Deputies earning a considerable amount more and at times feel ashamed to see ordinary working people scraping the barrel in order to live, to see them having sums of money deducted from them because, due to ignorance or annoyance, they did not fill in their forms. Nearly their entire wages are swept away at once.

The tax code should be examined seriously on the question of overtime. That, to my mind, is one of the vital things. It can affect production and it can affect our gross national product. The ordinary workers cannot understand why they should be asked to do this when they know that doctors, dentists and others can have monetary rewards handed over to them without entering them in their books, without any apparent transaction having occurred, people who earn £40, £50 and £60 a day, while a single man earning £6 10s a week is fleeced. In such circumstances it is not possible for workers to co-operate.

The Catholic Church say that it is no sin to do the income tax people. This has been the teaching of the Church for years. I have never agreed with it because I have always thought that we have a duty to the State to pay our taxes. However, I take pleasure whenever can in adding to and maintaining the wages earned by ordinary workers.

Let us take a county council or forestry worker. He buys a motor cycle, a Honda, or whatever it is. This costs good money and he buys the machine not for pleasure but because he wants to go to work and earn money to keep his wife and family. Does he get any allowance for it? Not a halfpenny; he does not get one sixpence for providing the means to earn money. Deputy Lyons mentioned a clothing allowance. I do not know whether he is aware of it, but I asked for an allocation of £10 for clothing for forestry and county council workers and I got away with it. All Deputies should try to get £10 for this purpose, if not more. The sum of £10 for protective clothing is very trivial.

It makes me tired when I think of the people who evade taxes and get away with it when the ordinary working man, the county council and factory worker, has to pay. A widow came to me during the past week. She is getting a contributory widow's pension and she got a casual job with the county council for a few weeks. Immediately she earned £10 something in the region of £4 was stopped from her wages. I know that probably she will get it back at the end of the year. Having approached Deputy Kyne, or whoever she will approach, she will get this back some time. She has been living on a mere pittance and immediately she earns something down comes the hammer.

I am not worried about my income tax. They can stop it and they are welcome to it. I do not care because I can afford to pay but I know that if I were back where I started earning about £10 a week and trying to keep a wife and family I would regret the fact that the Revenue Commissioners could take from me anything from 35/-to £2 a week. I should like to support our motion mainly on the grounds that we have switched from the people from whom income tax was meant to take surplus money. Now we have it as a penal tax on workers. I warn the Government that workers will not work themselves to the stage where they will simply do overtime for the pleasure of giving the money back to the Government.

I should like to join my colleagues who spoke from these benches supporting this motion put forward by the Labour Party. At the outset, I must join issue with my friend Deputy Dunne in regard to his references to the members of my profession, the accountancy profession. He spoke of accountants helping people to evade tax.

It was an unfortunate phrase.

Yes, Deputy Dunne used an unfortunate turn of phrase. He probably meant helping people to evade tax within the law.

Very definitely.

It is becoming increasingly difficult, and, perhaps, this is a good thing, to avoid tax within the law. There is no doubt whatever that the references to the extreme weight of the tax burden on wage and salary earners are well founded. I have spoken many times in this House on this code of taxation, the rules of taxation as applied to wage and salary earners. There is no section of the tax rules which has been more strongly condemned by courts of law as inequitable. It is a maxim of the law that equity is a stranger to income tax. In respect of no section of the tax code is this more true than in respect of the archaic and outmoded rules of taxation as applied to wage and salary earners.

Seven or eight years ago when we had the Finance (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill here bringing in PAYE for the first time I was one of the few in this House who expressed grave misgivings about it. I remember being criticised by some of the Labour speakers on this score. It is true the trade unions had made a case to the Commission on Income Taxation urging the introduction of PAYE. I was opposed to it because I felt that it was making the worker fair game for the ravages of the tax collector where other significant sections of the community were to some extent or other exempt from these ravages. The event has proved me right.

It is interesting to hear a Deputy like Deputy Kyne speaking of his work in filling in income tax returns for workers on modest incomes of £10 a week. I compliment Deputy Kyne on succeeding in getting a modest allowance of £10 for protective clothing for road workers. One of the recommendations of the commission was that such lump sum allowances or concessions made available to certain sections of workers ought to be publicly announced so that all road workers could claim this £10. This recommendation has not been implemented.

When I requested the former Minister for Finance, Dr. Ryan, to make known these lump sum allowances, as they are termed, he refused to do so. This ultra conservative approach to tax procedure is something which should be booted out of the law for good and all. The scale of personal allowances for individuals, for married persons and their children, is, of course, by reason of the impact of inflation completely out of tune with the times in which we live. There have been no real significant increases in these personal allowances for many years and the effect of this is that persons who 15 to 20 years ago would not have been included in the tax net are now so included when one has regard to the real value of their pay packets adjusted in relation to inflation.

I said at the outset that the Tax Rule No. 7 or 8 of Schedule E as applied to wage and salary earners is quite archaic and unjust. It goes back to a British Act of 1856, if not earlier. It speaks of the expenses involved in keeping a horse for travelling. I should like to speak about this matter of travelling expenses as they affect the workers in my constituency. They are very relevant, indeed, on this 27th day of November. There are workers throughout Dublin and I am sure throughout the country, a substantial part of whose pay packets is eaten into by bus fares, travelling to work. They ought, in equity, be allowed the necessary expense of travelling to their place of employment because they cannot earn their wages on which they are taxed unless they reach their place of employment. That is the simple logic of it. It is one of the hard and fast inequitable provisions of the tax code that travelling expenses for travelling to one's place of employment in no circumstance can be claimed as an allowable expense. If one is in business or if one is a professional person using a car for the purpose of one's profession it is, of course, usual that one's travelling expenses are allowable. The worker is very hard hit by this provision. It is an unjust one and it should be repealed having regard to the grossly exorbitant fares charged on public transport in this city.

The motion refers to the least well off sections of the community being hardest hit by the income tax code. One of the least well off sections of the community is students. There are, thank goodness, many ambitious young men and women in modestly remunerated employment who are attending universities and other institutes of education to advance themselves, to improve our national well-being, to increase productivity by acquiring new skills and new learning. These people ought to be granted an allowance in respect of the fees which they have to pay to improve their mental equipment. An industrialist is allowed wear and tear on machinery which is worn out in the course of its use. Drawing an analogy from that, is there not a case for allowing what one might term wear and tear on the human frame or allowing a young man or woman for improving his mental equipment for earning his living?

It is commonplace to draw comparisons and contrasts between the effect of income tax on workers in this country and those in Britain and Northern Ireland. We are told that income tax here is no heavier on persons earning up to £1,500 or so than it is in Britain. This is not at all a valid comparison because we have not here anything like the welfare state services which are provided to these people, people on modest incomes, in Britain and Northern Ireland.

The personal allowances by virtue of inflation are now so out of tune with the times that it must be resolved to learn a lesson from the errors of the past, the errors of Ministers for Finance in the past 20 years who have failed to adjust the allowances, and peg them from here on to the cost of living index number so that they will automatically keep pace with inflation and no more than that year by year. I believe, and I am expressing purely a personal opinion, that if the standard rate of tax has to be increased in order to provide the finance to increase the personal allowance let us face up to this and increase the standard rate so as to provide decent personal allowances. This will have the effect of impinging more heavily on the well-off but it will take the £10 a week road worker or farm labourer out of the tax net and it is only common justice that that should be done. It is as simple as that. There is no answer to that claim in equity.

The moral atmosphere which exists in respect of tax is very undesirable and is not in the national interest. Many workers labour under a sense of grievance by reason of the pay as you earn burden on them and the claim, sometimes exaggerated, exaggerated here this evening no doubt, about certain persons who fiddle their tax—a course of action for which I hope it is not necessary for me to say I hold no brief whatsoever and neither does any responsible Deputy in this House.

I believe that the mind of this House, which the Government, if they are in office, which seems unlikely, should consider between now and Budget time is that top priority must be given to increases in the personal allowances. We have exercised some pretty wrong priorities in the past. Previous speakers have spoken of the crazy priority exercised by the Minister for Finance in the Budgets of this year and last year when he allowed relief for surtax payers. It did not cost very much admittedly and there were certain adjustments made in regard to those in the really high brackets but taking the position by and large as applied to surtax payers up to an income of £8,000 a year they did well out of this year's Budget and last year's Budget on the pretext, the dishonest pretext, of extending a concession to industrial technologists. There may be a need to encourage industrial technologists to take up employment in this country but it was dishonest of the Minister for Finance on that pretext to extend the same concession to every shopkeeper, every businessman, every professional person in the country. A method could have been devised to extend the concession to industrial technologists only. It is perfectly clear what the priorities of the Fianna Fáil Government are in terms of income tax; it is perfectly clear to me that they have scant consideration for the industrial workers. One can see here the Taca influence at work. It suited the gentlemen of Taca to obtain the surtax relief which was extended to them in this and in last year's Budget.

Debate adjourned.
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