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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 19 May 1971

Vol. 253 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Financial Resolution No. 8: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Finance.)

Before I moved the adjournment of the debate last night I had been referring to a speech made in this House by the Minister for Lands in October, 1970 and was pointing out that no provision was made in this Budget to implement the promises made at that time by the Minister for Lands. It will be recalled that on that occasion the Minister referred to a speech which I made on the 12th October in which I pleaded for a new approach to the whole problem of the small farmers in the west of Ireland. That problem has existed down through the years and has been aggravated by the fact that the cost of living has gone up considerably during all the years that Fianna Fáil have been in office. According to the figures supplied by the Taoiseach yesterday, in reply to a Parliamentary Question by Deputy L'Estrange to which I added a supplementary, we now find that over 60,000 persons have left Connacht in the past five or six years.

It will be recalled that the speech made by the Minister for Lands had the full approval of various organisations throughout the country. He was complimented on his speech by the local development association in Foxford and in Ballina, Bunnyconlon, Athlone and at various centres where there are organised groups who are trying to bring about industrial development and to create employment. At a subsequent Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis the matter got a great deal of publicity and many of the delegates showed their approval for what the Minister had said and what he promised to implement, namely, that schemes would have to be initiated to provide regular employment for at least one member of the family in forestry, in industrial employment, with county councils, the Office of Public Works, or in some way to provide a cash income to help those people to continue to live in their own country. Despite the fact that the Taoiseach complimented the Minister for his statement, that it got approval all over the country and that at the request of the local development committee in Foxford I attended a joint meeting there with the Minister, it got approval all round, but we find that far from provision being made in the Budget for an increase in the numbers employed in forestry, or for that matter in any other direction, there is a cut-back. In the last six or eight weeks the Minister for Lands was obliged to announce here that due to financial difficulties there would be a reduction in the numbers employed in forestry. This is a very serious matter particularly when it affects people in what we used to call the congested areas. In 1955 the number employed in forestry in Mayo was about 220 but now the figure is down to 154, which is a very serious decline in employment particularly when it is linked with the decline in employment in other spheres.

The Office of Public Works is another section which has suffered a cut-back. For about nine or ten years we had the River Moy drainage scheme in Mayo and Sligo, a scheme which brought beneficial effects to the west, particularly from the point of view of employment. When it was at its maximum the numbers employed were something like 550 or 600, some of them small farmers' sons, others were people from Ballina, Crossmolina, Foxford and elsewhere. The scheme has now been completed. According to a statement by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance the scheme was wound up on 1st April last, so that there too, we have a serious decline in employment, in an area in which employment is so necessary. Far from having an increase in the moneys provided we are again warned that there will be a cut-back there. There are many minor drainage schemes which could usefully be undertaken in Mayo, Sligo, Roscommon and parts of Galway, if the money were made available but that is not been done. It seems that we have no proper planning and that those at the top are not concerned about the amount of work still to be undertaken or about the number of extra people who would be unemployed as a result of this scheme being closed down.

Recently I put down a question to ascertain the number of unemployed registered at the various labour exchanges in Mayo over a five-year period. The figure for the county has increased to something like 5,200. In Ballina alone, which has some 5,000 people, there are 1,400 people unemployed. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Education seems to have some doubt about this but if he checks he will find that those figures were supplied to me recently. I wonder what would be the position if we had not got this outlet to England, and to a lesser extent, to places like America and Australia. Not many people in my area go to Australia but I know a few who have gone there. Many people go to England or Scotland first and from there some of them travel to Europe or to other parts of the world with English building contractors of one kind or another. Sometimes after a year or two one hears that these people have gone on to America, Canada or Australia. I wonder what would be the position, particularly in the west, if the people had not got these outlets. Indeed, the position in England is not very encouraging at present, due to the increasing numbers of unemployed. It looks as if by the November-December period the figure will have reached the one million mark. So far we have been fortunate that we have this outlet which enables many of our people to get employment in England.

Last night I referred briefly to meetings held some years ago in Charlestown, Foxford and other centres which were attended by bishops and religious of different denominations, Catholics, Protestants, Presbyterians, Methodists, and so on, and together with lay people of good-will they formed a committee known as the "Defence of the West Committee". They stressed the seriousness of the problem in that region. Despite their efforts and pleadings far from having more people employed in the region today there are fewer employed.

Some industrial employment has been found. Mayo has not benefited to any great extent from the industrial development which took place. It seems that any proposal which originates in Ballina, Swinford, Crossmolina or Charlestown is likely to be cold-shouldered in Dublin. I cannot understand the reason for this. In Dublin one can observe that there has been much industrial expansion. The city is bursting at the seams. Judging from the newspaper publicity there has been much industrial development in Cork also. No doubt the fact that the Taoiseach comes from Cork has a big influence. Many people in my constituency would suggest that the Taoiseach seems to be more interested in providing employment in Cork than he is in looking after County Mayo or any of the other western counties. I do not know whether that is true or not, but the people have that suspicion. Quite frequently I am told that industries will be started in Cork because the Taoiseach comes from that region.

I am glad to see the industrial expansion at Shannon Airport and, to a lesser degree, at Galway. The west of Ireland seems to be neglected in so far as industrial development is concerned. Occasionally a little industry is started. Often it is one of our own people who starts it. Having gone to England or Australia, and realising the problem which exists, having accummulated certain assets and wishing to return to help his friends and neighbours, he starts up such a little industry. If such a person returns and puts forward proposals to the Industrial Development Authority in Dublin, even with the backing of the local development officer and those associated with him, it seems that every obstacle and difficulty is placed in the way of such proposals because it is proposed to establish the industry in the west.

I, as others have done, have advocated a policy of providing cheap transport for industrial and agricultural products for these regions in order to put them on something like an equal footing with other parts of the country. We have had no success so far with this proposal. I have been told in recent times that, instead of getting these facilities of cheaper transportation rates for our industry, there is a grave danger, due to the financial difficulties of CIE, that many of the important railway lines which serve western regions will be closing. We have suffered a lot in the past from the closure of railway lines. I hope that there is no truth in these rumours. The Bishops predicted in Foxford and Charlestown the downfall of the west unless something is done. The closure of the railway lines would cause a very serious situation.

There is nothing in the Budget to help with the difficulties in the west. They have been there for a long time. It is well known in this city that thousands of our people have passed through on their way to the Liverpool boat or to the Dún Laoghaire boat. Thousands of our people have had to emigrate in order to make a living. The people from north-west Donegal have suffered a similar fate. We talk about restoring the Irish language. How can we hope to restore the language if the people who should be our first concern and whose families have spoken the language for years have had to go to America or England, knowing scarcely a word of English? These people have remained loyal to their faith and to their country in spite of the great obstacles and difficulties which they have experienced. They have built churches and schools and reared families. They have even sent home money to help their families and friends and to assist with education. They have contributed generously in order to keep the local schools open and the churches renovated. These people earned their money the hard way. Some of them are still alive. Those people have achieved these wonderful targets, and have reared families to be professional men or distinguished churchmen at home and abroad.

What did they get from a native Government? They got nothing except promises that were not implemented. The provision made for improving their lot is so niggardly as to be almost worthless. No serious consideration was given to them in this Budget. As a matter of fact, the Government attempted to deal a death blow to these regions when it was announced that the supplementary allowance— call it the dole or whatever you like—was to be stopped on a certain date A dole contribution of £2 or £3 or £4 a week may not seem very much to some people, but it means a lot to the father of a family with a small holding of half an acre, an acre, or an acre and a half. He may have some of his own supplies in the way of potatoes, vegetables, milk and, perhaps, a few eggs, but he does not get those for nothing. He must work for them. He must be thrifty. He may have a few store cattle, or a few bullocks, or a few heifers. This makes it possible for him to rear his family not in lavish comfort but in a wonderful environment. They have done that down through the years.

The Fianna Fáil Government always shouted about how concerned they were for those people, but they served notice on them in a shameless way, and in a confused way, that the dole would be withdrawn from certain age groups on a certain date. That added to the confusion that has been felt about the Government over the past 12 months and more. The people are mesmerised. They do not know where they are. These people were always concerned with paying their way and they tried to bring up their families to be decent and respectable. The cost of living has made it impossible for them to do that now because the incomes from their small holdings are so small. That region is not well organised for the supply of milk to creameries. Even if it were well organised many of these people have not got more than two or three cows and some of them might not even have that number while better off people might have five or ten cows. How could they hope to live if the dole allowance were withdrawn?

I rarely agree with Deputy Joe Lenehan. He is on Mayo County Council with me. I will be charitable and just say that I do not agree with a lot of what he says and does but I admired him for the stand he took on that matter regardless of the cost. The Government can never live that down. Even if they restored the dole, it is well known that they would have withdrawn it for good were it not for the pressures that were brought to bear on them and the difficulties they find themselves in at the moment.

I said that generations of our people have gone across to England and earned money and sent it back to help their people. Year after year in our accounting system there is a heading "Emigrants' Remittances". I do not know whether the figure is accurate. I do not know how it is compiled. Some time ago I traded in quite a big way in this region. I do not do so any longer. Like many others I was put out of that line of business. I do not want to dwell on that point except to say that, apart from transactions such as the sale of turkeys or export of eggs, at the weekend I would have a lodgment to make of £2,000, 75 per cent of which would be made up of remittances from Britain. There were dozens of other people in that region who could say the same thing.

All the land in Mayo is not bad and some people could make a reasonably good living out of their holdings plus the help they got from their families. The point I am making is that when we consider the contribution made by generations of those people who sent home money, it is disgraceful that a Fianna Fáil Government which professed to be so concerned about the people in these regions should attempt to deal them that blow. Deputy O'Connor from South Kerry is in the House. I must compliment him too on taking a certain stand. Although it was not as courageous as that taken by Deputy Lenehan, he made his presence felt in the party. I was in his constituency during a by-election and I must say that there is a similar problem in that part of the country.

Tourism was mentioned by the Minister for Transport and Power. He sounded an optimistic note about the increase in the number of tourists we might expect. He mentioned South America. I sincerely hope that his predictions are right but I regret that I do not share his optimism. It should be borne in mind, too, that it is not the Americans, be they from the United States or from South America, or the Australians who have contributed to a great extent to our tourist industry: it is our kith and kin who went abroad and, having done well, return. They are the real tourists. I know this to be so because I spent part of my life in the Province of Connacht selling a certain brand of beer. That work made it necessary for me to visit many hotels so that one might say I had a grandstand view of what was happening. I was responsible for helping to supervise the fitting of lounge bar counters and other fittings in places where my firm was involved. At that time there was a colossal investment in the tourist industry and this was of great benefit to the west of Ireland as I am sure it was to many parts of Kerry where, on the tourist side alone, they could carry another county on their back because they have such places as Killarney, Killorglin, Glenbeigh and Glencar. Kerry had a real influx of visitors and millions of pounds must have been spent there.

Unfortunately, however, there were the cashers-in, those people whose aim it was to get rich quickly. In many parts of the country these Johnnies-come-lately received grants and loans for their hotels and guesthouses but ruined the industry by overcharging. They overcharged for meals, for bed accommodation and even for drink. That was disgraceful practice and people who are guilty of it should not be allowed to continue in business. However, some of them have paid the price for such practice because I understand that in many cases hotels and guesthouses are almost empty. If my information is correct, it is likely that there will not be many guests in some of them this year.

The result of a survey carried out recently by some responsible group— I cannot remember their name—in connection with the prospects for tourism in the coming year revealed a gloomy picture. Having talked to some hotel and guesthouse people as recently as the past week, I can understand this air of gloom. Certainly, these people are not optimistic for the coming year. I think it was Deputy Kavanagh, while speaking yesterday evening, said that there were some 20 hotels for sale in the Bray region alone. There will be many others for sale also because of the unrest here at present and, in particular, unrest in the North. In so far as this part of the country is concerned, people in other countries cannot be impressed when they hear of the sacking of Ministers of State and when they hear about such things as attempted gun-running. I doubt if any sensible man would take his wife and children on holiday to Ireland. The news media in England and elsewhere are only too willing to exaggerate everything out of all proportion with the result that exaggerated stories are appearing in the newspapers in Britain, in America and, I am sure, in many other countries also.

My little daughter has a Swedish pen pal with whom she first got in touch through some religious journal. It is interesting to read what this little Swedish girl of 17 or 18 years has to say about what she reads in their newspapers and what she sees on television about the Bernadette Devlins, the Paisleys and about the North in general. From time to time my daughter comes to me seeking answers to some of the queries raised by this girl in her letters. I merely mention this fact in order to illustrate the bad publicity we are being given abroad even in a country like Sweden from which we have never had many tourists anyway. Certainly, we are not likely to be in any favourable position to attract tourists in the foreseeable future. The rate of growth in additional hotel bedrooms in this country has been remarkable and if Bord Fáilte and others had pulled their weight, regions such as the one from which I come would have benefited from this great boom but due to various reasons, some of which reflect no great credit on the Government, the tourist industry is faced, I regret to say, with a gloomy future.

In spite of this, the Minister for Transport and Power now known as the no-problem man, came in here yesterday evening and tried to give the impression that everything was all right. Those engaged in the hotel or farm guesthouse business would not agree. Many people in the latter type of business have been investing from maybe £200 to £400 a year in efforts to add a few extra rooms to their houses so that they might supplement their small farm incomes but because of the present position of the industry, they will suffer. It will cause further and greater emigration. In the Budget Statement no hopes were held out for this industry.

Last night, I listened to one of the gloomiest speeches I ever heard here from Deputy de Valera. In a brief comment at the time I said if Deputy Dillon were here last night there would be many "hear hears" from this side of the House because one would think it was taken word for word from speeches made by Deputy Dillon on many occasions to the jeers and interruptions of the party opposite.

It is too bad that his predictions were proved correct and that Deputy de Valera should have to make the statements he made last night. I suggest that anybody who was not here, and particularly the Fianna Fáil Deputies opposite, should read that speech by Deputy de Valera in which he warned that we are in a crisis situation brought about by inflation and that there is a serious danger of utter collapse of certain parts of our capital programme, that we may have to cut out completely some worthwhile schemes and projects that are on hand in order to save money. That means more people will be unemployed. I took Deputy de Valera seriously when he made those statements and as I said last night the only thing wrong with his speech was that he did not make it years ago. In fact, this was said by somebody else years ago but it was taken back. I am not sure of the date but it was said by the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Haughey. I watched the programme in my home with my own family some years ago. I remember that the announcement was made on the radio several times during the day that the Minister for Finance would speak that night on a very serious matter. As a result, people took notice and wondered what the Minister had to say. Everybody was tense and waiting for the speech. The statement was delivered by the Minister with a very serious face. I observed him on television and when one is a Member of the House one knows the moods and expressions of those sitting opposite and the Minister's mood was tense and serious. He made the type of statement Deputy de Valera made last night warning the nation of a serious crisis the like of which we had never before experienced. He warned that there would have to be a tightening up so as to put an end to it.

When the programme ended I am sure the reaction of my wife and family, fairly mature teenagers and adults, accustomed to making their own judgments on matters like that, was fairly typical. They all agreed that there was a crisis and wondered what was coming next. I said that the Minister did not come on radio and television for fun.

At that time it was not intended to have a general election but later plans were made to have an election and because of that in a short space of time we had from the Taoiseach, and others, a complete about-turn from the crisis situation. Naturally, my wife and family asked "What is this about?" People all over the country reacted similarly, even in this House. They could not understand how there could be a crisis and within a fortnight, three weeks or a month, it was suddenly wiped out and everything was clear and straight again. I could not understand it and I had to tell my family that. It seemed strange to me but it did not seem to embarrass the Fianna Fáil Party. They have become so thick-skinned that nothing would embarrass them no matter how big.

I had great admiration and respect for many Deputies opposite, past and present. They contributed, through the years, to solving many problems and many of them, particularly of the older generation, risked their lives. How could these same people who had made great contributions in many ways—we must give them credit for having done many good things—be so short of principle that they could make an about-turn like that without being ashamed of it? One would think they had their own ten commandments which they could break whenever they liked. I do not know what future historians will say but they will have a rather embarrassing job if they record these instances of a Minister for Finance announcing a crisis and, a fortnight or three weeks afterwards, the Taoiseach or the Minister himself taking it all back.

The election was fought and won and we have staggered on and dragged our feet along ever since. From time to time we have heard rumblings of crises, particularly when the ordinary labouring people put out their hands for a little more or when the widow and the orphan or the man in receipt of unemployment benefit wants a little bit more bread. The Minister will go off to a dinner or make a speech somewhere, particularly on a Saturday night, so that we will have plenty of time on Sunday to read what he said in the pages of the Sunday Press. I notice Deputy Burke is smiling. It is no trouble to him to smile; he is a good genial Mayo man who has come to live in Dublin. I hope he will try to exert his influence on his colleagues and remind Ministers of State that they cannot hope to have the confidence or respect of the people while they conduct themselves as they conduct themselves at present and while words seem to mean nothing to them. They have brought parliament into disrepute in more ways than one. With lying propaganda at election times the truth seems to mean very little when they come in here. One can hear contradictions of one kind or another even during the course of one day's sitting. We know what happened during the year in the law courts. We know what is happening in relation to the special inquiry. I do not want to speak on that topic at any great length.

The Deputy must not refer to matters which are sub judice.

I appreciate that but the whole record of the past 12 months is a discreditable one. Deputies meet their constituents quite frequently and these include a broad cross section of the public from ordinary working people to professionals and churchmen. I have never heard so much criticism of the Government as I have during the last year.

Budget day in any parliament causes excitement in the country and it was always the tradition here on all occasions I can remember—and I am a Member for a number of years now although I was out for a while—that there were crowds of people at the gate and Deputies were limited to one pass for that day because space in the public gallery was limited. I had my pass on Budget Day this year and I was asked by a Senator if I would give it to him and I told him I would see if I could give it to him later on in the day. When I met that Senator later on he said he had solved the problem because not many people wanted to get into the gallery. The day before Budget day the gallery was packed because there was a crisis vote and the attention of the nation was on this House. People were wondering if they would have a Government at all and that is how this country is being run at the present time. Deputies present on the two days I have been talking about know that what I have said is the truth.

During the course of his speech last night Deputy de Valera said that this was a useful and skilful Budget. He was not very critical of the Fine Gael Party, strangely enough, but he was very critical of the Labour Party. I suppose the reason for that is that the majority of Labour Deputies I know are concerned and have always been concerned, taking them by and large, for the people they represent—the working class people. Were it not for the unions and for the efforts of the Labour Party Deputies the lot of the working people would be much worse than it is and it would be hard to make it worse than it is.

I said that Deputy de Valera described this as a useful and skilful budget but if I asked a sixth class national school boy in a remote part of my constituency to produce something as useful and as skilful he certainly would not put forward a proposal to stop the dole because he would appreciate that the loaf on the table in the morning or the little bit of bacon or meat was bought with the few pounds dole money.

This Budget has been described as one which leaves the options open and one that a Government could face the country on. I predict we shall have an autumn Budget if the Government are in office at that time. I doubt very much if they will be because every day one hears rumours of another row or another rift and one does not know from one hour to another how long the Government will last.

Deputy de Valera hit hard at the "free gift" philosophy of the Labour Party, but I do not know what free gifts working people have got down through the years. I spent many a day with working people in the North Wall and elsewhere and no one can tell me that they are getting free gifts because they are not and as far as I know they never have. I know and understand their problems and I try to help them solve them on occasions when there are bread strikes and other disputes. I helped them as best I could within the limited means I had. Those who do not live in rural areas have no understanding of the problems of these people. Deputy de Valera and others have admitted that this is an inflationary Budget and that there is really nothing in it for these people. Interest rates have increased. The price of foodstuffs and clothing has increased. If these people need a car to get them to work the price of petrol has increased. We are told by Deputy de Valera in this year of Our Lord, 1971, that these people have the free gift philosophy. I say they are getting no free gifts and I know them better than Deputy de Valera does.

The problems facing the youth to-day are almost insurmountable. There is the problem of housing if they want to get married. Even getting married entails certain expenses. The ring has to be bought. New dresses have to be bought.

And a bit of a night, of course.

And a bit of a night. Living here in Dublin it is difficult to get a bit of the hard stuff. Getting married is a costly undertaking. A home has to be procured. Finding a home is a very difficult problem. There are many more applicants for houses than there are houses. Many people cannot avail of the houses there are because they have not got the money. Young people do not always have the sense to make a real effort to think about these problems, but it would be unreasonable to expect them to do so. It is quite true that one cannot put a wise head on young shoulders. It seems to be the fashion to eat, drink and be merry. Young people get carried away. One is glad to see them enjoying themselves but one would also like to see them keeping that enjoyment within limits. Far be it from me to deny them their happiness. The majority do their best to make provision for the future. There are groups and individuals, clerical and lay, all over the country ready to help and advise these young people. These young people need help. If I had to face getting married today the problems I would have to face would send a cold shiver down my spine. Finding the deposit for a house is very difficult and, having found the deposit, one is then burdened with commitments by way of repayments and interest for the next 25 or 35 years.

The present situation is due in large measure, as Deputy de Valera said last night, to the inflationary policy of this Government down through the years. That has aggravated the situation. The Government are not altogether responsible for everything. There are factors outside their control but they were warned time and time again from these benches about their policy. When these young people procure a home, if they are lucky enough, they then have to furnish it. Sometimes they find there are structural defects because some engineer or architect turned a blind eye to what was going on. That has happened on occasion. Having entered into borrowing commitments they then have to remedy the defects out of their own resources. The children come along and their expenses increase. It is the order of the day to have a television and radio. The aerial must be put up. The television rental is added to everything else. Bus fares have gone up.

An Leas Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy is going into details now inapplicable to the Budget.

One's sympathy for these people tempts one to deviate a little from the straight and narrow path. All I am trying to do is to bring to the notice of the House the fact that Deputy de Valera last night described the Budget as a skilful Budget. What skill is there in it to help these people solve their problems? Deputy de Valera referred to the "free gift" philosophy. On one occasion I think the Taoiseach visited a certain area in Cork and sent out a few tins of biscuits. If that is what Deputy de Valera was referring to I think he should not have mentioned it at all. I suspect the Taoiseach did it for vote catching, but it was not nice of Deputy de Valera to make any reference to it.

He also referred to the standard of living. The standard of living of a great many people will not be improved by this Budget. I know many young girls in this city, some of them from my own county, who have joined the Civil Service or gone into other employment here at salaries ranging from £8.75 to £11 and in some cases a little more. Of course, when incomes reach £11 or £12 there is liability to income tax, and under the PAYE system no one escapes. I have spoken to boys and girls in the city who are in employment and not married. They are doing their best to save, to make provision for a home for themselves, and they are finding it impossible to do so. I was amazed when a young lady in a certain Department in Dublin told me what her salary was. She said: "My father is a cattle dealer and, fortunately, he can afford to send me a little money. If he was a poor farmer with no other means of livelihood I just wonder what I would do." She was honest enough to admit that she had not the price of three meals a day after she had paid the landlady.

Therefore, when Deputy de Valera refers to an adequate standard of living, I doubt very much if he knows how these people live. It strikes me he does not even care except to issue a warning to them that they are the people who must tighten their belts. We are accustomed to lectures from the other side of the House, for instance, from the Minister for Health, Deputy Childers. It is very hard to keep track of these Ministers in recent times. They switch around so much from one Department to another that I become confused as to where a Minister is at a particular time. We have been warned about inflation dangers, about industrial stagnation and loss of employment. There is an old saying: "What you never had you never miss." We never had industrial development in the west of Ireland, so I cannot see any serious industrial stagnation.

There is, of course, the industry in my own home town of Foxford. Like other industries they are not finding it easy, despite the fact that their products are world famous. They have progressed down through the years and increased the number of employees. It was the old Congested Districts Board organisation that helped them to get off the ground in the first instance. They paid their little debt; it was a niggardly sum of a couple of thousand pounds when they started, and they got it without any signatures but on the strength of the signature of a former neighbour of Deputy O'Connor. She was a reputable lady and she so impressed them that they gave her the money. The industry went from strength to strength. Even under British rule they progressed and exported their products all over the world. At Foxford railway station and the bus depot I have often seen boxes of blankets, rugs and other items and I could not read the names and addresses on the labels. The goods were being dispatched to various European countries, to the mission fields, to the four corners of the earth.

In recent times I have been told by workers that there is redundancy at Foxford. A number of workers have been laid off and redundancy payments have been made. I was glad to hear that a very small number of them obtained employment from the Shannon Free Airport Development Company. A few more have been successful in getting employment in Galway where there is some development. If industrial stagnation is affecting this industry in Foxford, I do not think it is due to any difficulty about financing it, because I would say that if there was any credit available at all they would get it. They have gone through many different crises and have survived. Instead of our own Government coming to the rescue and providing further employment, they are making things worse. This enterprise was started without any Government help. If Fianna Fáil or even our own party did something like that we would be always listening to talk about the wonders that were achieved. When the Government establish a small industry employing about 15 people they make a song and dance about it and promise that if you wait for 12 months another 150 will be employed.

Last night no less a person than a former Taoiseach's son, Deputy Vivion de Valera, told us that inflation would bring industrial stagnation and loss of employment. We have experienced it already. When I asked the Taoiseach recently about the unemployment position he made a long rigmarole of a statement pointing out all that was done, industries established here, there and everywhere. You would think he would be ashamed to mention some of them, but he did. I suppose a drowning man would cling to a straw. If you take one of these longwinded statements to pieces, it is like dipping into a garbage bin and maybe finding something solid beneath all the rubbish.

I have noticed another device being used in this House by Ministers when they want to hedge on replies to parliamentary questions. They tell you the reply is in the form of a tabular statement, information which a child in first class in the national school could give you off the cuff. Such replies are given for reasons best known to the Minister—I suspect what the reasons are—and when you ask a supplementary the Ceann Comhairle will intervene to remind you that, under Standing Orders, you may not raise a question on a tabular statement. I am trying to devise some means—I want to warn you, Sir—of getting around this.

The Deputy could put down a tabular question.

I suppose I could get around it by putting down a tabular question.

The Deputy is getting away from the Budget debate.

I have dealt with a number of matters here on which I could hit much harder if I so desired. There is no pleasure in raising these questions. If there is a depression and things are not good it is unpleasant for us all. Deputy de Valera said last night that there were companies in difficulties in Dublin. He also said that people are not unimportant. Deputy de Valera and the House and the Taoiseach have been told time and again that there are companies, not alone in this city but outside it, in financial difficulties, brought about by the inflationary policies pursued by this Government. I see nothing in this Budget to solve the problems so created.

Deputy de Valera said that in the private sector there is a serious shortage of money. In the old days we depended almost entirely on the private sector. In those days that was a very safe and dependable line of approach. Much of the employment we had in the past was in the family type industry and family business. These people are in serious difficulty today. Creditworthy business people, people who have made a success of their businesses, have told me that they are now being written to and being telephoned by bank managers and asked to come in and do something about their bank accounts, that they have orders from HQ to clamp down and unless they do something any cheques they issue might be sent back. One can appreciate how concerned a business man would be about having his cheques returned marked RD. It could be the cause of putting him out of business. I know several of these people. This trend has been there for some time and the Minister for Finance and the Taoiseach have been warned. This is one of the main reasons why unemployment is increasing because this private sector down through the years gave good and, in the main, well-paid employment. Business people with business minds, and I happen to be one of those, are never satisfied to stay static. If you make a couple of thousand pounds in a year you are bursting to get off again. It is your mentality, it is your way of life, particularly when you are young. Because of the difficulty of getting credit today and because prices have so increased it takes a lot of capital to run any business. What hundreds of pounds would do before it takes thousands to do now. Tea, sugar, butter and every other item are four or five times the price they were in the old days.

The family business at all times tried to cater for the reputable, decent individual who was a regular customer. They tided these people over a period when perhaps the mother was in hospital giving birth to a baby or the husband was sick. A charitable view was taken by most traders and these people paid them back at £1 or £2 a week, without any interest being charged. Seldom were these traders let down. These were honourable people and appreciated what was done for them. Now this sector is being challenged and being shot down by supermarkets from various countries and by people who were engaged not in the open but in the back room financing and backing those organisations. It would be too bad for the Irish people if the old reputable trader, on whom they could rely and who kept our people going in the past, were to disappear. Some of these people even went into bankruptcy because of unemployment in the region or, in the case of the western region, because of bad fairs when stock could not be disposed of. Today you go in and you hear a few buttons clicking and ringing, you pay the bill and you cannot get out quickly enough. That is a change in our country and while I like to see free and open competition I do not like to see our small people being shot down and big companies coming in.

Deputy de Valera said that companies were in difficulties in Dublin. They have been in difficulties for quite a long time. They are in difficulties because of the inflationary policies pursued by this Government. They were warned. When I told a former Minister for Finance about these things he called me the banshee of the House.

Did the Deputy ever hear her?

The Deputy was born near Croagh Patrick so he has an advantage over me. There are blessed wells around that country too.

Deputy Burke heard her in Newport.

I did not hear her but we had a banshee here last night of the worst kind—Deputy de Valera. We got bad news too from the Tánaiste, Deputy Childers, a few weeks ago. His warning was very serious—the Irish people would have to realise now that the crisis was there. He is a man for whom I have a lot of respect because he is very gentlemanly in his approach and he is not a rough and tumble politician but one would think he was lecturing nuns in a convent or reverend mothers, he was dishing it out so politely—we should all be good boys and realise that there is an inflationary situation and we are facing gloom and disaster if we do not do what Fianna Fáil tell us; the Labour people particularly are not to open their mouths but to be nice boys and if their workers want a little extra they should not be grumbling because in Deputy de Valera's words it is a free gift. They are not getting free gifts; they are getting trials and difficulties that have been brought about and aggravated by the methods employed by the Government not just recently but in all the years they have been in office.

He told us too that people are not unimportant. It is time for us in the west of Ireland to remind him that people are not unimportant and to ask him what are we doing for their future. During the years we have listened to Budget Statement after Budget Statement from Minister after Minister, and God knows we have had quite a number of them, some of them in office for very short terms. If we take the Fianna Fáil criterion that the real proof of good Government is the number in employment, we must condemn Fianna Fáil as having failed to pass their own test because we have now a situation in which we have the highest number of unemployed for many years.

I have listened to statements from the Government benches during the past couple of weeks and have been wondering at the contradictory nature of those statements. One wonders whether half the occupants of those benches are on speaking terms with their colleagues because many of them did not seem to know what the others had said. We had rosy pictures painted by many of them and then we had the picture painted by the Minister for Health and last night by Deputy de Valera of the sad state of the country.

In times gone by there was some little fat somewhere to be got from the Government, even if we had been on a starvation diet previously, on which the people could live for a short time. Now, the bottom of the barrel has been scraped and there is nothing left on which to carry on while we get over our difficulties. We are down to the last. It is like trying to drive an old car up a steep hill. You have the boot to the floor and you are struggling along and you say, "I am down to the last. If it gets any steeper or more difficult there is not a thing I can do but give up". That is the stage we have reached in this country and we have heard responsible Ministers say so.

We had Deputy de Valera saying we have borrowed too much abroad. A lot of money has been borrowed from countries from whom we have never borrowed before, people with whom we have never dealt before. Those people have had their problems, too, and their difficulties, but they were able to lend money to the Irish nation because of our good reputation for paying up in the past, a reputation which even the British did not enjoy at all times. However, Deputy de Valera and the Minister for Health warned us that we cannot go there again because we have reached the limit. The Government have not any more credit— a sad thing after so many years in office.

That is not the Government to lead the nation into Europe. It has been my privilege to travel to some European countries. In some ways some of them have advantages over us. Particularly in industry, they have a lot of raw materials that we have not got here. But there are no people in the whole of Europe that could be so prosperous as we could be if only the Government made half an effort to run the country properly. We have many advantages, particularly from the food point of view. Our meat, milk and cheese are second to none because we have a plentiful rainfall and a good general climate.

Despite all these advantages we are in a mess in 1971. Now we shout about getting into Europe in that condition. It is too bad we should have to disgrace ourselves. The blame is not on the people on this side. When we were in Government we left the country in a healthy financial state. Since we were in Government last the national debt has increased 2½ times. There was unemployment then but there was also a situation in which there were more houses than there were people to put into them. I know there was emigration but there is emigration today. At least we did the honourable thing and the former Taoiseach, Mr. John A. Costello, dissolved the Dáil and went to the country. We did not come back but we went out in an honourable way.

This Government no longer have the confidence of the people. Let them make no mistake about that. They can go to the country today, tomorrow, in October, and they know what will happen. We never have been anxious for elections. We never liked elections. There is no document I hate to look at more than the register of electors—I look at it and I have to put it out of my sight immediately. We all realise that here we are birds of passage. In the short few years I have been here I have seen many men come and many men go. The average number of defeats per election would be 21 or 22. If an election is held in the near future I might be one to go. I did so before and I can say that I was better off while out than I was in the House. It is not we in the House who are the subject for concern; it is the people outside. Therefore, to clean up our reputation outside, the Taoiseach could not do better than to dissolve the Dáil. Then, when our delegates go to Europe it can be said they have the approval of the rank and file of the people of Ireland given in a recent election. Then we would not have it said in Brussels or elsewhere that our delegates were men who had their knives out a few months ago. In any reputable house in Ballina, Foxford, Swinford or Kiltimagh, the proprietor would put them out as a crowd of troublemakers. The sooner Fianna Fáil pack up and get out the better for the Irish people.

I should like to open with a few comments on Deputy Treacy's contribution last night. It was an interesting contribution in many ways except that he did not carry it to its logical conclusion. He said that in this Budget there was scant comfort for the workless, the aged, the sick and the less well-off and he said that Fianna Fáil, through 40 years of mismanagement, had brought us to this position. Surely Deputy Treacy does not believe that our position today is the position of 40 years ago? The progress made under Fianna Fáil is all too obvious and has been commented on by many European experts. Therefore, the opening comment of Deputy Treacy cannot hold water and I cannot understand how a Deputy of his intelligence could make a statement like that. However, he made one very important comment, that our country is flooded with imported goods. He might have carried that much further and tried to bring home to the nation the force of this. Deputy O'Hara, when speaking today, said that our economy is in a dire state. There is no doubt that the situation is serious. This has been brought about by the lack of patriotism in our people when they allow so much imported goods to find a market here.

A large proportion of the money which goes to purchase imported goods is supplied by our working people and one would expect at this stage that the trade union organisations would see that this flood of imported goods, which are very often of inferior quality, is stopped. The sale of some of those goods is pressed by members of trade union organisations to the exclusion of Irish manufactured goods. If something is not done quickly to correct this state of affairs we will be in serious trouble. We have gone beyond the point of no return. Deputies from all sides of the House should be very concerned with this and should try to bring home to those who could correct this position the necessity for doing so.

Trade unionism can be a powerful influence in many countries and is, in fact, a great influence in this country but it is lacking in its duty when it cannot see the trend taking place here in regard to imported goods. This will be to the detriment of our Irish workers and our Irish craftsmen. Deputy O'Hara said that we produce the finest food in the world. We have the ability and the skill to do this. However, you find that a large proportion of the food sold in this country is imported. Some of it is grown in places as far away as Hong Kong. In parts of Munster the ordinary head of cabbage, which requires no great skill to grow, comes from Holland. This is a mark against our agricultural produce and our people who should be able to package Irish produce in a manner suitable for present day sale in shops. The packaging of Irish goods should be improved and this would give employment to many of our young workers.

This morning's papers carried a headline stating that the adverse balance for the past month was £29 million. This should be a serious warning to everybody. Through our capital programme, large sums of money are channelled into various works throughout the country. This gives employment to our people and provides extensive wage packets in many cases. However, if this money is frittered away in the importation of foreign goods then it is serving no useful purpose. It would be far better to stop some of our capital development if it is ending up in running us into serious trouble.

I was amazed to be told when I visited Cork during the week that in two large drapery establishments purchased by a British concern no Irish goods were available. Trade unionists are employed in those shops. When I visited Europe on many occasions during the past few years I was amazed to see in huge stores in Amsterdam, Cologne, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt and even in Paris quite large sections of those stores, some as big as many of the establishments in Dublin, displaying Irish goods. Complete departments in those stores were stocked with Irish goods, neatly packaged and presented and there were many people examining the goods. Why then do we find shops in this country without any Irish goods displayed in them? Those shops employ trade unionists who seem quite happy to sell foreign produced goods to other trade unionists, their wives and the wives of the ordinary working people. Have we no confidence in our ability as workers and producers that our own goods can be completely excluded from those shops?

Everybody should realise the seriousness of this matter. Are we to allow Irish goods to fade completely off the market? We have had many references to our entry into the Common Market and the effect it will have on our ordinary working people. Undoubtedly we will have to face great competition when we enter the Common Market. It is only by building up confidence in our own products and seeing that our own goods are proudly displayed in our shops that we can save ourselves as a nation. We find when we travel through Britain that British goods are extensively displayed in their shops and are advertised to the extreme. You will not see any foreign goods in some of their shops.

Deputy Treacy yesterday referred to the fact that so much foreign produced goods were displayed in our shops. The Labour Party could do a great amount of good for our people if they did their best to ensure that shops where Irish trade unionists work will carry Irish goods as well as imported goods. About seven or eight years ago it was mentioned in this House that a shop not far from here was not able to provide Irish goods which the then Deputy Corry and myself were looking for. Later that evening there were huge advertisements displayed by shops around the city to the effect that any Deputy calling to the shops could obtain any Irish goods he sought. I hope that what I have said today will be a message to the nation. It should go forth from every Deputy that this message is necessary and every shop should be proud to say that they carry Irish goods, and indeed, that Irish goods are available to the extreme and to the exclusion of other goods. Only if this is done will we be able to build up our economy and develop parts of the country which are not developed. If the wealth of our nation is being used to purchase goods which in many cases are inferior to home-produced goods, then as a nation we are doomed. Even at this eleventh hour I hope that an effort will be made by all concerned to correct this growing menace to our economy, a menace which cannot be allowed to continue.

Deputy Treacy also stated that the cost of living is increasing, especially in respect of such commodities as butter and meat and other necessaries of life. The position is developing that powerful organisations are able to squeeze the maximum out of the pool of wealth to the detriment of those who are not organised. Some effort will have to be made to get the better-off sections to do with that little bit less in order to provide for those who are not so well-off. Highly organised groups are scraping the bottom of the pot and there is very little left to people in outlying areas and those without organisations to back them up.

We had recently the position which arose over the cutting off of the dole to people who needed it. This allowance was granted some years ago after pressure had been brought to bear on the Government at the time to help the smaller people and the poorer people. I always hated the word "dole" but there is no other way of distributing the money to people who need it most. It was unfortunate that this money was taken from the people concerned particularly as we gave considerable increases to highly organised bodies during the year. However, an effort has been made to correct the position by bringing the over 50s into the scheme, as in the past. It should be provided for all those who were getting it in the past because many of them, under 50 and down to 30, are men who have to stay at home to look after an aged father or mother, a retarded brother or an invalided sister. These people cannot leave home to obtain work and as they are in dire need they should be eligible for the money. In some cases in my own county I had to get home assistance for such people. A reexamination of the position is necessary so that these people can get the allowance which will enable them to carry on in the very limited way in which they live.

In regard to industrial expansion some startling facts have been revealed to me especially in regard to parts of my county and parts of the west. In places like Cork city, Dublin and the industrial estates at Shannon and Waterford, it is costing in the region of £20,000 per employee to provide work there. This is brought about by the direct cost of the factory, the cost of schools that have to be provided as well as of houses, roads, water and sewerage schemes and all the things that have to follow this type of building. The figure goes as high as £30,000 in the case of Dublin.

In rural areas at no time will the cost exceed £5,000 because we already have the roadways, roadways which are only operating to about 8 per cent of their capacity, and schools which are only operating to about 20 per cent or 30 per cent of their capacity. The position is much the same in regard to churches. We also have the houses already built and there is no need for large-scale housing development. The expert opinion then is that it costs under £5,000 per head to have industries established in rural areas. I am not suggesting that a factory should be put into every isolated area but each county has a central location in which this type of industrial development can take place and to which workers can travel from ten, 15 or 20 miles away.

Each western county has an abundance of labour and other facilities available at the lowest cost, from the point of view of development. This is something which could be followed up by the Government to see what development can take place in these areas.

In mid-Kerry we have a rapidly developing industrial centre between Killarney, Killorglin, Tralee and Castle-island. Already industries have been established in Killorglin and on Monday we will be opening a new factory which eventually will employ over 200 people. Already 35 people are being employed there and by November 70 will be employed in it. This is considered to be one of the most economic centres in the country. I refer to Killarney, Killorglin, Tralee and Castle-island. There must be centres in each county of the west, or even two centres, which could be turned into mini-industrial estates. This proposal should be fully examined. Too often the planners in Dublin have planned along lines which are not economic or to the best advantage of the nation. They try to tell us in Kerry what we should do from the point of view of planning. In Dublin there are many monstrous new buildings.

Dublin is a beautiful city which is being destroyed, and yet the planners are trying to tell us in Kerry what we should do. We value the beauty and the natural resources of our county and we do not intend to destroy them. We believe that we are making headway in Kerry in spite of the planners. We see a way of developing our county. We would like to pass on the knowledge. The entire west coast from Kerry to Donegal can be developed and this will help to save our people. We can save the brains and brawn of our nation which too often go to English cities. We are an energetic country and we can develop this energy and ability and channel our resources for the good of our country. The combined efforts of all Members of this House are necessary.

Deputy Treacy stated last night that the greatest cancer eating at us now is the colossal importation of goods, which is not necessary. We can produce such goods here. Everyone in the trade unions must unite to see that the Irish goods get their place in our shops and markets where they should be available at all times. This would help to reduce imports which are leaving us with less money in the country and fewer jobs for our people.

Other Deputies spoke about our entry into the Common Market and the position which will result from that. We have nothing to fear from the Common Market. In Kerry industrialists pay 15 per cent to 17 per cent to get their goods on the markets of Europe. Once this country joins the Common Market that 17 per cent will cease. We have nothing to fear from entry to the Common Market from the point of view of production in Kerry.

Deputy Treacy said that the only thing we can offer to the Common Market is an abundance of labour at low cost. While our wage standards are below those of other European countries, because our cost of living is lower, I myself find that young girls aged 16 years start work in Kerry at £10 per week and young boys taken from the vocational schools at 16 years of age, having obtained the group certificates, start at £12.50 per week. Some of these young people are already earning £16 or £17 a week. We have brought over a number of families from England and the men have started work at £25 a week. This is not cheap labour. The industrialists who pay these wages are giving good employment. They are not interested in cheap labour. They believe that an employee that they can get cheaply is not skilled. Such an employee can damage the overall picture. We have the labour but the employees must be well paid for their work. The foreign industrialists are quite prepared to employ them.

Reference has been made to our fisheries. I spent two years at a committee in Europe dealing directly with agriculture and fisheries. We should definitely try to keep foreign boats outside the 12-mile limit around our shores, if this is possible. We must apply for this concession. The European countries which have not got coastlines or inlets of their own are only interested in raking in whatever they can get from our fishing grounds. They would leave our fishing grounds denuded. Norway and other countries have large numbers of small fishing boats which fish within their estuaries. These boats do not do the damage which the big boats do with the raking nets which sweep up everything which comes within them. Such boats must be kept outside our inlets and harbours. By and large, we might benefit if we can hold those boats outside the 12-mile limit. Many European concerns are interested in setting up bases here for the landing and processing of fish. They have markets in their own countries and these markets could benefit us. Many boats in Europe are laid up. The tendency is to have fewer personnel fishing. The boats are getting less fish, particularly off the Irish coast. If fish is out of the sea without being processed it deteriorates rapidly. It is very difficult to sell fish which has been on ice for ten or 12 days. It is practically impossible to process such fish when it reaches Europe. We are ideally placed for the processing of fish that is landed. We must protect our inlets and our coastal waters within the 12-mile limit in order to assist our own fishermen. Every effort should be made to see that foreign boats do not get inside those limits. Apart from that I can see big benefits for the fishing industry arising from our entry into Europe.

Deputy O'Hara mentioned the extreme shortage of money in the private sector. This of course is true. Our money institutions are putting the maximum into our capital programme and there is less money in the private sector because of that. It is because of the large amounts of money that are floating around that we are finding ourselves in trouble with the excessive importation of goods. If there were less money around we might be better off. We could save jobs for our people and help the development and production of our own natural resources. Many of our people have too much time on their hands and too many places to go to instead of working a little extra. Even though the Germans and the other Europeans have a five-day week, many of them have small acreages of land on which they grow vegetables for sale. They spend their spare time at that. At night some of them make various articles within the confines of their own homes for sale. This is not our way of life. The shorter our hours, the more time off we have, the more time we have to spend money instead of saving it. I do not know how this can be corrected other than by the curtailment of some of the money that is floating around.

As Deputy O'Hara said, many of our banking institutions are pressurising business firms and people to reduce their overdrafts. The banks are compelled to do this because they are at a very low level. They have to carry 40 per cent liquid capital at all times. Since the bank strike, inroads have been made in this position and they are trying to correct it and bring it back to the safety level which is necessary to maintain our banking institutions. This position could be corrected if our people spent a little less. The money would then be available for the national loans which the Government look for from time to time. If that money could be got from the people, instead of the Government having to go to the banks to take up the amount that is not taken up, the private sector would be better served.

On the whole, looking over this Budget I should like to compliment the Minister. In view of the serious position we found ourselves in after the months of the bank strike the Minister did a very good job of work on the whole under difficult conditions. In conclusion I appeal to all Members of the House to get together and express publicly their concern about the over-importation of foreign goods which is draining the life of the nation. Our energy and our ability are being exported by way of cash to bring in goods that we do not need.

Nobody could convince anybody that it is necessary to import heads of cabbage from Holland when we consider our climate and our ability. It does not take a lot of ability to grow cabbage. We must face up to this type of competition. Articles are packed attractively and brought in here to be sold. We have many agricultural experts propounding theories, but it is a reflection on their ability when heads of cabbage from a country hundreds of miles away are produced on shop counters in the remotest parts of Kerry and they cannot stop the importation of that type of commodity. There is a message for the nation there. I hope we will face up to this challenge from outside. If we correct the smaller things we will find a way of correcting the bigger things. Let this go forward to the nation. It does not take a lot of expertise, a lot of ability, or a lot of knowledge to prevent the importation of heads of cabbage into this country.

If heads of cabbage are already arriving in this country and being bought and sold in parts of County Kerry and we are not yet in the Common Market I do not know why the Government are looking forward to joining the Common Market and I do not know what the so-called benefits for Irish agriculture are. I find myself in agreement with some of what Deputy O'Connor said, but I do not agree with him when he places almost sole responsibility on trade unionists for the large increase in the importation of goods. Unfortunately we have not yet got a workers' democracy and the trade unionists or worker in his place of employment, be it shop or supermarket, has absolutely no say in what his employer or the owner of the business——

The point I was making is that his wife has a say.

The point I was about to make is that it is usually the boss who does the ordering and puts the goods on sale. As the Deputy knows, at times the customers have not got much choice so the Deputy's exhortations should be directed to the people in control of the ordering of goods for sale. When we have a workers' democracy even to some degree, I am confident that the trade unionists and workers will ensure that proper consideration is given to that aspect of the matter. The Deputy fell into the trap of blaming all the difficulties on the trade union members.

No, I did not. I referred to trade unionism as a powerful organisation that could be a big influence.

Certainly the trade unions are not responsible for this.

I did not blame them.

I am glad to have clarification from the Deputy on that. The facility with which these foreign goods can now be bought and the apparent attraction they have for many Irish people raise further doubts in our minds as to what will happen when we join the Common Market because much more of these goods would then be available. Will our people be able to resist the temptation to buy these foreign goods in a Common Market situation when they are not able to do so at the present time?

However, to get back to the Budget proper, we all know that the basic purpose of a Budget is to manage the nation's economy but in recent Budgets it has been evident that the only purpose of the present Government in introducing a Budget is to fool as many people as possible. Unfortunately, they have succeeded in doing so to some extent. The annual Budget is used as a means of sweeping under the carpet a lot of the economic difficulties. It is used to gloss over those difficulties with the usual clichés and the usual phraseology. Each succeeding Budget portrays a greater degree of dishonesty and even hypocrisy. Deputy Keating and, I think, Deputy Donegan referred to the expenditure of £101 million on agriculture. A breakdown of this figure would show that some of this money is not going directly to the agricultural community. Figures thrown out like that are symbolic of the hypocrisy that is contained in the Budget.

Again, there is evidence of hypocrisy in relation to the additional moneys for the local improvements schemes. In his Budget speech, as reported at column 702 of the Official Report for the 28th April, 1971, the Minister said that:

As has been announced already, an additional sum of £0.5 million is being made available for local improvements schemes which will create additional opportunities for employment in rural areas, especially in the West.

I take it that the statement is true but the other side of the story should be told also. Road grants to almost all local authorities have been cut drastically. This will result in widespread redundancy of local authority workers throughout the country. The local authorities are now faced with the prospect of rendering redundant many of their permanent road staff and this will result in their having to pay large amounts of redundancy compensation in many cases because most of the workers are long serving employees. Furthermore, the money being granted for rural improvement schemes cannot be used to employ the road workers who are to be declared redundant because this money must be kept for the people who are on unemployment assistance. Therefore, the hypocrisy is clear. The Government, by reducing the Road Fund grant to local authorities are causing more unemployment in rural areas and then giving some employment to unemployment assistance recipients through the local improvements schemes grants.

Needless to say, on balance, there will be more unemployment and more hardship than there will be more employment. This is a serious matter for people in rural areas because in most small rural towns and villages the main source of employment is road work and other related work with the local county council. It follows that most of the spending money in any such area comes from these workers. We know that during the past number of years the number employed on road work has been reduced drastically and this trend is now being accelerated to a point where we will have people being laid off, probably about Christmas time —people who may never have had to face being put on short time before— but the additional money being given for the local improvements scheme cannot be used under the regulations of the Department to retain these people in employment.

Therefore, it will be seen that there are always two ways in which we can interpret the Budget of the present Government, particularly the Budgets of the past few years. When a Budget is introduced we never know whether it will be the first or the last Budget for that year or whether it is only the first of a number of Budgets to come because the Government are preoccupied trying to fool as many people as possible but they must realise that they cannot do that any longer and that the day of reckoning is approaching. The unemployment position particularly in rural towns and villages is very serious with practically 7 per cent of our work force now unemployed, more than at any time in the 1960s. There is also the hopelessness confronting the rural unemployed of knowing that there is no job on the horizon, absolutely nothing being done for them and that they must continue to struggle along on whatever unemployment assistance they can get and try to exist on it.

Since the flight from the land has been accepted as policy by the present Government, as part of their programme, they must realise their responsibility to provide some alternative. The increases in numbers in industrial employment are more than offset by decreases in the number in agricultural employment. I suppose we now have about 20,000 fewer people at work than when the Government took office in 1957. If we are to save rural Ireland from further decay the Government must take more positive action and provide more employment opportunities in rural areas where readymade sources of employment exist and where we do not have to build factories or places of employment. In the Department of Local Government there is, I suppose, a backlog of water and sewerage schemes reaching to the ceilings in the Custom House which could give good employment for ten or 20 years. Granted the cost will exceed the original cost estimated some years ago. If they had been carried out then they would have been far less expensive. It is hard to explain to the unemployed in rural areas where they have neither water nor sewerage schemes that while these necessities are still lacking they must go to the local employment exchange for assistance. They cannot understand why these schemes cannot be started, seeing they are not luxury schemes for hotels or office blocks. They know the schemes are necessary and public representatives find it difficult to explain why people cannot be put to work on these essential schemes.

I suppose we can tell them that they cannot have a factory in every village and town but it is not easy to explain why essential schemes cannot be started and why the cost since the original estimates were made have risen by possibly 100 per cent in some cases.

These readymade sources of employment exist in rural Ireland and all that is needed is a determined and planned effort by the Government to finance these schemes on which a good deal of money has already been spent at the planning stage. It is tragic that many of the schemes must be replanned when they are left there for years. Finally, when the money is sanctioned the schemes must be redrafted and this costs more money, due to the delay. I hope the Government will seize this opportunity of providing employment because I believe that if these schemes that are gathering dust in the Custom House were proceeded with, even on a phased basis there would be practically no unemployment.

Reference was made to the income tax code. We were all led to believe —even though most of us did not believe it because we felt it was another dishonest move—that the introduction of turnover tax seven or eight years ago and the resultant revenue would be used to ease direct taxation, in other words, income tax. Of course, this has not happened. Turnover tax and wholesale tax have gone up and the small concession given in last year's Budget has been withdrawn this year. One of the greatest difficulties facing a trade union negotiator on wages at present is the amount of the net increase the worker will get as a result of a wage increase. Workers no longer judge on the gross offer; they judge on the net effect to themselves. This is having serious repercussions in negotiations and making industrial relations more difficult. Even in the existing national agreement practically 17 per cent of the initial £2 will go back to the Exchequer.

The previous speaker was critical about certain pressure groups looking for more than their share. It is difficult to negotiate adequate increases because of the crippling burden of the income tax code which has not been modified or reviewed in spite of the phenomenal increase in revenue to the Exchequer from indirect taxation. Some minor modifications have taken place but it is still a crippling burden on the average wage earner. If a wage earner works overtime and if he works during his weekends he finds he is only working for the Exchequer and this is very disheartening.

Employers in essential industries readily confess that it is difficult to expect workers to do necessary overtime because the taxman will take a big chunk out of those overtime earnings. The idea that workers do overtime simply for extra money is not altogether true. Most overtime is essential to the particular industry or service and the worker who does overtime is doing a service to the country. People who know nothing about it refer to overtime in a cynical way as something which some workers avail of simply because they are covetous. This is far from the truth. The vast majority of those involved in overtime are involved in it because they are providing an essential and necessary service and this should be realised in the tax code. People who work overtime and provide essential services late at night, at weekends or during holiday periods are penalised more than people who refuse to provide those services. This fact should be recognised and some appreciation should be shown for those people who keep the wheels of industry or the services to the community going and in some cases provide services which keep people alive and prevent death or serious injury.

We had hoped there would be some reliefs in the income tax code particularly with the buoyancy of other taxes and of income tax itself, but it is very disappointing to see that the small concession given in the last Budget was taken back in this Budget. If some of the income tax paid by single people could be used as savings and refunded to them when they got married by giving them increased housing grants, lower rates of interest on house loans and things like that—there are many ways in which the relief of income tax could be given without creating further inflationary tendencies—it would help them to buy their own homes. Even with the increases in taxation and the increases in Government revenue it is still every bit as difficult as it was ten years ago for a family needing a house to get a house. It is just as difficult in 1971 for a housing applicant to succeed in getting a house as it was some years ago. Unless there is a determined effort on the part of the Government to hurry up the housing programme the situation will deteriorate still further. Due to lack of funds from the Department of Finance long delays in the commencement of work occur even though tenders have been advertised for and accepted. By delaying the erection of new houses we are not solving any problems; in fact, we are creating more problems because these houses will cost much more next year and the year after. The housing problem will not disappear if we ignore it. It seems to be the attitude of the Government to play down the problem and to keep sending the plans backwards and forwards between the local authority and the Department of Local Government. If those schemes were hurried up we would be providing more employment on water and sewerage schemes.

Another problem is the lack of finance for the maintenance of local authority houses and, if money is not made available, we will be in a serious situation in the not too distant future. Capital sums will have to be made available for major repair work or for replacement in some cases. The policy of the Government appears to be one of neglecting or ignoring existing houses and trying to get still more houses added to the housing pool. This is probably a good thing, but I would like to sound a note of warning about the condition of existing local authority houses, particularly those built before the last war, which need urgent maintenance. The local authorities have not got the finance to do the maintenance work necessary to put them into a good state of repair.

Again, from the point of view of employment in rural areas, there is a serious hold up in rural electricification in certain areas. When one makes representation to the ESB one is told that the board hopes to develop that particular area in two or three years time. This is a national network and we have become adjusted to electricity. Rural Ireland depends as much on electricity as does urban Ireland. I hope efforts will be made to speed up rural electricification and provide this essential service in all rural areas. There cannot be too many undeveloped areas left and the amount involved could not be all that big. Development would provide more employment opportunities in rural areas.

Deputy O'Connor referred to the fact that heads of cabbage, produced in some EEC countries, were being sold in Kerry. Is that an example of the prospects for this country if and when we enter the EEC? I appeal to the Minister and the Government to give the people all the facts. The Minister in his Budget Statement at column 687 of Volume 253 used the conditional "if"—"If the economy is to be able to meet the obligations which that will impose...." He was referring to membership of the EEC. The Government should not be quick to denounce those who have tried to point out the pitfalls of entry. They should not describe those who do that as unpatriotic. The Government should seriously examine the alternatives, alternatives which have been studied by groups of individuals. These should be explained to the people and in the final analysis the people should be the judges. There are those who have spent time and personal finance in carrying out studies; they are doing an essential service.

Last night we listened to the Minister for Transport and Power who appeared to have no doubt whatever that membership of the EEC would solve all our problems, economic, social and financial. He is entitled to his view but other people are equally entitled to their view. They should be listened to and respected. It will be no consolation to us in the Labour Party, or to any other individual or group, to be able to say: "We told you so". It would be of advantage to the people and to the generations to come if they knew that all the possibilities and all the alternatives had been examined and we had gone about this job in a more diligent way than appears to be the case at the moment. We owe it not alone to the generations to come but the generations that have passed on to ensure that all the alternatives are seriously examined and considered. There has been absolutely no evidence that the Government have done this. They say they have done it. They say there are no alternatives, but they refuse to look for them.

A number of other items to which I could refer have been raised by previous speakers. We have had many bad Budgets. Our Budgets are no longer just bad; they have now come to be dishonest. Certain aspects of them are deliberately set out to try to fool the people. However, as a famous man said: "You can fool some of the people all of the time and all of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time."

Coming from the constituency which has gained nothing and lost a great deal under this colossal Budget put before this House a fortnight ago, I wish to comment on its effects on my constituency and on the country in general. A major decision was taken by the Government under the recent employment order as a result of which the different labour exchanges were circularised to the effect that single men who were in receipt of unemployment assistance were to be deprived of it. The Opposition parties asked that the Dáil be recalled to consider this question. The Government party who made this decision panicked. They did not realise the enormous consequences this order would have on the west of Ireland or in the whole western region. Those who made this decision do not understand the situation in rural Ireland. I would suggest that they go into rural Ireland and see how the poor people there are existing and how they have to work for survival.

I have heard Deputy O'Connor speaking here about the importation of cabbage into Kerry. I spent three weeks in County Donegal during a by-election campaign and I travelled about 30 or 40 miles. I never saw a head of cabbage or a drill of potatoes. I hardly saw a field manured. This is in the heart of an area in which the Minister for Social Welfare lives. Going out one morning to address a meeting I met some young men outside a church and asked them: "How on earth do you live here?" That is a county where there have been two Ministers of State. I thought County Donegal was similar to the county from which I came, but it was as far from my county as is the Golden Vale. It is incredible that a Minister of State should deprive those people of the few meagre shillings they had. It would cost some people as much to go out for a meal as was given per week to those depending on the dole.

Let me explain what it means to live in rural Ireland, as I have lived; thank goodness I have never left this country. However, I understand the situation of those who have left and what they have done for rural Ireland. I do not thank any government since the formation of this State for the survival of the people in rural Ireland. Their survival is due to those who emigrated and who sent home money from their meagre income in order to keep their brothers and sisters and their fathers and mothers alive. It was they who kept those homes going in the west of Ireland, not any government of this State. The Fianna Fáil Government, who have been in office for the longest period since the foundation of the State, have done nothing for the west of Ireland. If any decisions have been taken, even since the Taoiseach, Deputy Lynch, came into power, it was for the benefit of Cork or Dublin or, perhaps, to a small extent, Donegal; very little came to the west of Ireland.

How can I expect the people of Dublin city or Cork city to understand rural Ireland? How can I expect higher civil servants who never knew what rural Ireland was, who never lived among the people there and saw the conditions under which they live, to understand rural Ireland? You have a situation where a man with 15, 16 or 20 acres of land is the only member of the family living at home. In accordance with the Catholic teaching and the Christian principles under which this man was brought up, he has dedicated himself to his father and mother, stayed at home and wasted his life in order to look after his parents. This man would never have stayed there if it were not for his dedication to his father and mother. If he had left, his sick father or delicate mother would be in the county home or an institution of this State and the people would have to pay. A decision was taken by the Government to take the money away from this man who was carrying out his Christian obligation. Did the Government decide to take the beef subsidy grant from the rancher with 100 cows? Surely that man is not entitled to get a subsidy paid for by the dole man through taxation? Is it not about time we faced facts realistically and started to look after those people who are doing their Christian and social duty and trying to survive in the west of Ireland. Those poor men could never hope to get married because of their small farms and meagre incomes. They could never rear families. This is a social problem and it is one that must be tackled. This is why there are so many people unmarried there. I cannot understand how any Government could deprive those poor people of that meagre allowance. Did they really believe this would help? In the panic they decided to restore the dole to the man over 50 years of age.

I have written to the regional health board in my area 50 letters for home assistance since this order was made. The Government have got out of their responsibility but the ratepayers and the local authorities have not got out of their responsibility because it is their duty now to provide this money. The Government did not take the large subsidies from the rancher with the 100 cows. They did not take a few hundred pounds from the man with the big salary. I have seen this down the years. I lived through the economic war. I saw a time when we went to fairs in the west of Ireland and sold a beast for £2 10s.

These are social problems that have existed down the years and if they are not tackled in a proper manner I do not see how the west can survive. These men never wanted the dole. No man in the west of Ireland ever wanted to go to a labour exchange if there was work available but no work was ever provided. The dole was brought in simply as a vote-catching device but it was an economic necessity. I can assure the government party that they will regret the day they took this action. I trust sincerely they will restore it.

I certainly admired Deputy Des Foley here; I admired Deputy Joe Lenehan for his courage; I also admired Deputy O'Connor who did not vote on this issue but today he seemed to have a different tone. He never commented on this at all. He got his mileage, he got it well and he got it against the Taoiseach in his own county.

Would the Deputy deal with the Budget?

There was also a Fianna Fáil man from my constituency who was not present. He was a Minister of State. Mr. Joseph Lenehan had the courage of his convictions to walk across the House but Mr. Flanagan——

The Deputy will appreciate that Members of the House must be referred to by their proper titles—Deputies or Ministers.

The Minister for Lands, Deputy Flanagan, did not appear for this vote. I do not know why he did not. Some people say he was gardening in Ballaghaderreen. Wherever he was, he made a statement to the Press that if he had been present he certainly would have voted in support of the Government against the dole man on this issue. Deputy Flanagan is a member of the Government Party. I have nothing to do with whether he was here or not but he made this statement. As a result of this order £1½ million was supposed to be saved and this was to be ploughed back into rural improvement schemes in the various areas where these men were deprived. I should like to see these rural improvement schemes get under way but if the Government were serious about giving employment to those people who were drawing the dole what they should have done was to say: "We will give you three times more than you are getting but we will make sure that every one of you who is drawing the dole will work." This is what these men want. We in the west of Ireland are called idlers who derive our livelihood from nothing but the dole. That is how we are classed by certain people. We are far from it. Every person from my county, or the vast majority of them, who came to Dublin did tremendously well. The vast majority of County Mayo emigrants to America or to any other country in the world did tremendously well after they had discovered that no opportunities were provided for them in the west. The people down there do not want dole. They want work and if the Government had provided it not only would they have helped the economy of the west but they would have done something concrete to build a country.

The last Deputy stated that if money were spent on water and sewerage schemes and the provision of other amenities it would mean a tremendous saving. The burden of rates on the rural authorities and on the people of small towns would have been eased. It is the people in the small towns in my county who are particularly hit by the tremendous rate of more than £7 in the £.

One other point I wish to convey emphatically to the Minister and to the Government is this. Large numbers of the people of my county emigrated during the years. Of course this is a national problem. Those poor lads and girls sent home money to their parents who, out of thrift and careful handling, saved a few hundred pounds in order to have something for the rainy day. Then, when they came to apply for old age pensions, this money which was never earned by them, which had been sent to them by sons and daughters from across the water, was reckoned against them as income. What are we coming to? What are we driving our people to? Are we trying to drive them to pauperism? Do we want them to have nothing? Until there is realistic thinking on this and several other problems I cannot see how we can survive.

There are some things in the Budget which I welcome. There is the free travel, military service pensions for widows, and benefits for deserted wives. These are supported by everybody. There is no sense in criticising such things when the people who get them are genuinely entitled to them. We should have liked larger benefits for those people.

Now I come to the benefits in this Budget for farmers. The Minister saw the light of day when he allowed an increase in the price of milk. I know a little about this because I supply milk. With costings rising through price and wage increases very little has gone into the producers' pockets. Surely at this stage of decimalisation the Minister could have given something better than an old penny, half a new penny. To my mind it is an insult to one of our major industries. I say that clearly to the Minister across the floor of the House at a time when we have not sufficient butter to supply our quotas. We have the beef incentive scheme not controlled but given to the ranchers. It should have been controlled. I appeal to the Minister not to pay the subsidies to any farmer with more than 20 cows. That would be one way of controlling it. I appealed earlier to have the subsidy given to the man in the west in respect of the first two cows. The Minister, however, can afford to give it to ranchers to go out of milk production. Of course they are delighted. They have no seven-day week, no labour problems. The milk producer has a seven-day week.

What has been done to make viable for EEC conditions the large number of small creameries and supply stations? How will they be able to compete in Common Market conditions? Do the Government do anything but follow England's lead? If the bank rate comes down in England we must follow. Have we some association with Britain? What was wrong with the Government three years ago that they did not seek membership of the Common Market on her own for Ireland? Why should we do only what England does? Had we got into the Common Market years before England we would have American and British industries here anxious to sell their products to Common Market countries. We slipped up. We refused to recognise our identity as a separate independent State. I have doubts if Britain will ever enter the EEC. We should have followed our own independent line without any consultation with Britain and as a result we would have benefited tremendously.

The Minister has given an allowance of £500,000 in respect of Grade A pigs. The Minister will not fool me or the pig producers. Pigs at the moment are going for more than 30s a cwt above the fixed price. The sum the Minister has allocated will never be paid. Does he think the pig producers have any intelligence? I would remind the Government never to underestimate the intelligence or the ability of farmers Another thing provided is an improvement of the small farm incentive bonus scheme. All new applicants under the scheme will get an increase of £25—from £50 to £75. Why has this not been given to everybody who availed of the scheme from the beginning? Only new applicants will get the increased rates and the people who have been doing the job are not to get any consideration.

The previous Deputy spoke on rural electrification. Money has not been provided for this, and this causes hardship in rural areas where people who are going into pig production and other production cannot get electricity. People in my county who built new houses could not get a Government grant. They had not got an ESB connection and therefore they could not pump water into the houses. Some of these people are asked to pay in the region of £600 as a special service charge for connection. As taxpayers they have contributed all their lives and surely no farmer should be asked to pay such a colossal service charge. It reminds me of a case I heard of, not in my own constituency——

I hope the Deputy is not going into detail. This would be a matter for the Estimate.

I am just saying that no money has been provided to make this service available for people who are anxious to go into production. This fact should be highlighted. The incentive now is towards not producing. This is why we have a colossal Budget and this is why we have inflation. In other words, if you have nothing you can avail of the amenities. If a person who is drawing unemployment benefit earns £3 10s per week on his farm, he is automatically deprived of unemployment benefit. In other words, he is told: "Do not produce and you will get the soft money." It is about time that we had realistic thinking in this country.

This Budget was prepared on the basis that an election may be called at any time. The people are completely dissatisfied. They do not know where they are. We have an unstable Government. Two years ago the people voted for stable Government and that is why Fianna Fáil got 75 seats over there. What type of Government have we today? Is it stable? There has been so much confusion in the past year that the people do not know where they are. The time has come for the people to be given a chance to decide what type of Government they want to run the country under Common Market conditions and bring it into Europe. They do not want a Government divided and with knives in each other's backs. If the Taoiseach had not wanted to hold on to power he would have gone to the country the moment he found that those Ministers were involved. Too much time was wasted in this House in discussing something that should never have happened instead of looking after the serious financial and unemployment problems that exist. There is too much talk in this House and outside it about contraception which should have the lowest priority——

Let us keep to the Budget.

We should be looking after the serious financial and unemployment problems that exist.

They could be related.

Perhaps. These are the problems that should be tackled. Yesterday Deputy de Valera clearly warned the Government party of the serious financial situation that exists. When Deputy Haughey was Minister for Finance he said that the country was in a serious financial situation. An election was called and everything was OK. Before this Budget, statements were made that we were £30 million in the red but when the Budget was being drawn up everything was OK. How can these contradictory statements be accepted by honest people? Do politicians believe that they can bluff the people? There must be law and order and when the Government make decisions they should not sidetrack or reverse them. Otherwise our financial situation will not be sound. I hope the Irish people will soon have an opportunity of deciding on a Government who will make honest decisions and deal with the serious problems that exist in an honest way, and not in such a disgraceful way as we have seen over the past 12 months or two years.

I am sorry if I moved away from the Budget but I must say that very little if anything has been done for the west of Ireland except to deprive the poor people of their unemployment benefit. We have suffered and I can assure the Minister and his party that the west of Ireland will let them know what they think of that when the opportunity arises.

Thank you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, for your courtesy in calling on me to speak. I am anxious to contribute to this debate and may I begin by reiterating that great things have happened in our time? I have been reading the concessions that were given in this Budget by the Minister for Finance. Some few months before the Budget was introduced I sat here and listened to debates on motions that were put down by the Opposition parties in relation to increases in social welfare benefits. Of course, each one of us on this side of the House is very anxious that the weaker sections of our people should benefit from each Budget but we are forced into the lobby by the play-acting of the Opposition.

I did a little amateur acting in my time but I had to give it up when I entered politics 27 years ago. However, the actions of the Opposition in relation to social welfare remind me of the play, The Merchant of Venice, where Shylock wanted his pound of flesh. The Opposition wanted us to give huge increases in social welfare benefits while, at the same time, they wanted no increase whatever in taxation. We all know that it is impossible to take the trousers off a Highlander because he does not wear one but the attitude of the Opposition was that we were to give everything out of nothing. This Government is a social, democratic and Christian one. We are anxious to give as much as possible from Exchequer funds. May I, at this point, go back a little in history and remind the House that we have had to depend, as a nation, on our resources and, when I say that we have come a long way in our time, I mean it. When we achieved independence we had to depend on the resources of the State. It will be no harm to put on the record of the House what Lloyd George stated behind the backs of our plenipotentiaries at the time of the signing of the Treaty: “We have given them the agricultural south and they shall never be able to carry on economically”. Recently we may have raised an odd loan but, so far as any worthwhile money is concerned, it came from the Irish people. Great advances have been made and are being made. When I came here there were no such benefits as widows' and orphans' pensions, children's allowances, allowances for those who are ill or any other allowances.

In the current Budget the old age contributory pension is being increased from October next from the present rate of £5 to £5.50 while the rate for a person with an adult dependant will be increased from £8.50 to £9.35. The widow's contributory pension is being increased by 50p to £5 while the widow's non-contributory pension and the deserted wife's allowance is being increased to £4.65. The children's allowance is being increased in respect of a contributory widow's pension to a uniform £1 per week for each child. The allowance for a pensioner and a dependent relative is being increased from the present rate of £7.65 to £8.40. The maternity allowance is being increased from £4.50 to £4.95. The reason I am referring to these increases is to emphasise what a Christian and socialist party like ours are anxious to do in so far as the resources of the nation can afford. I remember when there was a vote against increases for social welfare. I have here a list of the names of all those who voted against the increases but, being a man of great charity, I shall refrain from reading it now.

Good man.

How could anybody understand such a thing in this year of Our Lord——

When unfortunates are being asked to live on £5 a week.

I cannot understand how they could vote against such increases.

It is difficult to understand.

I regard myself as being a man of reasonable understanding but yet I cannot understand it. However, that is not all in so far as the increases in social welfare are concerned. I am only half way through yet. The old age non-contributory pension and the blind pension are being increased from £4.25 to £4.65. That was voted against too. Unemployment assistance——

Is that what they took away?

The Deputy is always very helpful. Unemployment assistance in urban areas is being increased from £3.60 to £3.95.

So it is not gone completely.

Thank you, Professor. I knew you would come in to help me out. Have I said, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, that the Opposition voted against all these increases?

Deputy Joe Lenehan voted against some of them, too.

The infectious diseases and maintenance allowance is being increased from £4.10 to £4.50. This was yet another of the social benefits that were introduced by Fianna Fáil but, believe it or not, the socialist members and other members of the Opposition voted against that too. Did you know that, Deputy Crowley?

I did not know there were socialists here.

I believe that I myself am a Christian socialist and that this is a Christian socialist party. That is why we are increasing all these allowances. These improvements will result in a cost of £3.1 million to the Exchequer.

I thought it was the people of Ireland——

Order. Deputy Burke, please.

Deputy O'Donovan came here to give me a hand and Deputy Tully is also most helpful. Notwithstanding these increases, very decent men on the other side of the House, a number of them very good personal friends of mine who would get up in the middle of the night to do a good turn, voted against these proposals. I cannot understand why they voted against the increases in social benefits. I should like to see the benefits trebled so that everybody would have a good slice of the national cake.

When I came here 27 years ago there was none of these benefits. The contributory old age pension was introduced and various other benefits such as the infectious diseases and the TB allowances. The latter was responsible for curing our people of TB more than anything else. Prior to that, when the breadwinner of a family was stricken, his wife and family had to depend on outdoor relief. This allowance gave the sufferer the reassurance that his wife and family would be looked after while he was being treated. These advances came in our time.

Come to income tax.

I am paying over £1,000 a year in income tax and if the Deputy could get it back for me I would bring him on a journey to Paris or somewhere.

The Deputy must be a good deal better off than the fellow on £500 a year who will be paying £10 more.

That is the position. I cannot do anything for myself.

The Deputy is not doing badly.

We are told we are doing nothing for the poor farmers. I come from old farming stock and I remember when there was no grant for anything. My father, God rest him, had to walk everything off the land—to put it that way—to give us an opportunity of going to school. It did not cost a great deal. At least, the people had backbone and pride in those days and were able to do something for themselves. They were not crying out that the Government were doing nothing although there were no Government grants of any kind in those days. The people carried on and the saying then was: "If we have a good harvest nobody will starve." Today the Government are blamed if the weather is bad, or too dry, or if snow comes.

I came from the West of Ireland where it was a struggle to exist but the people were proud and independent. There were no unemployment allowances, special allowances or anything else but anybody who had land worked that land. There is hardly a cabbage garden today in areas I knew in my childhood. Here, we are giving almost £100 million to agriculture.

The Government are taking it out of the taxpayers' pockets.

The Deputy is correct. I mean the Dáil is giving it. We are collectors and distributors.

Tax Collectors.

That is right. If I were to go back to Holy Scripture tax collectors were not very highly thought of.

Tax gatherers are not so highly thought of at present.

I should like the farmers to realise that the State is doing as much as possible for them and that the money comes from the taxpayers. We are doing anything we can to improve their position but resources are limited. Despite that, we have come a long way. The local improvements schemes allocation has been increased this year and all other free schemes associated with agriculture are operating for the farmers' benefit. I can go into details on another occasion; I want to speak generally here.

We have tried to get the best possible market for agricultural produce. I remember when we had nothing to export except agricultural products. In 1956-57 we were in that position when the Argentinians began sending boatloads of dead meat to Britain. They could send more frozen meat in one boat than we could sell in the Dublin market in one day and Dublin market was the key point then for Leinster. Our trade balance went completely wrong. Our tourist industry then was worth £1 million or less. When I came to the House it was minus £1 million. When the inter-Party Government came to office in 1948 their idea of building up our economy was to sell the trans-Atlantic aeroplanes. I am sorry to refer to this but I am comparing the economic outlooks prevailing at the time. May God rest the man we buried last week, the late Seán Lemass. There should be a monument to him. I hope he will never be forgotten. As Minister for Industry and Commerce he did more to build up our economy than anybody I know. He was backed by the Fianna Fáil Government.

I remember speaking about tourism in 1944. We were told we were anxious to bring in strangers to eat our food instead of giving it to the people and that our hotels were white elephants. The reason I mention these things is to show how short-sighted these economic policies were. I remember listening to a personal friend of mine—the Lord have mercy on him, he is not here to defend himself and I am not going to say anything about him—giving out about our tourist industry but when he became a Minister he opened a holiday camp on the borders of my constituency and he said the tourist industry was the greatest thing that ever happened. Tempora mutantur, nos et mutumur in illis. He changed his mind on moving from one side of the House to the other.

He was not the only one who did that over the years. If the Deputy wants to go back he should go back to Frank Aiken and the sinking of the ships, "the British market has gone for ever, thank God", and all those things.

Let us talk about white elephants.

And the Shannon Scheme.

I am only dealing with economics. Deputy Tully can make his own speech in his own time. Has Deputy Tully spoken? I like to listen to him. These are the economic facts with which we were faced. It is no use hiding our heads in the sand. We have all made mistakes. My life has been a series of mistakes. During the collapse of the 1956-57 inter-Party Government we had to depend for our balance of payments on agriculture. I was big enough to give the reason for the collapse of that inter-Party Government.

Our industrial arm, which is due in no small measure to the late Seán Lemass, is competing in the export market reasonably well with our agricultural arm. We have come a long way. Our tourist industry has grown from less than £1 million in my time to almost £100 million today. These are the advances we have to consider. Our main concern is to ensure that our balance of payments is reasonably good because the balance of payments is the criterion of the wealth of any country.

It is not too good at the moment.

I was reading a report the other day about the balance of payments position in America and they are thousands of millions of dollars out.

Are they doing very well?

When a country is at war—I am referring to my adviser the Professor of Economics—the economics of that country go sky high but they seem to be able to carry on fighting and to get money for everything.

(Cavan): When a government is at war it is worse.

It is a mini-war.

Did the Deputy compliment the Minister yet?

I did that before Deputy Cluskey came in but if the Deputy likes I will repeat it.

Please do.

Despite the amount of money which has been spent on local improvements schemes, water and sewerage schemes and on housing some Deputies say more houses are needed. Of course we need more and more houses and more industries as the population increases. We are then told that certain industries have failed but if we had not taken a chance and started industries and encouraged people by giving them grants to come in and start industries we would not be where we are today.

Blackwater Cottons was closed down last night. That was set up by the first inter-Party Government.

Will Deputy O'Donovan allow the Deputy to make his speech?

I am helping him.

Deputy O'Donovan is over-helpful. He has admitted that an industry which was started when he was Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach——

To the Government.

——has failed. He has proved my point that a Government have to take chances, but one cannot be a success all the time. I had to take a chance myself when I went up for election 27 years ago, I did not know whether I would be elected or not, but by chance I was elected to this House.

It is not a matter of chance any longer.

The Deputy is a good bet now.

We hope that our industrialists who have the opportunity of competing in the world market and exporting to it will be of great advantage to us when we go into the EEC. Some members of the Opposition, especially members of the Labour Party, do not think we should go into the EEC. As I have stated before if we do not go into the EEC we will build a wall around our country. We have had the experience of trying to build a wall around ourselves but it got us nowhere. Just as no individual or family, however independent they feel they are, can exist without neighbours, so no country can exist without neighbours.

The Deputy wants to sell out, is that it? There are one quarter of a million workers in the light industries—throw them out of work.

Not at all.

I shall take up the Professor now because he has given me another lead.

The Deputy might address the Chair instead of the Professor.

May I apologise——

I will forgive Deputy Burke.

——for my indiscretion in addressing the Professor before I addressed the Chair. I apologise humbly. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are going to sell out, they are going to go into the EEC, they are going to do this, that and the other. Every man voted into this Parliament, no matter what side of the House he is on, is nationalist first. No man will be so cowardly as to betray his own. We had many who betrayed our country in the past. For 700 years our history was not a very happy one. Ignoring what happened in the past, if Britain goes into the EEC, then we must also go in. We had some small experience of what can happen when one is on the outside. When our Minister for Agriculture tried to sell 2,000 cattle to Germany he could not do so because Brussels would not allow Germany to buy cattle from us.

Is that what the Germans said?

It was to East Germany we were selling them, not the Federal Republic.

So far as I know, it was the Federal Republic. I am just stating facts. There was a very heavy levy of something between £60 and £100 on each beast. The learned professor of economics is here and I bow to his greater intelligence. He tells us we should build a wall around Ireland, should not trade with any other country, should take no tourists. We have the agitators on the streets who have cures for all our ills. They, like us, could have gone before the people and made their case. They did not do so. Both the major parties in this House, after serious and mature consideration, are in favour of our joining the Common Market. There are, of course, certain disadvantages in joining, but nothing is perfect in this world and we are not supernatural beings. The professor is a man of great understanding and I am anxious to convert him to my way of thinking. This is an opportunity I should not like to lose. A great deal of the destructive propaganda is sinking in: there will be a lot of unemployment.

I am glad to hear the Deputy admit that.

I am repeating what is being said in the public houses.

I am glad to hear it is sinking in.

A propagandist is a fellow who will go into a pub and sway the people if he is a bit of a talker. The mob outside the House knows everything and we only know a few things.

(Cavan): Do not be too hard on them. You may have to be appealing to them before long.

God forbid.

Deputy Fitzpatrick is trying to help me. If Britain and all the others go in, and we do not go in, what will our position be? What will our position be as far as the tourist industry is concerned?

How will it affect our tourist industry?

What will our position be where industrial and agricultural exports are concerned? We will have thousands upon thousands of unemployed.

Back to the same old story.

It is not the same old story. It is economic isolation. The United States of America adopted an isolationist policy. They thought they could go it alone. A great country, but their politicians and their leaders thought there was no need for them to depend on any other country. When Pearl Harbour was attacked they found they could not go it alone. They had a rude awakening and that is why they now have their forces in the eastern hemisphere. They realise now that no country, even a great nation like the United States, can go it alone.

The inter-Party Government tried to build a wall around this country when they sold our aeroplanes.

They made a bit of money on them.

They did, to the great disadvantage of the Irish nation; we lost many golden years as a result of that decision. Possibly another government would have made the same mistake. History has proved that decision wrong.

(Cavan): History has proved many decisions wrong, a good few that were made in the 'Thirties.

I agree. I do not say all our decisions were the right decisions. We were always big enough to admit when we made wrong decisions. We are dealing now with an international problem and I appeal to the Labour Party to adopt a more practical approach and not to mislead the people.

The Deputy is preaching a different gospel today from that which the Fianna Fáil party used to preach.

I do not follow the Deputy, but I am always anxious to learn.

(Cavan): There is no man better able to teach than the professor.

Have Fianna Fáil abandoned all their beliefs?

I wish the Deputy would abandon his remarks.

If the Labour Party have an alternative to entry to the Common Market I would be very grateful to know what that alternative is. I will go futher and make a collection to build a monument to the man who provides the alternative. I am sure my colleagues would subscribe generously.

This is a vital issue, perhaps the most vital issue we have ever had to face. Constructive criticism is always helpful. Destructive criticism does nobody any good. I appeal to the Labour Party to adopt a practical approach. I appeal to them not to mislead the people by telling them that there will be mass unemployment. If we do not go in there will be mass unemployment and fewer employment opportunities. I have given the example of the United States which tried to adopt an isolationist policy. These are the matters that deeply concern us.

To get the people's minds off the fissure in Fianna Fáil. They have been successful now for 12 months at that game.

Report lack of progress.

When I am dealing with a very serious national problem I am a little disappointed that Deputy Dr. O'Donovan should be so frivolous.

The Deputy has been frivolous for a long time.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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