In any case, I do not believe that those who participated in last Sunday's march and meeting and those who witnessed the indiscriminate shooting will give any support or evidence to any British commission of inquiry. The reports of other British commissions neither satisfied nor convinced the minority and the only way in which to ascertain the facts is through a commission of inquiry composed of representatives of countries which cannot be said to be in any degree partial one way or the other. The underlying principle of any tribunal of inquiry should simply be that the British Government is accused and the British Government cannot, therefore, be the prosecutor. If, however, the British Government persists in its refusal to agree to an international commission of inquiry, then I say our Government should establish its own commission of inquiry so that a balanced and comprehensive report can be made to inform world opinion of what really happened in Derry. The world will not get this from a purely British tribunal but it can get it if our own Government established a parallel judicial inquiry to that of the British.
Today, the British press has almost totally accepted the British Army version of what happened: three bullets killed 13 people. This distortion must be exposed.
Thirdly, our peace-keeping forces in Cyprus should be completely withdrawn in order that they may be able to engage in peace-keeping duties at home. It is cynical that we should be engaged in peace-keeping operations in Cyprus whilst the British Army, who entered the Six Counties as an alleged peace-keeping force, are now seen to be acting in the role of oppressors. Our present Army strength must be augmented.
Lastly, we will support the Taoiseach's proposal to give immediate financial assistance to the Social Democratic and Labour Party and other political organisations in the North which have as their aim the immediate achievement of civil rights and the reunification of our country. My party has a special relationship with the Social Democratic and Labour Party. We have a deep admiration for the strength of character they have shown in this hour of crisis. They, as we do, reject any form of violence as a solution. They deserve the moral and financial support of this House and of our people.
As for the Unionist Government, it must go immediately. I must admit to a sense of despair when I address myself to that quarter for, in the past, the members of that Government have shown themselves totally deaf and indifferent to voices from this side of the Border. In fact, one could say they have been positively hostile to what they regard as outside interference. In the name of sanity, humanity and reason I ask the British Government to do the following: it should abolish Stormont forthwith, as my party requested the British Labour Government to do in August, 1969. Stormont is distintegrating anyway as can be seen from the splits and factions within the Unionist Party itself. It has been abundantly clear since August, 1969, that Stormont was prepared to use every device to block the granting of civil rights to the minority there. The Unionist Party showed in the debate that they were prepared to deny these rights by every legal trick—by, if necessary, resorting to physical methods in order to maintain the superiority of the Unionist Party and the privilege and patronage that go with support for that party and that regime.
The advent of the Tory Government in Britain has made the task of Stormont infinitely easier in this respect because the Tories have demonstrated their willingness to use the forces of the Crown as the military arm of Unionism rather than as a peace-keeping force which could contribute to a situation leading to a political solution. Mr. Heath, apparently, thinks he is operating back in the nineteenth century; he believes the might of the British Army is sufficient to crush the aspirations of people to live a free life with equality of rights. In this he is absolutely mistaken. If he continues to permit Stormont to exist for one more week it is positive proof that he is prepared to permit a sectarian regime to continue, a regime which cynically manipulates power so as to deny one section of the community the civil rights which the same Mr. Heath so proudly proclaims as being the basis of the British way of life.
Thirdly, the demand of the Social, Democratic and Labour Party for the ending of internment without trial as a precondition of political talks must be granted forthwith. Lord Balneil admitted last night on television that the position had drastically deteriorated since the introduction of internment without trial. This admission is shared publicly by many of the Tory Party in Britain and privately by members of the Unionist Government in Stormont. Everybody admits that internment was the turning point but Lord Balneil last night defended the policy which has led directly to the deaths of nearly 150 people by stating that they could not let loose bombers and murderers. But these men were at liberty before internment when he admits that the situation was not as bad as it became immediately after internment. If he believes these men to be bombers and murderers why does he not test this in any court of law?
We oppose internment without trial on two counts: first, because we are against internment without trial in principle and believe that if any man breaks the law he should be charged immediately, and that includes those responsible for British Army behaviour in Derry last Sunday; secondly, because it is an obstacle to political talks, an obstacle which the minority will not remove since they did not put it there. The Stormont Government put it there and so long as it remains people will die. If the British Government want peace they should end internment because it prevents men of peace from participating in talks that could produce peace.
Fourthly, the Social Democratic and Labour Party have long been calling for the withdrawl of the British forces from the mainly Catholic areas where, in the words of their party leader, Gerry Fitt, these forces have been nothing more than a provocation to the minority. Their very presence has been, on occasion, a contributing factor to violence and loss of life, as was seen by millions of television viewers last Sunday in Derry. They have humiliated and brutalised the minority; they have lost all credibility as a peace-keeping force. They are regarded as nothing more than a latterday B Special force, and just as that body had to be withdrawn from Derry in August, 1969, so today the British Army must be withdrawn in a similar fashion.
Specifically and immediately I say to the British Government—this is my fifth point—the British paratroopers should be withdrawn totally from Northern Ireland and sent back to England where they should be confined to barracks. Anybody with elementary knowledge of military forces knows that they are the antithesis of peacekeepers: they are skilled and highly-trained killers who know nothing about police work or crowd control except to shoot and beat those who get in their way. The very fact that Mr. Heath allowed these particular troops to be used in the highly-charged situation of last Sunday demonstrates how totally out of touch he is with the situation. Send these troops home immediately; indeed, send all British troops out of the North of Ireland as soon as possible.
The Civil Rights Association has announced its intention to proceed with a peaceful march on Sunday in Newry in a just demand for civil rights. It must not be interfered with. This is a peaceful demonstration for a just cause by a deprived people and must be totally distinguished from those Orange marches such as the Apprentice Boys, which are nothing more than provocative demonstrations of power and superiority. The whole world will be watching Newry next Sunday. The British Government must not allow its name to be written once more in blood in the world's headlines.
One last point for Mr. Heath: yesterday my party conveyed to Mr. Harold Wilson, leader of the British Opposition, the sense of revulsion felt by the entire population here at the killings in Derry last Sunday. I say from these benches in this House to the British Government that they should be aware of it also. They are dealing with an enraged people. Powerful emotions have been unloosed that could destroy us all. If the British Government have any intention of reaching a just solution, of restoring Anglo-Irish relations, then I say they should put those responsible for last Sunday's killings on trial for murder. If the American Army faced up to its moral responsibilities in dealing with its My Lai, then the British should do the same in respect of Derry. I hope even at this late hour Mr. Heath and his Government will listen to voices of sanity from this side of the Border.
These are my views on this terrible and immediate crisis. The need of the moment is action with immediate answers such as I have outlined. They will contribute to the solution but will not solve the whole question of unity.
Lastly, I say to all our people and all our public representatives and all Members of Dáil and Seanad Éireann: we must prepare the country for unification and be prepared to make the changes and the sacrifices which up to now we have been unwilling to make. Our Constitution needs to be changed; our whole economic and social system needs to be changed and our legal code needs to be changed. In these matters, therefore, this House must give the lead if it wants to retain the confidence of the people. We must show courage and not alone courage but honesty if we are to retain public respect. Let us begin now.
The Dáil adjourned at 3.50 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 3rd February, 1972.
