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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 26 Jul 1974

Vol. 274 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Vote 3: Department of the Taoiseach (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £157,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the period commencing on the 1st day of April, 1974, and ending on the 31st day of December, 1974, for the salaries and expenses of the Department of the Taoiseach.—(The Taoiseach).

Deputy J. Lynch referred yesterday to the three or four years' period between the starting and the completion of new houses. He seemed to think that the 25,000 houses built last year were as a result of good planning by Fianna Fáil. I must disillusion Deputy J. Lynch. In regard to local authority houses we exceeded the target for last year. The so-called good planning of the previous Government based on the amount of money they had allocated for 1973-74 would have given 5,400 houses and would have allowed only the start of the building of a similar number of local authority houses in 1974-75. I do not see how Deputy J. Lynch can claim that his Government were responsible for 6,500 houses. We injected another £5 million in order to obtain the maximum number of completions possible in 1973-74.

The position is that the good planning of Deputy Lynch is, therefore, shown up in its true light: you get the production you are willing to pay for. Deputy Lynch's party was happy to pay for about 1,140 local authority houses less than the figure achieved by us and with nearly 2,600 houses in progress less than our present programme. The low cost housing scheme was included in the proposals so we gained all round on the housing front by the change of Government.

Deputy Lynch did not seem to understand the position with regard to private housing. He said that if good planning resulted in getting the balance of the houses, why was it necessary for us to take emergency action, within three months of taking office. Why was it necessary to increase the amount which the previous Government had proposed to allocate to local authority loans by £5 million and later by £2 million and introduce a new and unprecedented subsidy to the building societies. In October we had to make a further £6 million available to the building societies. This Government provided the money, planned the houses and got the houses. Fianna Fáil would have produced a lot less if they has remained in office.

One of the biggest costs in building is the cost of land. My predecessor set up an organisation which sets the price of houses and issues a certificate of reasonable value for any scheme of more than four houses built. There are complaints about delays. One builder has threatened that he will not bother looking for a certificate of value but will sell his houses outside. This is because we are not prepared to give certificates of reasonable value for houses which are grossly overpriced. If any builder is foolish enough to pay fantastic amounts for building sites then we can only expect that the price of the houses will be much more than they should be. How anybody can afford to buy a house when the site costs £5,000 or £6,000 beats me.

Deputy Brennan talked about holding up the notification of prices until after local elections. That did not happen during the time of Fianna Fáil because for seven years the local elections were not held. I am sure if they were still in office they would find an excuse for putting the local elections off for another year.

I have changed considerably many proposals which Deputy Molloy put in with regard to local authorities. He was going to do away with 71 local authorities and that was stopped. He must have realised that that would not be the right thing to do because it was left on the shelf collecting dust. He did not do anything to bring it into operation. I made it clear that I did not accept undemocratic proposals. I want a democratic local government and I will see that it is brought into operation. I will carry out the programme and hold it as a priority that power must be vested in the people, local government must be truly democratic and relevant to their needs. That is the basis on which I am working. I have a discussion document which I circulated. It has thrown up quite interesting proposals and I intend to do something about it as quickly as possible.

I restored Dublin City Corporation and Bray Urban Council at the first opportunity. I am glad the local elections have restored them permanently. I changed the electoral law. While Fianna Fáil had got a referendum which gave authority to vote at 18, they brought in no legislation to allow it. The general election was fought under the 21-year law for some extraordinary reason. We changed that and now the 18-year-olds and over are entitled to vote and stand for local election.

I also introduced the postal vote. There have been many complaints about postal voting but there were areas where there were no complaints at all. While I am prepared to agree that the postal voting is not perfect, at the same time I consider it had to be introduced. It was the democratic right of the people who could not normally go to a booth to vote. I propose to introduce extra safeguards to ensure that in future it will be carried out more satisfactorily.

I would now like to discuss rates. The question of local authority finance was considered by Fianna Fáil over and over again during their 16 years in office but they did nothing about it. A White Paper issued in 1972 offered no relief to ratepayers and rates were to continue as they were and health charges would remain a burden on the rates.

When the 14-point programme was introduced, Fianna Fáil panicked and made all sorts of rash promises about rates. In fact, they repudiated their own White Paper which had been issued recently—the ink was scarcely dry—and substituted something else which they concocted overnight. Within a few weeks of the change of government we proceeded to transfer the costs of health charges and local authority housing charges from the rates to the Exchequer. If the Government had not made this decision ratepayers would be paying an extra £1.70 in the £ on average this year. In 1972-73 the total contribution from rates to these services was £43.2 million representing approximately 44 per cent of the total levy. In April-December the contribution had been cut down to £16.2 million, in 1975 it will be £10.8 million, in 1976 it will be £5.4 million and from January, 1977, it will not be on the rates at all. This shows what effective Government can do.

As a result of a Government decision last May ratepayers have been relieved of the burden of malicious injury to property which, in the opinion of the chief superintendent of the area, is caused by explosives and as a result of disturbances in the North. This is now met by the Exchequer. The Dáil voted £1 million for this purpose, if the money is needed this year. When these facts are examined Fianna Fáil must feel very uneasy about the rates policy which existed during their 16 years in office. I am sorry if Deputy Brennan does not like us harking back, but if it is there it must be said. I have changed considerably the idea of planning. I am still prepared and will insist on the protection of the environment and the country from indiscriminate planning. I have proved that I will not allow the wealthy to do things that the ordinary person is not allowed to do.

What about Whiddy Island?

I do not know who owns the island. The only thing I am interested in there is industry. Maybe Deputy Molloy does not like industry?

That is the problem with this Government. There is no overall plan for this area.

There is no overall plan for anything, but I will not allow the wealthy to do what the poor cannot do. I have told local authorities that when they talk about spoiling the rural beauty of the countryside by allowing a man to build a house for his family, that I believe they are talking rot. A nice house, well built, beautifies the countryside rather than destroys its appearance. For that reason I will continue to allow people who want to build houses—single or groups of houses—in rural areas if they do not seriously offend and I will do everything possible to ensure that they will have permission to do so.

On a point of order, do I understand that Fianna Fáil's concluding speaker concludes at 3 o'clock and the concluding speaker for the Government at 4? It is now almost 1.50. The next speaker will have 45 minutes. When will I get a chance to speak?

Acting Chairman

The position is that there is a firm arrangement that an Opposition speaker will start at 3 o'clock and the Government speaker will conclude. The time is very limited between now and the 3 o'clock deadline. While I have some sympathy for the Deputy this is the first occasion since I came in that he indicated he wanted to speak.

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle——

Acting Chairman

The Deputy must not interrupt. I am bound by the rules. If a Deputy offers I must call him in his turn.

Perhaps if I were to take up all the time allotted to me I could probably finish before 2.35.

Acting Chairman

If the Deputy would co-operate we could manage to give Deputy Blaney a limited amount of time.

I suggest that even if I did take all my time Deputy Blaney would still have 25 minutes to make his contribution.

My understanding was that the Adjournment Debate which started yesterday was to last for two days. I was not informed that other matters would intervene. Time has already been taken today from it. The time I had been promised was taken up by the last Motion. I am not reflecting in any way upon rulings of the Chair but I understand that I can, and could be, called at any time after a speaker from both sides has spoken. As Deputy O'Kennedy has indicated, if there are 70 minutes left——

Acting Chairman

Will the Deputy resume his seat? If Deputy O'Kennedy is co-operative Deputy Blaney will have at least 25 minutes. Will he be satisfied with that?

With 25 minutes?

Acting Chairman

Yes, or perhaps a little more.

No. I am not satisfied with 25 minutes but I will settle for 35.

Acting Chairman

I regret there is nothing I can do for the Deputy. He may be dissatisfied but that is not my fault.

We have already spent five minutes arguing.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy is confined to time.

That is the point.

Acting Chairman

This is a general agreement and the Chair is bound to observe that rule.

As I understand it, after a speaker from both sides has made his contribution I can make my contribution. That has been the situation up to this.

Acting Chairman

That depends on the panel of speakers and the pressure on the panel.

No it does not.

Acting Chairman

Yes, it does.

I respectfully submit that it does not.

Acting Chairman

If the Deputy is casting——

May I——

Acting Chairman

The Deputy will please resume his seat.

I want to put my position on record——

Acting Chairman

I have explained to the Deputy that in normal times if there is not pressure on the panel——

I want to say——

Acting Chairman

We are tied to time in this case and, therefore, the Chair is tied to time. When the next speaker has finished the Deputy will have the rest of the time at his disposal.

I want to put this on record as a point of order——

Acting Chairman

A list can be lost and——

On a point of order, I submit for the record that I am entitled to speak after——

Acting Chairman

That is not a point of order——

——a speaker from the Government and a speaker from the Opposition have spoken. That has been supported by the Ceann Comhairle and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle on every debate.

Acting Chairman

In case the Deputy may be under a misapprehension, the Chair is in command here. I may call on any speaker. There is nothing any Deputy can do about that.

I could not care less what the Chair says at this stage. I want it to be clearly understood that the precedent has been set by the Ceann Comhairle and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle that when a speaker——

Acting Chairman

A speaker has been called and I do not want his time wasted.

I do not want my time wasted either.

Acting Chairman

There is nothing I can do about that.

I was in this House yesterday listening to the two main speakers which is more than can be said for the speaker who——

Acting Chairman

I am calling Deputy O'Kennedy.

As I said I will endeavour to——

I am sorry about that, Deputy O'Kennedy.

I appreciate that but we have already spent over five minutes which has cut down on both our times.

I know, but principles are principles.

Acting Chairman

Principles are being upheld here.

I respectfully submit that they are not.

The Leader of the Opposition highlighted some aspects of this Government's performance and general attitude in his address yesterday. He spoke about the facility which this Government have to project an image of great capacity and action by their public relations activities. He contrasted that with their total inability to act decisively and positively in any problem areas or, indeed, in identifying areas of concern where they should be laying plans for the future rather than reacting to the immediate problems as they emerge.

I want to consider another aspect of this Government which may be at the root of the two characteristics which our leader referred to yesterday. A lack of communication between the various Ministers of this Government is very obvious, and in particular between the Taoiseach and his Ministers. For my opening text I am indebted to a report of the Minister for Industry and Commerce's contribution yesterday which appeared in The Irish Times this morning. He said:

Deputy Keating described the Taoiseach as a fair man, a just Chairman but one of whom it could be said that he did not speak much to people—perhaps, not enough to his colleagues in the Labour Party and little to his colleagues in Fine Gael.

This is in stark contrast with the principles of open government which we were told this Government would introduce and which would characterise all their actions. The significant phrase is "not enough to his colleagues in the Labour Party and little to his colleagues in Fine Gael". The implication there which has been confirmed by recent experience is that the Taoiseach speaks a little to his Labour Party colleagues and very little to his Fine Gael colleagues. While many of us could have reasonably anticipated differences of attitude and principle between the various Labour and Fine Gael Members, what could not have been expected was the significant difference of attitude between some Fine Gael members and the Fine Gael Taoiseach. Therefore, it is not just a clash between the different characteristics in a Coalition Government but a clash within the party itself. I hope to highlight some significant differences which have emerged within the major party of this Coalition, all of them involving the Taoiseach and, for that reason, involving constitutional democracy and putting at great risk the national interest.

One might ask how much the Taoiseach was involved in the consultations which gave rise to the 14-point programme on which the present Coalition Government rose so merrily and freely into office. We know the Minister for Foreign Affairs was involved. He is a man who always likes to reach a consensus with the liberal left in the Labour Party or any other section. He is consistent. Perhaps the Minister for Finance was involved in those late night discussions in this House which gave birth to the 14-point programme. I wonder to what extent the Taoiseach gave sanction to the principles of open government or to the announcement of the wealth tax and other taxes which are now being diluted by the Government? We know that certain Ministers were involved in these issues but when we hear the statements made in regard to the wealth and capital gains tax and then see a climb-down on these proposals, a climb-down which could be consistent with the Taoiseach's attitude at all times, we are entitled to ask whether the Taoiseach was as silent then as he has been recently on many matters of major importance affecting our national policy.

We have the stark contrast of what seems to be open government being led by a silent and close-minded Taoiseach. During the debate that took place during the lifetime of the last Dáil on the introduction of the Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act, I can recall the now Taoiseach seconding what was called a reasoned amendment that had been put down by the then spokesman on Justice for Fine Gael, Deputy Cooney. At that time the media pointed out what was an obvious difference in the approach of the now Taoiseach and the then spokesman on Justice for the Opposition who was greatly concerned about what he referred to as a reprehensible piece of legislation which in every way, he said, was infringing on basic human rights. Deputy Cosgrave in seconding the proposal of his own spokesman did not deal with that aspect of it at all. Perhaps that was a sign of things to come, a sign of a difference of view between Deputy Cosgrave and Deputy Cooney, a difference of view that has been highlighted all too clearly in the course of the last year.

Was it significant, too, that because of this difference of view the Minister for Justice, according to reports, was the last person to be appointed to the Cabinet and, apparently, was not offered the post until minutes before the Taoiseach came in here to announce his Cabinet? Was that an indication of a lack of communication between the Taoiseach and his Minister for Justice? It would appear to have been the second stage in this lack of communication between the two.

In more recent times there has been a glaring example of this lack of consultation, lack of discussion and of any consistent approach. I refer to the Taoiseach having said emphatically in this House that the Government would not issue a statement on the events surrounding what we might call the Gaughan funeral in Dublin, Mullingar and Ballina. That was about a month ago. However, within one hour of the Taoiseach having said that, his Minister for Justice gave a Press briefing within the precincts of this House on the very same issue but when, the following day, I asked the Taoiseach if he could explain why, in the light of what he had said, the Minister for Justice had made a statement to the Press, I was informed simply in the rather typically curt way of the Taoiseach that the matter did not arise on the Order of Business. It may not have arisen on the Order of Business on that day but, certainly, it arises on the Taoiseach's Estimate today.

It is obvious that on that occasion either the Minister for Justice was not aware of what the Taoiseach was saying or that the Taoiseach was not aware of what was the Minister's view but if they were so aware, as they should have been, it follows that neither gave any care or consideration to the statement made in this House and that the statement made by the Minister was not only in contempt of this House but was a clear indication that he and his Taoiseach were at odds on a matter of some significance for this country. They were at odds in ways that could have been anticipated from their previous associations together. More recent events have highlighted this state of affairs further. In this context I shall use as an illustration what I shall refer to briefly as the Contraceptives Bill.

As he was entitled to do the Minister for Justice presented that Bill to the House as being a Government Bill—that is, if it was a Government Bill—and it is obvious from the statements he made in relation to that Bill that he assumed it was indeed a Government Bill. It was evident that he had not got any indication from the Government meetings at which this measure must have been discussed, that the Leader of the Government held a different view. Had he had such an indication he could hardly have said, as reported at column 289 of the Official Report for 4th July, 1974, that:

Those who oppose this Bill are in effect in favour of the availability of contraceptives without let or hindrance to all ages and groups without distinction of sex or marital status. Yet these same people pose and hold themselves out as the protectors of the morals of the nation. Surely they must see the contradiction of their position. I suspect some of them do ....

All of us can be wise on hindsight but one has a certain sympathy for a Minister who makes statements of that sort which at the time might seem to be very reasonable from his point of view and which he could back up with his own arguments. I might say at this point that while I did not agree with the Minister in his arguments on that Bill, I agreed in principle with him. One sees the stark reality of a Taoiseach allowing his Minister not only to introduce a Bill but to comment on the attitude of those who would oppose it and to imply that those who would so oppose it would be holding themselves out as the protectors of the morals of the nation although, in effect, by their action they would be in favour of allowing contraceptives to be imported and sold without let or hindrance.

On the 16th July, as reported at column 1254 of the Official Report the Minister said:

The fact that we in Fine Gael and our friends in the Labour Party both at our annual conferences debated this issue and got a mandate from our respective constituency parties has been an encouragement and is something that the Opposition could have done with at their Ard-Fheis earlier this year.

If Fine Gael and Labour did get a mandate, as claimed by the Minister, is the Leader of the Government bound by that mandate? Obviously, the Minister for Justice thought so but it is clear that he did not have an opportunity of consulting with the Taoiseach on this important issue not only of social justice but of other elements also. There is a significant criticism by the Minister of those who did not speak during the course of the debate and as he said, of the attitude of those who would shelter behind the conscience of others. I quote from column 1261 of the Official Report for 16th July, 1974:

... possibly those who spoke were, as I say, in a minority, and the majority of Fianna Fáil are still running scared in front of this issue afraid to face up to a public statement of their collective party position on whether or not contraceptives should be available as a natural right for married couples, running scared and finding themselves possibly taking refuge in the consciences of some Members on this side.

If this could be taken as a criticism of Members who so conducted themselves, is it not even more true of the leader of the Government who allowed the Minister to come to the House with the Bill and to make statements of this nature with all its implications? Is this not a clear indication of the lack of consultation and communication and, even more, a lack of personal confidence which is vital to public political confidence between the Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice?

Everyone recognised that it was a Government Bill. In the debate on the Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act, it might be worth remembering the comment of Deputy Cooney at that time. After the events of that day, the bombings in Dublin and the attitude of his leader, after what must have been for Deputy Cooney a personally harrowing and frustrating evening, he said: "I have learned a bitter political lesson today." I think he has learned the lesson even more since that time. The trouble is that while he is learning that lesson, which seems to be caused by a basic lack of trust and communication between him and his leader, the country and constitutional democracy are suffering a grave and serious blow.

There were also some other gems in the contributions of other Ministers during the recent debate. At column 915 of the Official Report of 11th July, 1974, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs said:

Deputies opposite have attacked me for not being prepared to say that I was working for unity in present circumstances. Those who reproached me for that are now themselves actively working against unity, if they bring about the defeat of this Bill.

I want to ask the Taoiseach if he is actively working against unity because he played a bigger part than anyone in bringing about the defeat of the Bill. Does the Minister believe the Taoiseach is actively working against unity, particularly when we consider what he said with regard to those who would oppose the Bill at column 916 of the Official Report:

By doing so they will, among other things, be treating with contempt the pleas for freedom of conscience from the Protestant nominations, thus offering a deliberate and calculated affront to those without whose free consent the unity of the people of this island will never be attainable.

Is the Taoiseach to be numbered among those who are treating these people with contempt? Is he to be numbered among those who are offering a deliberate and calculated affront to those people?

It is obvious that the Ministers had no consultation or communication with their leader on this important issue. If that could happen on such a question, we must accept it is happening in other areas also. This is a matter of grave concern not just for the Coalition Government and for Fine Gael; it is a matter of grave concern for Parliamentary democracy, the constitutional responsibility of government and for the nation.

While I acknowledge the integrity of purpose of the Minister for Foreign Affairs when he made the statement I shall quote later, it is evident he had no way of knowing that his leader was to act as he did. This comes through very clearly in the brief paragraph I shall quote. At column 1059 of the Official Report of 11th July, 1974, he said:

Any embarrassment in the defeat of the Bill will rest on the other side of the House. We will have done our best to bring in legislation.

Events have shown that whatever embarrassment we may have suffered it was nothing in comparison with the embarrassment suffered by the Ministers in the Government. While the arguments in favour of the Bill could be considered at length, the significant thing was that speaker after speaker from the Government came into the House on the clear understanding that the Taoiseach was supporting the Bill. I would refer the House to the speech made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach who should be in the confidence of the Taoiseach. At column 327 of the Official Report dated 4th July, 1974, he said:

Certainly if we, on this side, have anywhere some little lily liver who is afraid that he might offend the nuns here or the nuns there if he was to vote for this Bill but has no convictions in his heart about it one way or the other, if he stays out, I will lay the lash across him and I will try to discover beforehand how many of these there are and they certainly will get no mercy so far as I am concerned.

I presume the Parliamentary Secretary was most offended by what happened; I think this was proved by correspondence subsequently. However, my concern is not for the personal embarrassment of the Minister for Justice, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach or the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. My concern is for the fact that there is no communication in the Government on important matters. I am concerned that the silence of the Taoiseach, which is being promoted as a form of strength, is somehow a defence mechanism of the Taoiseach around the Government table. When the free and liberal persuasion of the articulate ones is presented on various arguments, the Taoiseach's only answer appears to be to stay silent, not being competent enough to present his argument against theirs, and then to use the ultimate sanction by coming into the House, still silent, and acting according to his own independent mind and conscience. I agree that from the personal point of view he is entitled to do this but he is not so entitled from the point of view of constitutional responsibility.

Deputy Thornley is not the only one on the Government side who can complain that the Taoiseach does not salute him in the corridors or does not talk to him. That is only a personal problem for Deputy Thornley. I would like to be assured that the Taoiseach talks freely and trusts the Minister for Justice and vice versa; that he has the same confidence in his Minister for Foreign Affairs and vice versa. I should like to be assured that they agree on where they are going in the direction of the Government's policy. For that matter, I should like to be assured that the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs has the same attitude towards the Taoiseach and vice versa. How can we expect to make any progress in any area whether we are talking about Northern Ireland, the economy of social concern, such as that Bill, or otherwise, as long as there is this lack of fundamental constitutional communication, one might call it, within this Government?

I might ask also to what extent the Taoiseach is in fact the author of some of the statements that have been put into his month from time to time. The Taoiseach has been noted particularly for having a facility for silence in reaction to what one might call spontaneous questions and equally a facility for reading into the record in some great detail prepared texts such as the speech which he made here yesterday which showed little imagination, little flair and which, as has been indicated, was by any interpretation a flat speech which showed no confidence and little determination.

That Taoiseach said in another statement which he made in this House on 14th March—the very first day of this Government—and this probably represents about one-third of his statement on that day:

I should say that it is proposed after the Government are appointed——

after the Government are appointed

——to examine and consider the possibility of creating Ministers of State who are not Members of the Government.

I know from statements made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs for some time before he came into Government that that represents his views, for probably good and justifiable reasons.

I wonder to what extent that statement from the Taoiseach represents the advice, direction or somehow an assertion from the Minister for Foreign Affairs on that occasion because the Taoiseach who told us that then has done nothing whatever since. He did not have to say that on 14th March, 1973, if it was not his own convinced policy, if he was not satisfied himself. There was no pressure from this side on the day of that opening speech for the Taoiseach to make such a statement. Was the pressure coming from within his own Government even at that early stage? Was it pressure which he was not able to withstand? Could he not defend his own position in reasoned argument? Was it pressure to which he then succumbed, in silence as usual, and which caused him to make the statement which has not been followed up? It may happen in the course of the next year, because of the fact that we have the Presidency of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, that some such step will be taken but it is a strange thing for a Taoiseach to announce spontaneously on the first day of the new Dáil under his Government. It was a strange thing to make such a statement and then for it to die without any follow up as far as this House is concerned.

I do not know what studies were undertaken by the Government in the meantime. It may be that the Taoiseach has a political problem here, that if he does select two other Ministers of State, or three, he will only increase the enmity of some of those who have not already been appointed and who would not under this new arrangement be appointed, because of their omission. It may be that for political reasons of that sort the Taoiseach has not followed up his statement, knowing that in the effort to satisfy a few more he will offend many more than he has satisfied. For that reason I want to know, and perhaps somebody on his behalf will tell us, what has happened to that idea in the meantime.

I should like somebody, if the gallant Taoiseach himself will not be replying, to give us some assistance in the area that I have mentioned of the lack of consultation. We in this House are entitled to know and the people outside are entitled to know it also.

I recently referred to the problems of the European Community. I just want to mention, and this may be of some assistance to the Taoiseach in coming to give effect to his statement there, that the Fianna Fáil Party after consultation and discussions with their associates in the European authority and the majority in the French Assembly, have issued a statement on the need to reform the institutions of the European Community and we have set down proposals—I do not intend to go into them in detail—which we feel are both practical and possible, recognising also the reality of the recent problems and failures within that Community.

The Taoiseach could, if he wanted to, respond to our suggestion in that statement and appoint a Minister of State for political affairs in Europe. We have given him the opening in that connection, if he wishes to do it. The Taoiseach could respond in many other ways to it but the reference to the Community in his statement is, unfortunately, full of the same high-minded platitudes that many of the Community statements themselves have been full of. There is no sign in that statement from the Taoiseach yesterday of any clear idea of how he thinks or how the Government think the institutional reforms should be undertaken to correct the failures that the last year's experience in Europe have clearly indicated. The Taoiseach's speech in that connection is simply a catalogue of vague generalisations consistent with the Taoiseach's own reaction. When he spoke to the Supplementary Estimate in December last year he mentioned among other things the energy crisis and, in a two line reference, the fact that he was going to attend the summit meeting in Copenhagen that week.

I asked him then as I have asked him subsequently what the Government's attitude was, what would be our attitude at that summit conference. There was no response from the Taoiseach or from anyone on his behalf. The result is, of course, that there was no clear attitude on this Government's behalf apart from the fact that obviously—as all the other leaders were—they were going to see at that summit meeting that their particular country was going to be looked after in any negotiations with the Arabs. The result was what seemed to me to have been a craven statement from the Council of Ministers, not as Council of Ministers, but as Ministers meeting politically under the D'Avignon procedure—a statement which simply was an attempt somehow to soften the Arabs' antagonism. I do not say this in any criticism of the Arab position because there was quite a lot of justification for many of the positions that they took up. That statement showed more clearly the need then and now to ensure—I do not want to dwell further on this because I hope to have an opportunity on the European Report debate—the need to ensure in advance of such summits, in advance of such problems arising, that there will be a clearly united political position, not one that is capable of being exploited by any outside influence, be it Arab oil producers or the American Executive, or otherwise, as indeed has happened also.

I might say in this connection that the Taoiseach might consider a matter of great importance to this country at this stage, that is, the whole question of the development of an environmental policy. Almost everyone outside the House is very much aware that there is no clearly co-ordinated policy directed by this Government in this area. The Minister for Local Government said here that he was concerned with providing jobs when he was asked about some development in Whiddy Island. The Taoiseach, in reply to questions some months ago acknowledged that there is no Department of this Government responsible for the environment but that there is consultation between Departments and between various semi-State bodies. Is not that a terrible admission of a lack of positive programming in what has come to be recognised in every country in the world as a most important matter? This shows a lack of any kind of clear thinking or courageous conviction, a complete lack of understanding of the major priorities facing the country at present.

Any visitor from outside to this country will acknowledge that we have a certain element of confidence in our economic development. This is natural, even though recent times have undermined that. What they cannot understand is that we have not some clear overall plan, apart from the Minister for Local Government who may grant or refuse planning permissions—as to what the industrial programme will be and how that can be accommodated with the very important aspect of our society's affairs—the maintenance and preservation of our environment. This Government who told us through their Taoiseach on 14th March, 1973, that they were considering appointing some Ministers of State, have not even given any specific Minister or spokesman responsibility in that very important area and all the while decisions are being taken willy-nilly, in Cork, in the Shannon Estuary, or wherever, which may well, in the absence of a national policy and plan, undermine our whole position in this area. Here I have to jump quickly in view of the curtailment at the beginning. Neither can we see much sign now of a clear policy for the welfare of our young people.

In fact the spokesman for our young people some months ago, made the extraordinary statement—and this is no way related to my last statement —that this Government have no policy on youth. If there is another area of immediate contemporary concern apart from the environment in every country in the world it is the area of youth and youth welfare. Here we have a spokesman for this Government saying they have no policy and certainly recent events have confirmed that they have not. Even when I was Parliamentary Secretary I had to acknowledge that Comhairle le Leas Óige was grossly understaffed and was doing what was almost an impossible task. The number of welfare officers they employ has now been diminished further and the Minister for Education came into this House over a week ago and said that people were let go because there was no work for them. Tell that to the deprived children of many areas in Dublin.

What is happening to our recreational programme? This again is an important aspect of the quality of our lives and the contribution which people can make. What has happened to that programme? Is it regarded now as being something of no consequence?

I come now to the most important subject of all. I know many speakers were shocked by the Taoiseach's brief reference to the Northern Ireland situation in this debate. Mine too will have to be brief but not I hope as lacking apparently in human concern as his. Because we had a debate within the last month the Taoiseach felt it was not necessary to go into it in any greater detail now. Is the Taoiseach aware that within that period as a result of the British White Paper, as a result of statements made by the chairman of the Ulster Workers' Council, by the UDA who this very day are meeting the SDLP, there have been significant developments and changes of attitude in the North? Many of these are indeed very encouraging in that they show for the first time a break away from the chains of political allegiance to Unionist traditions by the working class in particular who have expressed through the leaders of the UWC and the UDA that they too have been exploited in the interests of the upper classes of Unionism for a considerable time and that now they want to talk to their own, "their own" meaning their counterparts in the minority in the North.

Does the Taoiseach not think that that is significant enough to warrant some action from him? Does he not think that it is a sign of great optimism? Nobody can tolerate what was done in the name of the UDA as indeed in the name of the IRA in bombings, explosions and killings. Nonetheless does he not think that the fact that they have acknowledged that they are seeking common ground with their counterparts from the other side of the community is a sign that some real progress can be made? I, for one, feel confident that progress can be made when men of common concern who have suffered either in deprivation or otherwise because of economic circumstances, wherever they happen to live, can come together to talk, when the SDLP, who have indeed been despondent in recent months because of the lack of any assurance for their position which was maintained from this Government, are now in a position— and they are significant to the minority in the North as being their political representatives—can now take the opportunity of talking with some of the hitherto, though I would hope not continuing violent men of the other persuasion.

In those circumstances I think there is some hope that we will see the beginning of reconciliation. Maybe it will not be the blood bath the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs told us it would be if Sunningdale failed. He told us that Sunningdale was the only possible solution, that the alternative was a blood bath. I do not think we can ever talk in terms of the alternative to anything in this country being civil war or blood baths. I would certainly hope that this is a sign that the old grips on many of those people which have been used through the various institutions of Unionism such as the Orange Order are being broken and that those working people are now emerging themselves and are now speaking in their own right and from their own minds.

If they can get together in the North on that basis is there not some justification for the suggestion made by our leader when he said at (2) "Is it not possible to have a conference of all political parties in all of this island?" Some positive suggestion like that from the Taoiseach in his speech yesterday, in the last few weeks or at some time would have been welcome, not just a repetition of what we all know, that we must all work for peace through reconciliation. Of course we must. The fact that it is restated by the Taoiseach will not make it more significant. I do not think anyone would ever have thought that he had any other purpose in his mind.

I must refer quickly to two issues. On the 10th July in this House I asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs two questions. One related to the study of the resources in the sea bed within a 100-mile radius of the island of Rockall. In the course of supplementaries I asked him whether in the course of his negotiations he had been advised on the resources around that island. He said this was a matter for another Department, probably properly so. He said too that he understood from informal contacts that other Departments had undertaken such surveys on the shelf therby implying and giving me and other Deputies to understand that such a survey of the resources within a 100-mile radius of Rockall had been undertaken. Yesterday in this House the Minister for Industry and Commerce replied to a question from me. Presumably he is the appropriate Minister to say whether such a study had been undertaken. He answered flatly that no such survey had been undertaken. Because of the events of the previous night, I unfortunately was not here to follow it through. Can the Minister for Foreign Affairs freely and glibly give impressions of that nature totally contradictory to what the position is? The same Minister said also on 10th July that it was not appropriate for the Government now to take up a position on the Maxwell decision, as it was called, on the jurisdiction over waters around Northern Ireland. Within three days the Attorney General of this country said that he thought there was indeed great substance in and, as he was reported, that he supported the view presented by the Resident Magistrate, Mr. Maxwell. What kind of consultation is this? What kind of Government is this when one Minister comes in and tells me one thing and within days another Minister flatly contradicts it? The record of the House is there to prove it but my time does not allow me to go through it in detail.

The Deputy has two minutes.

The characteristics of Government should be courage, clarity and consistency. It is because of a lack of courage that the Minister for Local Government has failed to face up to the housing problems. It is because of a lack of honesty in the area that he tells us to ignore what the builders are telling us, that it does not happen. It is because of a lack of either courage or honesty that the Minister for Finance who, if he consults any accountant will be told that within a month of his announcing— though the Minister for Defence said it was only a Civil Service White Paper—proposals on a wealth tax and capital gains tax, that every chartered accountant in this city spent the busiest month of his life arranging for funds to be transferred out of this country.

I cannot give him the names in the House but I will undertake to give him names of accountants who will guarantee that information if the Minister has not been able to find it out for himself.

I will be very glad to have them.

The Minister will get them. It is because of this lack of conviction and honesty this Government are fumbling in these various directions. We had the extraordinary statement from the Minister for Finance at the close of the Committee Stage of the Finance Bill, significantly when he was not speaking from a prepared text but giving words of commendation to members of the staff and all who helped us in the long night we have just gone through, when he said that he was a conduit pipe for the brilliant ideas of the Civil Service. This was a spontaneous statement from the Minister for Finance. Is that the function of a Minister?

It is part of the function.

The Minister will have his time to speak. He said he was the conduit pipe for the brilliant ideas of the Civil Service in presenting a Bill of this nature. It is because of this lack of consistency that there is now a lack of confidence in this Government throughout the country. The supreme irony of it is that the Taoiseach, in the early days of this Dáil, said that he regarded himself as lucky to be on the team of all his colleagues in government. He said that the first day he took up office.

The whistle went a while ago.

The Deputy will appreciate——

Acting Chairman

The Deputy has one minute.

The Deputy got his 45 minutes.

The Chair has said I have one minute. The Taoiseach is now overwhelmed by the talents he faces, the persuasion he faces around the table, which he on the wealth tax, on the contraceptive issue and other issues cannot react or defend——

The Deputy is doing the iron man on this at the moment.

The Deputy did a fair bit of the old man before I started.

The Deputy commenced at five minutes to two and it is now after 2.40. There are only 18 minutes left.

Would the Deputy allow me the one minute the Chair said I have?

Acting Chairman

The Deputy should be allowed 20 minutes. Deputy O'Kennedy has gone over his time by three minutes.

If the Taoiseach keeps silent in the face of the ideas around the Cabinet table then what suffers? Constitutional government suffers. Parliamentary democracy suffers. In the final analysis, for the people, who pick up the tab for all this, the price is too high. The Taoiseach has his options open to him. He should either trust his Ministers or persuade them. If he can do neither then the options are very clear to him and his Government.

I will not take up much of the little time remaining cribbing about the manner in which the timing of this has been arranged, nor the manner in which a great part of the last two days has been used up on business that could appropriately have been done at any time during the year and could be done next year, for that matter. That includes what went on yesterday and today.

I want to draw the attention of the House very quickly, as I have many other things to say—this has been adverted to by the last speaker—to the speech of the Taoiseach. In a rough check the speech has 1,200 lines and out of that only 14 lines were given to the 6-county situation described by the Taoiseach, as is now the practice in this House by all Deputies on all sides, as Northern Ireland. I am not sure where that is. I come from it but apparently I do not belong to it. That represents 1/86th part of the total contribution of the Taoiseach or 1.15 per cent to be precise. There was a sort of excuse in the speech that we had a debate on Northern Ireland a month ago. That debate was held long after it should have been held, when everybody had discussed and said what they had to say. We were sitting around waiting to hear what was said by everybody else before we said anything.

Of course, the restriction, as usual, by way of timing was put on so that this side of the House, and the Government, could have all the speakers they wished in the time given and perhaps too much time for all they had to say. Those who did not agree with either were restricted to the half hour, as it was then, 45 minutes on this debate, but now 16 minutes remaining. I might say thank you to Deputy O'Kennedy for his very kind offer of being shorter than 45 minutes, having in fact run over that time by a considerable number of minutes. If that is the manner of his performance on foot of a promise all I can say is it is only in keeping with what we have come to expect from him and many of his front bench colleagues when they were in government in recent years.

The Six Counties situation is one that I will sum up again, even to the point of boring the House. You can talk all you like and say all you like, talk about the changes that are emerging and taking place, but we are doing nothing about any changes and we are doing nothing to bring about any changes. We are sitting waiting and hoping something will happen somewhere else that will take us out of the dilemma we find ourselves in and we will not push Britain to get out, which is the only solution that has never been tried and the only one that can bring the beginnings of the emergence of the end of the trouble and strife and thus bring ultimate peace and final unity among the people up there.

What is wrong with this Government and what was wrong with the last Government? I heard talk today about the present Taoiseach having no communication with his Ministers, little with the Labour ones and practically none with his own. Was that not the fault developed in the last Government? After 1970 there was no government of a collective nature. We had one man running the show and anybody who did not agree did not belong. They certainly were not consulted. New policies emerged. Fianna Fáil and their policy on the Six Counties were turned inside out. The boys in Fianna Fáil since then, agreeing or disagreeing with that particular turn-around, have continued with it, do not know whether they are coming or going and are afraid to say so when they do not agree even with what has been said by their Leader in Opposition. That in turn is said to conform with what has been said by the Taoiseach and the Government over there.

I do not know what sort of situa-we have got ourselves into but it is not all the fault of this Taoiseach nor has the precedent been set by him alone. It was started four years ago and is merely being continued. We have non-communication with members of the parties that form the Government, the same as it was under Fianna Fáil in recent years, before they departed a year ago. I want again to put on the record my total disgust and dismay with the lack of effort on the part of this Parliament, which includes all of us, both sides and the middle, to try to bring Britain around to the point that she will now do what she now appears to wish to do, that is, to get out of the Six Counties. We are not helping her to do this. Instead we are hindering her. In the speeches that have been emerging by what appear to be the spokesmen for the Government on the Six Counties problem, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, Dr. Conor Cruise O'Brien, aided and abetted by another very knowledgeable man so far as the Six Counties problem is concerned, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, they seem to have been running the show for the last nine months and making a hames of it. I think they have been "copped on" within the Government and are no longer being allowed to run unmuzzled, as they were in the earlier months of the present Government. I hope behind the scenes that the sanity that is there, that must repose in the Government as a collective body, has re-established itself and that they will bring it home to Great Britain that we can do without her in this country and that there need not be a blood bath after her departure.

This must be brought home to them. The damage done by the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and, to a lesser degree, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in their preaching of the bloodbath that will follow if Britain gets out, is totally against the indications that are now emerging from totally unexpected sources. Nevertheless, if the Government had their ears to the ground and any real knowledge of what was going on up there they would know there is a big element of people on the Unionist side, as well as the minority side, who know that Britain must go, that there can be no real working together up there until Britain has gone. We down here, who should be making the running to help Britain to make up her mind, have been making the running in the reverse direction and holding back the clock.

I ask the Government and the Fianna Fáil Party to get going on this matter. Now is the time and the opportunity. Never before have we had it to the same degree where Britain, clearly and obviously, is anxious to go and she is really being kept in this country by us. We are keeping her after all the centuries we had our people trying to get rid of her and where we have people still trying to get rid of her in the part of the country that counts, that is the Six Counties.

The occupation of the Six Counties is very real to those of us who either go through it or belong to it. It is a pity that part of the duties of every Member of this House is not at least one visit into and through the Six Counties per week. It would be a better exercise than a lot of those they go on with in this House. Go up there and be screened day in and day out. Live on the Border where your business is each way. See how it is to be in that situation. "Where were you? Where are you coming from? What is your name and the number of your car? Can we see inside it? Look in your suitcase. Look under the seats. Take the bloody sides off the insides of the car. Take out your spare wheel. Check your engine. Check your boot"—and this as many times as you happen to go through and perhaps a mile or even 200 yards up the road the same thing may be repeated.

In my estimation, from very frequent crossing in recent weeks, there is a deliberate, provocative hold-up by occupying forces along the Border and on through-roads from one part of the Twenty-six Counties to the other to discourage travel through that area. It is significant that this should build up when the tourist trade and number of people on holidays would be greater than at other times. Has the Foreign Affairs Minister or any other of these Ministers who seem to be so "well got" with their counterparts in Britain, noticed this or brought it to the notice of the appropriate British authorities and asked them to ease-up on the "mickey-mouse" searching going on for no purpose other than to delay and frustrate people and hold them up for as much as two hours in queues even on secondary roads on all sides of the Border?

We do nothing about it. We are the greatest lot of sheep of all time— sheep is a very charitable word to use. We are doing nothing, except crying, as the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs does: "You cannot, please: there will be a bloodbath if you do." Why do they not go up there and experience what the people have to put up with? Then they would realise whether we are prepared to take the chance of making our own settlement among ourselves or whether forever we shall be saddled and be-straddled by the occupying forces of Her Majesty. The performance that is going on here makes me sick. Look at the Taoiseach's speech with his 14 lines, 1.15 per cent of his total contribution, devoted to the Six Counties problem—and he describes it, of course, as Northern Ireland. It is like John Hume's "Londonderry". When he was in business that was the name of the smoked salmon on which he was working, not Derry salmon. It had the oak leaf all right but was described as "Londonderry" salmon.

That brings me to "Londonderry" again. There was a proposal by a Scandinavian combine six or eight months ago to establish a new ship-building industry on Culmore Point. That combine had ten years' work guaranteed and a site given over to them by the Commission and the proposal was rejected only after the Executive had been elected in which Mr. Hume from Derry became Minister for Commerce and therefore in control of this situation in which he was most interested until he got into power. No sooner was he in power than he did not know these people any more and would have been a party to the rejection of the project by the Northern Finance Company, the equivalent of our Industrial Credit Company, telling them that the investment in Harland and Wolff was so great that they could not consider the proposition any further.

I brought that proposal here at the request of these people in January to the Minister for Industry and Commerce with the full knowledge that this combine were prepared to come further down the Foyle to the Donegal side of the Border or across to Lough Swilly, either of which sites would be suitable. After four complete months I got a letter only a few weeks ago, replying as if I had been in the day before yesterday, saying that the Minister had the matter examined and that it was not considered, in the opinion of his advisers, a suitable proposition. The best consultants in Europe advised, in the brief that I gave the Minister in his office last January, as to the total viability of this project which would employ 1,500 males, a proposition which Derry would not have, because John Hume as an Executive member no longer had the same interest in Derry or "Londonderry" as he had when he was an ordinary MP, and was a party to the rejection of this very good proposition for his own city. Now we have this Government and this Minister here rejecting the project, no doubt after consultation with, not just his advisers but with, perhaps, John Hume and the advisers in Belfast.

(Cavan): Is it in order to attack an individual in this House who is well-known elsewhere, Mr. Hume, and who has no opportunity of defending himself?

Mr. Hume attacked me when I had no opportunity of defending myself.

(Cavan): I have raised a point of order.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy is not in order in mentioning an individual who is not a Member of the House and cannot defend himself here.

I shall not dispute it as the time is so short; otherwise I would. On the record it goes that a particularly important industrial project, supported by the best available consultants in Europe, has been rejected. In order to satisfy the Six Counties authorities the best British consultants were brought in and they confirmed the views of the European consultants and because of Britain's financial involvement in Harland and Wolff they would not allow it to be set up in Derry where it was so badly needed. If that was a good reason there it is no reason why we should not have it in Donegal and it has been offered to us but rejected on what I regard as spurious grounds. The Minister for Industry and Commerce can answer that whatever way he likes. I take back nothing of what I have said and as regards attacking an individual, this was in order to identify the link between this Government and those who fondly hoped they were the new Stormont regime. I mentioned it so that the link would be clearly seen.

As it turns out that link is broken and the Stormont regime is not coming back. It has emerged as a brokendown wagon, as I predicted at the time of the Sunningdale package which we were not allowed to open in this House until it burst open itself and was found to contain practically nothing.

I could have spoken at length on agriculture but all I say is that it is in a poor state now and it will become worse. The farmers should not heed the talk we heard here about holding on for a couple of years. They survived in bad times before; they should try to survive again but they should not be misled into thinking they will get quick relief as a result of anything this Government may do in Brussels because, apparently, they are powerless or useless, or both. We are getting a bad deal and suffering the consequences.

No matter what the Minister for Local Government may fondly believe —I think he believes in good faith that housing is going all right—I believe that the building industry is on the verge of collapse for various reasons into which time does not permit me to go. The Government should look seriously at the position because, if that industry goes, in addition to our difficulties in agriculture, we shall be in real trouble for a considerable time.

I could not believe my eyes when I read about the increase in the price of coal yesterday from £34 to £67 per ton. There was not a whimper about it until it suddenly emerged by way of a letter from the Prices Advisory Body to the distributors. What is happening in regard to prices? What will happen? What brought this about? Why has the Minister not given a full statement about it when it surely is called for? When there was a £6 or £8 per ton increase a year ago there was almost a revolution. Now in mid-summer, when it is not immediately vital, and coal goes from £34 to £67 we have no explanation except what we get in the newspapers.

Acting Chairman

I would remind the Deputy that it is 3 o'clock.

I suggest to Deputy Colley that Deputy O'Kennedy encroached for three minutes on my time and if I might be allowed to conclude I could do so without infringing any agreement made.

Costs are reaching a point where they are rising so regularly that people have become not blinded to them—far from it—but used to them. There is no longer an outcry no matter how exorbitant the rises may be. This is a pity because once the public have reached the stage where they no longer react against increases these increases will go along at an even greater pace than at the moment. Prices have rocketed in recent times.

I would like to bring the attention of the Minister for Justice to one point. In recent times he brought in a necessary piece of legislation providing for the setting up of a tribunal in whose hands will rest the claims of those who may have suffered injury or even death as a result of bombings and shootings, in connection with the citizens of the Twenty-six Counties. The Minister set a date. I must cavil with him about that date. The date set excludes a constituent of mine who was the first to be shot on the border between Strabane and Lifford. She was caught in crossfire on a date just before the date set by the Minister. At this late stage I ask the Minister for Justice to look at this and to try to change, if necessary by a simple amendment in the Dáil during the next session, the date set in order to bring it back to cover the family of this particular girl.

The Minister would know this person and his connections in Donegal would have known her very well. Because of the date of the commencement of the compensation arrangements the family of this young girl are totally excluded from even attempting to try, through this tribunal, to get compensation. This could have been an oversight. Unfortunately, I was not in the House on the day this went through. Otherwise, I would have brought this matter to the Minister's attention. I am sure that had the Minister realised it, he would not have fixed the date where it is. He may be able to do something about it.

That is not in keeping with what I wish to say in regard to tourism which has been going through a difficult time. Bord Fáilte in particular have been making great play of the troubles in the Six Counties as a reason for the decline. They have been "codding" themselves. The nearer the Border one goes as far as tourism is concerned the less one notices any adverse impact over the last three or four years in respect of tourist activities. That should provide food for thought for Bord Fáilte. They should get away from the idea that until everything is settled we will be in a bad way. Donegal would surely be one of the most affected areas around the Border. They have not suffered as much as other parts of the country further south. The causes of the decline in tourism are not just the troubles in the Six Counties. Bord Fáilte and the Minister for Transport and Power have made a grave mistake in recent years in clamping down entirely on development because of the fact that they have overspent on elaborate, palatial buildings.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy's time is up.

They committed themselves to such a degree that they do not have the money to spend on useful buildings. Many places have not enough such buildings. Would the Minister for Transport and Power ask Bord Fáilte to review the position, but not to stop every worthwhile development because of the fact that the Department mistakenly supported and financed to a far greater degree than was wise the building of big hotels of a luxurious nature which are going through a bad time at present?

I thank the chairman and Deputy Colley for their indulgence. This highlights the impossibility of a Deputy in this House who does not belong to a political party getting an opportunity to talk about matters which are pertinent in a debate like this.

The Taoiseach in his opening speech in this debate identified inflation as our major domestic problem. He was certainly not wrong in that. So well he might so identify it when according to the latest figures available it is running at an annual rate of 24 per cent. Apart from one or two half-hearted warnings from the Minister for Finance this statement by the Taoiseach is the first genuine acknowledgement of the problem of inflation by this Government.

Up to now the Government were sedulously fostering the idea that they were doing a great job in price control and that inflation was all due to those nasty foreigners who were exporting their inflation to us. It is clear that one-half of our inflation is generated at home. This has been confirmed by the Central Bank recently. The inflation generated at home is the direct responsibility of the Government. We in Fianna Fáil have never pretended that the control of inflation domestically generated is an easy problem unlike our opponents in the Coalition who, in their 14-point programme, talked fraudulently of stopping the price rise and stabilising prices. What we have contended on this side of the House is that there are certain basic steps open to the Government which the Coalition have singularly ignored.

The Taoiseach's concern with inflation now rings very hollow when one considers the two Budgets which have now been introduced by this Coalition Government. The first Budget of this Government by deliberate Government action, increased the price of almost every single commodity except food by substantial increases in VAT rates on top of other direct impositions of additional taxation in many areas. As a budgetary stance at that time of raging inflation this was something crazy and we said so at the time.

It is undeniable that as a direct consequence of that Budget a considerable amount of domestic inflation was directly created by the Government. In the second Budget this year of this Government that lesson had been learned and so the Government did not in that way directly increase prices. Instead, in an incredibly irresponsible move the Government budgeted for a huge deficit—about three times the size of what common economic sense indicated as being required. In the course of the Budget debate the Ministers for Industry and Commerce, Foreign Affairs and Finance all tried to bluff their way through on this and to suggest that all the economic advice available was to the effect that the Government should budget for a deficit of that kind. They were each challenged to produce evidence of this. They produced evidence that they were advised to budget for a deficit but not for a deficit of that size. We indicated why, and the calculations which led to this conclusion that having regard to the various factors involved, including the amount of slack which could be taken up in the economy, a budget deficit in the region of £25 million was indicated. Instead we had a budget deficit planned for £76 million over the nine-month period and £66 million over the 12-month period. The Minister for Finance went so far as to say—and I am quoting from the Official Report of 8th May, 1974, columns 1131-1132:

At this stage I should like to extend my congratulations to Deputy Colley for doing his best in what must have been an impossible task. Alone among all the commentators in the country Fianna Fáil, advised by the only economist they could get to support them—their own specially employed economic adviser, Professor Martin O'Donoghue—found cause to criticise the economic philosophy behind the budget.

Incidentally, Professor O'Donoghue is not employed by Fianna Fáil. I wonder would the Minister for Finance attempt to say such a thing now in the light of the comments of the Central Bank. In their report for 1973-74 on page 10 they state:

The Bank was disappointed that there was no indication of any national policy, even one extending over a period of years, aimed at reducing inflation.

The 1974 Budget was merely another, though major, advance along an expansionary road....

As I said at the time I do not think that any self-respecting economist of any repute would attempt to justify what the Government did in their last Budget. None tried to do so at the time and none has tried to do so since.

It is noteworthy that in the debate on the Budget each of the Ministers I mentioned—Industry and Commerce, Foreign Affairs and Finance—went through the various options open to the Government in considerable detail. None of them once mentioned the option of pruning the Government expenditure. That, I believe, is very significant. I have been speaking now of the current budget and what the Government has been doing directly to produce inflation. Apart from what they did in their first budget by deliberately increasing prices and in the last budget by deliberately budgeting for a deficit approximately three times what it should have been, they were directly fuelling inflation and increasing prices. They have done this at a time when raging inflation clearly indicated that they should have been particularly concerned not to do anything which would in any way increase inflation. The Government failed miserably to carry out their duty in that regard.

On the capital side I have been seeking information from the Government for quite some time and spelled out my calculations that there would be a gap of approximately £100 million to be filled in residual borrowing. But despite all efforts, in special debates, Parliamentary Questions and otherwise. I was unable to get information from the Government. It emerged eventually in this year's capital budget publication, that what I had said was correct and that the gap was almost £100 million—£99.8 million. I asked the Government repeatedly to take the people of the country into their confidence; to tell them what was happening; what the Government proposed doing to deal with the situation; give people an opportunity of gearing themselves up to what was necessary to be done and not have a sudden application of the brakes. The Government refused to give any information and no member of the Government has ever, despite the numerous questions and urgings—in the Budget debate or otherwise—even commented in any way on what happened on the capital programme.

What emerged was that, in order to meet this gap, amongst other things, the Government resorted to desperate measures. They got £20 million from the Central Bank which, in the Government's own words, was an exceptional arrangement. In addition, they made an unprecedented raid of £35,500,000 on departmental funds. This year the Government proposals are to increase very substantially the residual borrowing, without any indication of where they are going to get that money and despite the desperate measures to which they had to resort last year to meet a smaller amount of borrowing.

I know that, so far this year, the Government have already resorted to huge foreign borrowings but the gap is not nearly filled yet. The result is that there is, at the moment, a severe credit squeeze being imposed by the banks on the private sector. That credit squeeze is a direct result of Government irresponsibility and mismanagement of the capital programme.

In the light of all of this, of the area over which the Government have sole control; in the area in which the Government can do most to combat inflation; in the light of that performance by the Government—where it could do most—how can any degree of credibility be attached to the Taoiseach's warning about inflation? I would suggest that all this is evidence of a weak and unscrupulous Government trying to buy popularity and unwilling to manage the economy in a rational common-sense way. I agree, and freely concede, that to manage the economy in a rational, common-sense way is not very spectacular and, if it is not very spectacular, clearly it does not appeal to the members of this Government. But it is the only way that any Government in this country can protect the interests of our people. It requires persistent watching of the economy, willingness to take action at the right time in order to keep it on course, and willingness, when necessary, to take action which may not be very popular. I think one can wait in vain for any common-sense or courageous action from this Government in the economic field. There has been no evidence of it up to now and there is no reason to believe that we will ever see it.

Despite all this squandermania and attempts to buy popularity, what has been happening the economy? Now that the effects of Fianna Fáil planning and handling of the economy are wearing off—we handed over the economy in good condition—this Government is fast running it to the ground. Most of the growth of which the Government continually boast occurred in the first half of 1973.

Hear, hear!

On the 12th July, 1974, unemployment was 3,152 higher than on the corresponding date last year.

It was 4,000 this week.

The Deputy could be right. Certainly one can be sure the figure will go up the way things are going now.

Agriculture is in a worse state than can be remembered. I would say, by the vast majority of Deputies in this House; certainly in the memory of most of the Deputies I know, and a number of them are a good deal older than I am. It has never been in a worse state. On the housing front, all of the houses of which the Coalition boast of having built last year were started under Fianna Fáil. But what has happened since? The number of starts under the Coalition has gone down dramatically.

Hear, hear.

Of course, the Government are still trying to bluff their way out of the situation. Last autumn when they were bluffing away and pretending there was nothing wrong, they had to take action to try to remedy the situation. They did make some arrangements in regard to building societies and increasing the limits on SDA loans. Of course, if their protestations were correct they would not have needed to have taken any such action but they had to take it. And the position has not improved. According to the Minister for Local Government and some of his colleagues, we in Fianna Fáil are trying to create a scare in the building industry. One does not create a scare in any industry, but particularly in the building industry, simply by the usage of words. I do not know to whom the Minister for Local Government talks, but, if he talks to anybody in the building industry or any of the people who are trying to get loans to buy houses, he could not possibly come in here and say the things he has been saying.

I understand that today, speaking for 45 minutes, the Minister for Local Government did not give any details of what the Government propose doing to remedy the situation that has now developed. We know that recently the Government announced they were making another £9 million available for the SDA loans scheme but we know also that, since they have not announced any increase in the limits of loans available or limits of income for eligibility, that this sum of money will have a negligible effect. We should like to know also where is the money coming from. There was a bland statement by the Minister for Local Government, which he did not make in his Estimates speech before this House. He waited until the following day, Friday night, to make his announcement, timed in such a way that he could not be subjected to Parliamentary Question here in regard to what he was saying. And, in that statement, he blandly said that the £9 million was going to be got from savings. We should like to know—and we have asked— where are these savings being effected? I think the public is entitled to know where the money is coming from, first of all to ascertain whether or not it is genuine at all and secondly, if it is, the public—who have been led to expect from the Government's public commitments that money is to be spent on various items—are entitled to know where the Government now propose cut backs. But the Minister for Local Government timed his announcement to avoid answering that question.

I would invite the Government, when replying to this debate, to give to this House and to the country the information as to where that money is coming from. There is some suggestion that the Government now proposes to give another £5 million to building societies in some form or other. From all the figures available, it is perfectly clear that this money, if that is what is intended—while being better than nothing—is a mere pittance compared with what needs to be done.

Hear, Hear.

And it is robbing Peter to pay Paul.

Certainly it will not remedy the situation with which we are faced in the building industry. I wonder how the Government can persist in their attitude that there is no crisis in the building industry. If there is not, why on earth are they purporting to give another £9 million for SDA loans and, apparently, another £5 million to the building societies? Why do not they acknowledge the facts of the situation and attack the problem in a real way? We, on this side of the House, suggested one way of doing it, in the Finance Bill, and it was rejected contemptuously. We suggested variations, when we proposed that a sum of money of up to £5,000 could be invested in a building society and that the interest on that sum be free of tax. But this was contemptuously rejected. No matter what was the situation in the building industry, the Minister for Finance contended that this would create some kind of a tax haven.

It would appear to me that the Minister for Finance and the Government in general are totally blind to the requirements of the economy at present and, in particular, to the requirements of the building industry. If they cannot remedy the matter in any other way why do they not forget their doctrinaire approach, which they apply selectively—not when the political pressure is strong enough —which they were applying here instead of looking at the realities and trying to do something practical to improve the situation not alone in the building industry and in respect of all those thousands employed in it but also for the many thousands of young people trying to buy homes today who simply cannot because of what the present Government have allowed to develop in the whole of the building industry and the financing of it.

Now that the economic policies— if such they can be called—of this Government are beginning to operate in our economy and the effects of Fianna Fáil economic policy are disappearing the crunch is coming; we are already seeing the beginnings of it. Perhaps those who are better informed can see what is happening much more clearly than the man in the street but I believe that, by Christmas, the man in the street will see very clearly what that crunch means for all of us, and it will not be very pleasant for anyone.

Many aspects of Government policy have been characterised by delay and procrastination. A short time ago the Mergers Bill was introduced and we were told that it would be circulated during the Recess. This Bill is to replace a Bill which had been circulated already by the Fianna Fáil Government but which was rejected by the present Minister for Industry and Commerce as not going far enough. We all know that in the background there was a battle going on in the Government but we hope that we will now see some form of Bill being produced though I suppose it will be the usual hodge podge that we have been getting from this Government in so far as they have produced their own legislation, legislation that has been the result of compromise within the Government accompanied by trumpetings in an effort to pretend that they are doing a wonderful job while, if one looks at the small print one realises that they are doing no such thing. In the meantime grave damage has been caused and we have not yet seen the Mergers Bill.

The Government made an announcement in regard to the Kenny Report on building land but they have still taken no action in this regard and the uncertainty created is adding even further to the difficulties of the housing industry as if there were not already enough problems for that industry. These difficulties are being added to by this procrastination and indecision of a Government who are unable to make up their minds, to make a decision and to carry it out. According to the Press hand-outs from the Government it would appear that the Gaeltacht has been saved at least six times during the past 16 months. What have the Minister for the Gaeltacht or the Government actually done?

That is what I think, too. Some time ago there was legislation before the House to provide for the taxation of mining. So anxious were the Government to try to score political points in this sphere by reneging on the statutory guarantees given to existing mines that they have thrown away a golden opportunity to benefit the community from new mines. For example, from the figures given by the Minister for Finance, it would appear that the tax yield estimated to come from the Navan ore body during a period of 20 years would amount to approximately £90 million. Having regard to the known value of that ore body, can anybody suggest seriously that that represents an adequate return to the community in taxation? Of course it does no such thing. But this is very different from the image that the Government try to create. This is typical of what we have been getting from this loud-trumpeting Government from which we have been getting no performance. They were so anxious to score political points that they ignored the realities of the mining situation. They ignored what had been established under the previous taxation regime in regard to mining and they ignored the fact that we were now in a position to call the tune. They ignored, too, that Fianna Fáil had set up a special committee to consider the best way of getting the maximum return for the community from new mines, including the ore body at Navan. I am sure that if we had remained in office the tax yield from that vast ore body during a 20-year period would be a great deal more than £90 million.

It looks as if the Labour Party have gone to the country already.

We have had repeatedly from the Minister for Finance, and sometimes from his colleagues, the pretence that he is trying to establish a situation in which people with comparable incomes would pay comparable tax. The Government rammed through this House a Finance Bill which, demonstrably, does not do that. For example, people who have a valuation of less than £20 will be treated quite differently in their income tax allowances from people whose valuation is more than £20. There is no sign there of this great principle of comparable tax on comparable earnings. This is because the political pressure was too great. Yet, we have this cant and hypocrisy hurled at us time and again. Certainly, under section 16 of the Finance Bill, there will be created the greatest injustices and anomalies that have ever been created by the terms of any Finance Bill that has ever gone through this House. In ramming the Bill through the Minister would not listen to reason.

In regard to taxation the reality is that one cannot operate on a doctrinaire approach, as the Minister for Finance has found out when the pressures were too great. However, one must have regard to the consequences of what one is doing and must not be blinded by a doctrinaire notion of equality. If it is the aim of the Government to apply comparable taxation to comparable incomes, how can the Minister justify the provision for exports tax relief? On the Minister's proposition of comparable tax on comparable income there should be no export tax relief. In the interest of equality, how could one justify the application of this relief to a company who were operating and supplying the export market while denying it to a company supplying the home market?

Does the Minister propose to repeal that provision, but if he does not so propose, would he stop this nonsense of pretending that all that counts is equality? The Minister is merely confusing the issues that have to be considered by the people of this country in their whole approach to the development of the economy.

In this regard some members of the Government are more concerned with whether they are labelled progressive as against conservative than with the effects of their actions on the economy and, consequently, on the lives of our people. We have had a great deal of bluff from the Government side from time to time about having shorter recesses of the Dáil and of spending more time on legislation, in giving adequate consideration to Bills, and so on. All of this has been revealed for what it is by the announcement of the re-assembly of the House on 23rd October next. The Finance Bill was rammed through although we had had a very early budget, much earlier than usual.

We had the Finance Bill much later than usual but the Government said it must be through the Dáil and the Seanad by the end of the month. The result was that there was not time for adequate examination of the provisions of the Bill, some of which are of grave and serious import. It might be no harm to put on record that, but for the insistence of the Opposition, this House would have adjourned a week earlier.

With regard to the problems with which this Government and their predecessor were faced arising out of the situation in the North of Ireland, there has been a ridiculous effort to cover up some of the wildly contradictory statements we have been getting from members of the Government. I do not want to go into much detail on the subject because we had a debate on this matter recently but the silliness of the statements emanating from the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, and the damage he may do if he has not already done it, is a matter of some concern. These statements come from a man who, while he tells all of us to stop talking about unity, himself talks more about it than the rest of the people in the country put together.

I would put one question to the Taoiseach. It is a simple question, one that can be answered by yes or no, but it deserves an answer. Is it, or is it not, Government policy to work actively for unity? It is a simple question and I hope the Taoiseach will answer it. As of now nobody knows the Government's policy. We have had the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs telling us that he certainly was not working actively for unity; we have had the Taoiseach waffling about the situation but not telling us the Government's policy. I repeat my question: Is it, or is it not, Government policy to work actively for unity?

Apparently silence is a Coalition tactic.

We will wait to see what the Taoiseach has to say in his reply. With regard to the performance of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Education recently in the debate on the Bill on contraceptives, I suggest that irrespective of whatever view one takes of the merits or demerits of that Bill, the performance of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Education was a disgraceful breach of the constitutional obligation imposed on them of collective responsibility in the Government.

Of course this was a Government measure. It was so called by a Government announcement and was so treated under the rules of this House. If it had not been a Government measure it would, of course, have had to take its place in the queue with Private Members' Bills. However, that did not happen. It got all the precedence attaching to a Government measure. This means it was discussed by the Government, that a decision was taken by them and recorded. The usual procedure was followed where a Government decision is taken on legislation to promote that legislation in a particular form, namely, in the form in which it was introduced here. That decision was taken formally and recorded formally.

In such circumstances, for any member of a government there cannot be a free vote. Whatever about the members of their party, for a government on whom is imposed collective responsibility by the Constitution, there can be no such thing as a free vote on a Government measure. It is simply not good enough to try to pretend that there can be a free vote for Members of the Government on a Government measure.

If that situation is not denounced so that it will not happen again, the consequence will be that the whole system of Cabinet and Government responsibility in a democratically-elected Parliament will collapse. It is a very short step from that deliberate breach of the constitutional responsibility of Members of the Government to the situation where if the Government bring in a measure and if there is opposition to it from some quarter then some Member of the Government may get up and repudiate it. That is not an imaginary situation.

In the light of what happened regarding the vote by the Taoiseach and the Minister for Education, the repudiation by the Minister for Defence of the White Paper on capital taxation published by the Government assumes a more sinister aspect. If a Member of the Government whether he is present or not at a meeting, finds that the Government have taken a certain decision he is bound constitutionally and morally to support that decision or to get out. That is his choice. There have been examples of Ministers who found themselves in the position that they could not go along with a Government decision and they took the honourable course. To suggest that members of a Government, and in particular a Taoiseach, can sit at the Cabinet table and discuss a measure, adopt a formal Government decision in relation to it and then come into the House and repudiate that decision is totally unacceptable so far as I am concerned. It is a procedure fraught with very great dangers to our whole system of democracy.

The action of the Minister for Defence in relation to the White Paper on capital taxation, in the light of what has happened, assumes a more sinister air because quite clearly a decision was taken by the Government to publish that White Paper. According to the Minister for Labour it represented firm Government decisions. The Minister for Defence in this House repudiated every line of that White Paper.

How can the system of collective Cabinet responsibility and parliamentary democracy as we know it survive if this kind of thing is allowed to happen? The unfortunate aspect of this matter is that if there are breaches of that kind in a Government, the personal responsibility to remedy the situation clearly devolves on the head of the Government. We know of no action taken by the Taoiseach in relation to the breach by the Minister for Defence. How can the head of the Government take any action when he is the one who is most guilty of breaching this principle?

It seems to me that it is incumbent on all who believe in parliamentary democracy and in the maintenance of our institutions to repudiate clearly and unequivocally this attempt by the Members of this Coalition Government and in particular by their Leader, the Taoiseach, to escape from their constitutional responsibilities, to get out from under their responsibilities when the going gets rough. The Government will either have to stand together or get out. That is what the Government are there to do. If they believe that what they are doing is right, let them stand over it. If the Taoiseach does not believe that what the Government propose to do is right he should say so. He should use his influence to prevent them from doing what is wrong. If the Members of the Government persist and insist on overriding the Taoiseach then there are two courses open to him. He can either get rid of the people concerned or he can get out himself. But, to come in here in the way the Taoiseach did, apparently without any notice to his colleagues, can be described as not alone a breach of his constitutional responsibilities but a dishonourable breach of his constitutional responsibilities. I hope that the damage which has been done by this Government to that principle will not be as extensive as it might have been because of the reaction to it and the exposure of it and the exposure of its consequences. As far as we on this side of the House are concerned, we intend to continue to repudiate and expose what was done by the Members of this Government and to try to ensure by doing so that such a thing will never occur again because if it does occur again the institutions of this State are in danger.

To revert for a moment to the White Paper on capital taxation which, as I have said, was repudiated line by line by the Minister for Defence, this, of course, is another example of the pretence that we get from this Government. It was trumpeted forth as a great reform measure aiming at achieving redistribution of wealth. What happened? The pressure built up and the Minister for Finance watered it down and watered it down further and will water it down further again and now we have the Minister for Finance telling us that redistribution of income means redistribution between members of the same family because when he was tackled about his stance that he wanted to ensure that he could collect as much money as the Exchequer was losing by abolishing death duties and that if he could do that without the wealth tax he would not have a wealth tax— when he was tackled on that and asked how that squared with his colleagues' expectations of redistribution of wealth, he argued that it was redistribution of wealth within the family.

Is that what all this talk about social justice and the achieving of redistribution of wealth really meant? Is that what we were to understand from the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Industry and Commerce and their colleagues when they talked about this great social revolution that was taking place under this Government—that it was redistribution of wealth amongst members of the same family? Was there ever anything so ludicrous? We are asked to accept this as a serious Government seriously concerned with social affairs, having concern for the social conditions of our society.

What is the result of all this? We get the worst of both worlds. We get all the economic ill-effects of this ill-conceived document and at the same time we do not get the redistribution of wealth that we were told we would get. What do we get out of it? We change the method of collecting £15 million worth of taxation—that is what we get out of it—and at the same time we create a climate in which we are driving capital out of the country, capital which the Minister for Finance is at his wit's end to collect. Is there anything more misconceived than this whole episode of the White Paper on Capital Taxation?

We know that the whole approach to that problem has been bluff from start to finish. We know that the White Paper must have gone through the Government, that it must have been looked at, read presumably. I doubt if it was understood. I am sure if it had been understood it would never have been issued in the form in which it came out. The quick pulling back from some of its major features is evidence of the fact that the Government were not aware of the economic consequences of what they were doing and it seems to me to be further evidence of the wildly differing approaches of Members of the same Government to the same topic.

So, what do we end up with when we look at even the limited aspects of the Government's performance since this time last year? We get a picture of a Government which has failed economically, even in its basic approach as exemplified in the two budgets they brought in, so failed, that the Taoiseach's words about inflation ring hollow, as I said earlier, because the Government themselves are creating inflation on a pretty massive scale and with consequences which are only now beginning to appear but which in a few months' time will be extremely serious for everybody in the country. And we get a picture of a Government which has failed politically, failed to hold together, failed to observe its constitutional responsibility of collective responsibility, a Government where the Taoiseach cannot take the Members of his Government into his confidence. Why? Because apparently he does not trust them to keep their mouths shut.

All of this adds up to a sorrier picture than we had this time last year and, God knows, that was sorry enough. We will presumably have to endure for some little time more the mismanagement, the false propaganda and the incredible irresponsibility of this Government but it is becoming increasingly clear, as the consequences of the Government's actions and in-actions begin to catch up with them, that that period is becoming shorter and shorter and, as far as I am concerned, God speed the day.

There were a number of matters raised in the debate which I will endeavour to deal with in the course of my reply. They were dealt with mainly under a number of broad headings such as finance, the economy, certain matters of administration, agriculture, housing and a number of Deputies referred to social welfare. The main allegation that was made was that the Government had no specific plan to deal with the economic situation and there were a number of statements that the Government had undertaken excessive spending although, on the other hand, there were repeated requests for increased expenditure in a number of directions. No effort was made to reconcile the criticism of excessive spending on the one hand and demands for increased spending on the other.

It was alleged that we had blamed external events for inflation and because of that we were not taking action to deal with the situation. In addition, there was criticism that the manner in which the budget had been framed was wrong and the criticism was backed by selected questions from the Central Bank and the Economic and Social Research Institute. I do not object to anyone using quotations but it is important that all the views expressed in those different documents representing either the views of the Central Bank, on the one hand, or the international organisations that commented on this —bodies like the Economic and Social Research Institute—should be put side by side so that the House and the country can appreciate the circumstances and the basis on which Government policy was framed. I want first to quote from the March, 1974 OECD Economic Survey of Ireland. It says:

Although the outlook for 1974 is clouded by the uncertainties in Ireland's main export markets, it is clear that on the basis of present policies there would be a sharp slowdown in the growth of GDP from 1973. Overall GDP might rise by around 3 to 3½% in 1974, rather less than the underlying growth of productivity.

The organisation went on to say that in these circumstances policy action to stimulate demand and output would, therefore, seem desirable. They specifically indicated that a real output growth in 1974 of 4½ per cent would be a reasonable aim.

The Economic and Social Research Institute in their March report said:

1974 is likely to be a year characterised by a fairly substantial increase in the deficit on current account on the balance of payments and some decline in reserves. In spite of this, moderately expansionary policies would seem to be required to lift the growth rate— even at the expense of a further deterioration in the reserves.

Moderately expansionary.

These are two independent bodies, one outside the country and one within. Both concluded that the correct policy and action was one to stimulate growth and to encourage expansion.

By how much?

Indeed, in its pre-budget report entitled "The Economy in 1973 and the Prospects for 1974" the National Economic and Social Council said, and this is an additional comment:

In our view, the forecasts for 1974 do not warrant the application of restrictive monetary and fiscal policies aimed at dampening the development of the economy.

The council went on to point out that restrictive policies, if applied, would not have a significant effect on the growth in wage and salary rates which had to be taken as given following the 1974 national agreement or on oil prices or other external factors which would influence the rise in prices in this country. It went on to say that by curbing growth in domestic output they could raise rather than lower unit costs.

The council concluded that the aim of budgetary and monetary policies should be to add about 1 per cent to the growth in output, 1 per cent on top of the estimated 3 or 3½ that was there. I think the decisions which were taken in the budget confirm that not merely was the budget soundly framed but it was framed on the basis of the best advice given by those independent organisations and bodies.

At the same time, the Confederation of Irish Industry in a newsletter entitled "Budget for Growth" said it was convinced that the right budgetary policy was to aim at sustaining the momentum of growth which industry attained through 1973. They went on to say that we could no longer afford to revert to the type of restrictive measures which led to such unfortunate recessions in 1966 and 1970 and that none of our experiences suggested that our economy could be well regulated through punitive demand management. The OECD calculations indicated that the anticipated growth rate would be 3 to 3½ per cent. The addition of the 1 per cent was designed to increase the growth rate. It was anticipated that it could be reasonably achieved with a budget deficit of somewhere in the region of £60 million.

Where is that? Is the Taoiseach quoting?

This was the size of the deficit I have referred to. Looked at in absolute terms as a proportion of the gross national product of the current year it is by no means as formidable. In fact, it is recognised that it represents something less than 2 per cent of the value of the likely product of the country as a whole.

In the course of his opening speech the Leader of the Opposition quoted at some length from the June report of the Economic and Social Research Institute. It is important to refer to a short quotation that was included in the summary of the report. I quote from page 6:

Viewed in an international setting, the forecast growth rate is high, inflation average, and the current account external deficit moderate.

I have quoted from those various bodies in order to demonstrate that the decisions that were taken and the action which followed those decisions in respect of the budget were sound decisions based on the best advice available in the circumstances. I recognise and none of us denies that circumstances change, that there is in the whole economic situation both outside and inside very few things static and that there is a situation that has to be watched with care but I think we can see also when we look at this what has been happening elsewhere. It has been forecast that the economic growth for the seven largest economies in the OECD is expected to be no more than ½ per cent this year. In 1973 the estimated growth rate in the United States was almost 6 per cent. This year the forecast of the OECD is that the American economy will decline by an estimated ½ per cent. In Japan the decline is forecast at 1½ per cent after a growth last year in excess of 10 per cent. In Britain, our largest market, it is predicted that there will be a decrease of 2 per cent in output in contrast with a growth rate of nearly 5½ per cent last year. These figures all illustrate what the Minister for Industry and Commerce pointed out last evening that what is being experienced is the most exceptional deceleration ever experienced and the expected performance of our economy with a growth of 4 per cent as against 7 per cent last year is one for which neither the Government nor the country need make any apology but rather regard it as a vindication of the policies we adopted.

The further criticism of this budget was that it failed to assist and promote investment and that it failed to encourage exports. As I mentioned, in the course of my opening remarks, investment in 1973 was of the order of 23½ per cent of GNP, the highest level ever recorded. Many of the indications we are receiving this year show a continuation of this trend. The planned investment in projects approved by the Industrial Development Authority in the year ended 31st March last reached £280 million, compared with £135 million in 1972-73. These factual statistics of finance may not convey the full extent of the transformation which is taking place in the industrial infra-structure of the country. Deputies will appreciate, if that trend continues, it will transform the Irish economy.

These figures are no flash in the pan. The statistics for IDA grants approved by the Government for industrial projects in the year to the end of June, which are the grants, as Deputies know, which require specific Government approval, for the larger capital intensive industries involving grant expenditure of the order of £350,000 or more, show that the grants were more than double the level of the preceding year. At £54 million they compare with £23 million in the year ended 30th June, 1973. Grants of this level, representing one quarter or one-third of the total capital investment involved in the project concerned by the firm or the industry, indicate a very considerable programme of industrial investment.

On the other hand, the figures for loan finance for agriculture provided for by the Government through the public capital programme for the year 1974-75 are £45 million, compared with the figure of £24 million for the year 1972-73. This is not the whole picture. Many other lending institutions, apart from the State agencies, are involved. These statistics, as far as they can be interpreted, indicate a substantial investment in respect of industry and agriculture.

In respect of building and construction, in 1972-73 the total amount of money provided through the public capital programme for building was £82 million approximately. In the year to the 31st March next some £136 million will be provided from the same source. This, too, is investment in the provision of the infra-structure of houses, serviced land, hospitals, schools and so on, all of which indicate progress and without which no progress could be made.

I would like to refer at this stage to some comments made by a number of Deputies in respect of the building and construction industry although I propose at a later stage to deal in more detail with it. I would like to again put on record the views of the Economic and Social Research Institute, which stated in the June report on pages 17 and 18, issued last week:

For building and construction as a whole our forecast is for no change in volume of activity, but substantial changes in price, given the rapid increases in materials prices in recent months.

This emphasises the fact that has been mentioned here by different spokesmen on behalf of the Government that this country cannot isolate itself and that it would be unrealistic to imagine that what happened when the Arabs increased the price of oil last November could pass this country by and affect everywhere else but that we would be excluded from it. It is nonsense to suggest this and Deputies know that the effect of this running through the whole economies, not only of those of Europe but of the entire world, with a few microscopic exceptions, has had, and will have, a dramatic effect on prices. It will have an effect that in many cases has not adequately or fully been understood up to the present. Any suggestion that this country could isolate itself from it, or that we could escape from the consequences of this, is a failure to accept the facts as they are and to recognise these as facts having an influence on our economic life, and in many ways transcending the economic facts in respect of the influence it will have on prices and costs.

I want to indicate that, in addition to the figures I have mentioned, the expansion—this is proved by the statistics—in industrial exports in the first half of this year rose by an estimated 42 per cent in value. The overall level of increase in exports is lower because of the effect on agriculture of current world difficulties. Nevertheless, the size of the average increase is by no means insignificant.

The development of industry, the expansion of exports based on industrial concerns, depend not only on investment, on the money put into it but on the soundness of the economy as a whole, the efficiency of the means of production, the attitudes, aptitudes and degrees of training of people working in industry as well as in agriculture and the services. It depends on the way in which our productive and service facilities are used and it depends on the quality and infra-structure of the environment in which we work.

I mention these things because, taken in conjunction with the Government direction of the economy, it is important that they are taken into account in how the economy of the country as a whole responded. I believe the Government have dealt with the economic situation in a balanced and rational manner, but, as I said a few moments ago, there are certain realities that must be recognised. The economic situation does not remain static. Policy has to be formulated in face of uncertainty about future developments. Assumptions have to be made about the likely direction and intensity of various influences outside the control of Government or even of anyone in this country. Who could have forecast this time last year, or even as late as October, that the transformation in respect of the price and availability for a period of oil supplies, would have occurred? It, therefore, is important that policy has to be continually reviewed as events unfold and adjustments made, which are considered necessary.

The Government are watching this situation. One thing that was emphasised at budget time, and which has been re-emphasised in the course of this debate and the debate on the Finance Bill, is that the danger of inflation has emerged as even a greater threat in the last few months. It is essential, having regard to the evolution of the balance of payments and the threat inflation poses for the long-term progress of the economy, that this situation should be recognised and that the necessary action, when required, to deal with the situation is taken.

One of the matters that was mentioned in the course of this debate by a number of Deputies was administration and included in that was the manner in which Dáil business is dealt with and the amount of time available to discuss certain matters that come either in the way of Estimates or legislation before the House. As Deputies are aware, this week the House spent some time discussing a motion, which is designed to amend the Standing Orders, and to bring these amendments into operation from the beginning of next session. The recommendations involved in these amendments are based on the all-party committee report, which was chaired by Deputy O'Malley when he was a Minister in the last Government, and on which Deputies from all parties were represented. A number of recommendations were made; a few have already been brought into effect. The motion authorising the amendment of Standing Orders now is designed to make further changes.

In order to show that the progress of legislation has not been slow during the period of office of this Government I have here some figures which indicate that up to last March 40 different Bills were enacted. That total was not exceeded in any one of the 10 calendar years 1963-1972 and was only reached in one of them, 1964. The average annual number of Bills enacted over the last 18 years was only 32. I accept, as I think we all do, that there is need for reform. This matter was considered in considerable detail and many useful proposals were brought forward by members of the committee which resulted in this agreed, all-party report. But no matter what changes are made, it seems to me that having amended and altered Standing Orders, having devised revised machinery for dealing with matters that come before the House agreement to work the system will be necessary.

Next year one specific change of an important nature will occur in that the financial year will be changed and the budget will be much earlier than previously. Consequently, the Finance Bill will be reached at an earlier stage than has been customary since the House was set up. Apart from that, I am convinced from experience that the only really efficient way to get business through is to have a timetable that can be flexible, one that enables the Opposition to request longer time for a particular piece of legislation as more time for some Estimates as against others. But in the last analysis discussion must end at some time and decisions must be taken and heads have to be counted. It does not matter whether people vote with their feet or their heads so long as the tot comes out right.

Decisions must be taken and no matter how elaborate procedure for getting business through may be, unless there is agreement to work the system in a rational way it cannot operate. It is unsatisfactory to have protracted debates on limited aspects and then rush through large chunks of business, whether a Finance Bill or something else. Another suggestion has been made, one we put forward on more than one occasion, that more business should be referred to select or special committees. Deputy de Valera referred at length to this last night and rightly pointed out that some of the changes that have been made have not substantially altered the manner in which business is despatched here. I think that with the amendments proposed in the motion passed during the week the changes will mean an improvement in the next session.

I want to deal with a number of points raised in connection with agricculture and because these are important it is necessary to go into some detail. First, I want to make clear that there is no question of the Government dragging their feet on the green pound. Before deciding to seek Community agreement to a change in the representative rate for the Irish pound for the purpose of the CAP, the Government had to consider the wideranging implications for the economy as a whole. Contrary to suggestions made, a formal request by the Government for a change has been made to the Commission. This was considered at a meeting of the Council of Ministers last week and in accordance with normal Community procedure it is being studied by the Commission. It will come up again at the next Council meeting in September.

I should like to re-emphasise some of the comments I made in opening this debate and in doing so to refute categorically the allegation that the United Kingdom Government took unilateral action in regard to agricultural subsidies. At its meeting in March the Council of Agricultural Ministers at the request of the United Kingdom delegation authorised a special temporary subsidy for pigmeat production. The UK Government were authorised, at the request of the UK delegation, to provide a special temporary subsidy for pigmeat production in Britain from national funds with a corresponding subsidy for pigmeat production in Ireland paid from FEOGA. The British subsidy was paid from their own Exchequer; the Irish subsidy for pigmeat was paid from FEOGA.

The UK delegation was also authorised at the March meeting not to make the full transitional alignment step in their cattle guide prices but instead to grant an increased calf subsidy. This was compensated for in our case by compensatory amounts on our cattle and beef exports to the United Kingdom which are financed from FEOGA. The French Government in the past few days announced their intention to grant certain temporary aids to farmers mainly on interest rates, cattle, pigs and taxation. It is understood that these proposals are being examined by the Commission on the question of compatibility with CAP and, on preliminary indications, the Commission appeared to have a number of reservations about them.

It is not in our interest to revert to a system of national aids for agriculture but rather to ensure that any problem arising for any member state is dealt with on a Community basis in accordance with the CAP. I do not think any Deputy is seriously advocating that we should revert to the policy of subsidising food exports to other countries at the expense of the Irish taxpayer.

There was some criticism here about the farm modernisation scheme and the EEC directive on disadvantaged areas. The scheme adopted here to implement EEC Directive 159 has exploited to the full limit any flexibility allowed for the needs of smaller farmers. As a result the level of aid provided for them under the scheme is not only better than what was previously available but is also more favourable than what is offered to similar farmers in other member countries. Taking account of the various elements of the EEC farm structure policy, smaller farmers now have a wider range of absolutely voluntary options than they ever had before.

As well as expanding business by availing of the aids offered they can hope to become development farmers, for example, by acquiring extra land vacated by retiring farmers. The Minister for Lands recently introduced a generous scheme to enable farmers to retire with dignity and security either by selling or leasing their land. The EEC directive on disadvantaged areas is, of course, not yet final. The extent to which the Community will contribute to the costs of member states remains to be settled. The sections of the measures which have been agreed lay down precisely criteria for the selection of the disadvantaged areas by each country. The main aid envisaged in the directive is an income supplement to farmers in the areas concerned payable in the form of a livestock headage payment. The measures will give a degree of additional flexibility and investment aids which may be paid to farmers and should prove of considerable benefit.

One of the matters mentioned by Deputy G. Collins was the question of the difficulties in the beef sector. Since December last the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries has taken every opportunity to press Brussels in the strongest manner to protect the beef community and, in particular, the imposition of a temporary ban on beef and cattle imports from third countries. The new slaughter premium authorised by the EEC for the first three months is on much the same lines as the pigmeat support subsidy which was introduced. Both these supports are valuable and will provide assistance to the livestock industry. This change in respect of pigmeat has also been beneficial. Some time ago the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries obtained a FEOGA subsidy of £2.80 per pig which has been of assistance and recently there has been an increase in pig prices.

The debate has been notable for the continuous references to the housing situation. The Minister for Local Government dealt at considerable length with this in both his Estimate speech and in the course of his remarks here this morning. There are a number of points I would like to mention. In 1972-73 the total amount provided by the Government for housing under the public capital programme was £45 million. The total in the capital budget this year is £77 million. In addition, the Government have now indicated, as announced by the Minister, their intention of providing a further £9 million. This morning the Minister for Local Government announced an additional sum of £5 million. The Minister for Finance in the Seanad will also refer to this matter. The important thing in this regard is not the source of the money for housing. That is not of great consequence. What matters is whether it is available or not. The sources are numerous. The money may come from the building societies, the banks, the local authorities or the Government but irrespective of the source the more money allocated for housing the less there is for personal consumption, for industrial and agricultural investment or for any productive purpose or to finance the throughout of either industry or commerce.

It, therefore, requires an exercise of considerable skill to maintain a proper and delicate balance between these competing, deserving needs. I want to give the House some facts of the increase in the money supply. Last year, to May, 1974, the money supply increased by 23.3 per cent. In the same period the resources of the associated banks grew by 21 per cent, of the nonassociated banks by 44 per cent and of the building societies by 19 per cent. It will be seen from these figures that the building societies, while they made significant advances, have been the poorest performers in this group despite the fact that they had tax concessions and a State interest subsidy of over £2.4 million per year.

Last year, the building societies received a loan of £6 million from the Bank of Ireland and the Allied Irish Banks through a special arrangement made by the Government with the banks. This involved an interest subvention and a guarantee by the Exchequer. The Government have been in negotiation through the Central Bank with the associated banks. The banks have agreed to a further advance of £5 million to the building societies. The details will be announced next week. It is important to mention why the growth of the building society resources has not kept pace with those of other deposits. The building societies lost the interest rate advantage which they formerly had over the banks. This happened while the banks had to increase their rates as world rates climbed and the societies did not raise their rates to the same extent.

Thus the differential in their favour disappeared and at certain levels of deposits it has now become a differential against the societies. It is a fact that to some extent building societies while they did well in difficult circumstances, lost the advantage of the pulling power for funds. The Government appreciate that high interest rates are a heavy burden on house purchasers even if the burden is significantly eased by abatement of income tax and mortgage rates are lower than those charged by other financial institutions, but if the choice has to be made between higher mortgage payments on the one hand and more money for housing on the other the decision, however reluctantly taken, must be one of providing more money for houses.

If higher interest rates are necessary to achieve that goal they must be accepted. The present Exchequer subsidy to the building societies is related to the present deposit rate available of 8 per cent and a mortgage rate not exceeding 11¼ per cent. The Government have decided to continue to pay the present subsidy until interest rates have improved downwards but will discuss immediately with the societies appropriate revised new levels of interest on deposits and mortgage rates.

Deputy J. Lynch referred to the limit of £4,500 on house purchase loans by local authorities and said they were inadequate. The Deputy appears to have forgotten that the limit up to March, 1973, was £3,800 for greater urban areas and £3,300 for the rest of the country.

It would be well to bear in mind that the total applications for these loans in the hands of local authorities at the end of March, 1974, was approximately £50 million. This does not show any real difficulty on the part of applicants. The Institute for Economic and Social Research in their examination of the outlook for the building and construction industry commented that the outlook indicated considerable progress. That comment was made before the Government's recent decision and the allocation of the extra £9 million and the additional £5 million which have been announced today and which the banks have agreed to provide. That all indicates the extent to which the Government are committed to housing. It is also important that in their recent statement on monetary policy the Central Bank specifically exempted lending for house purchase, including bridging accommodation, from the restrictions introduced for banks in relation to personal and other nonproductive lending. This indicates the special attention and the provision of adequate funds by the State and other institutions to ensure that the construction industry will maintain its development and continue to make progress.

A number of Deputies, particularly Deputy Faulkner, referred to the changes in social welfare benefits and payments. He appeared to criticise the actual increases given on the basis that they had not kept pace with the increases in the consumer price index. The annual rate of spending on social welfare based on the 1974 budget provision is 77 per cent greater than the provision for the 1972 budget. This increase includes not only an increase in numbers eligible, but it includes an increase in the actual benefits, many examples of which I gave in the course of my introductory speech.

The Minister for Health and Social Welfare announced that an examination is being made of a number of aspects of the social welfare code and of what changes, improvements and alterations should be made. The fact is that the changes which have been made in this year's and last year's budgets are the biggest ever given and show a real advance in the amount of money available in the actual income over and above any increase in prices or rises which have occurred. It is not necessary to restate the examples I have already given except to say that the amount voted in this year's budget in respect of social welfare is 77 per cent higher than it was two years ago. No Deputy will suggest that increases in prices in the meantime have approximated to that level.

Deputy Staunton and others referred to a number of administrative matters, the regional structures and the importance of promoting western development in general and regional development as well. It is generally agreed that the structure which has evolved over the years has involved a certain blurring of responsibility with a consequent block in progress. Deputy Staunton expressed particular views and others may have other views, but the matter is primarily one of organisation. The Department of the Public Services and others are in discussion to see what changes, if any, are desirable and where they should be made. The matter will then be brought before the Government.

One of the matters referred to in the course of this debate was the fact that in recent months there has been concern about the deterioration in employer-labour relations. The criticism, of course, was made in the course of the recent bus dispute. Suggestions were made that the Minister should intervene. I think it is well that I should quote to the House a view expressed by Deputy Brennan who was the Minister for Labour in the last Government. I do this, not to indicate any basic disagreement with what he said, but simply to show that Deputies sometimes take a different view in Government from what they take outside it. When there was a cement strike on here, and I am quoting from the Official Report of 14th May, 1970, column 1612, Deputy Brennan, as Minister for Labour, said:

I am very much concerned, but I am also concerned that the adequate institutions provided for settling this or any other strike are used to the fullest extent. By intervening at an inappropriate time I would only weaken those institutions, which we all agreed should be set up. I do not see what my intervention would accomplish, because we must view this strike in the context of the general economic situation. This is not the only strike we are likely to have. How we handle it and how the institutions available for settling the strike are used will establish a precedent for future negotiations.

In the ESB dispute in 1972, Deputy Brennan, again as Minister for Labour, on the 12th April—and again I am quoting from the Official Report, Volume 260, No. 1, columns 43 and 44; again, he had been urged to intervene—said:

That is the very type of action that would bring absolute chaos into the whole procedure of industrial relations in the ESB. It is the very type of thing we have been advised not to do.

I do not think it necessary to give any further quotations in that regard except to say that the general experience has been that when a strike occurs—if there is pressure on the Minister or Ministers involved or on the Government to do something about it—the history of all strikes shows, or nearly all, that there may be an appropriate time for the Minister or the Government to intervene but that the established procedures under the legislation enacted for the purpose of dealing with these matters, and the whole framework involved in the Labour Court, by and large, are the best available to us.

The Minister for Labour has indicated that he is considering what changes and alterations may be required before recommending amending legislation or before bringing proposals before the House.

I have dealt in some detail with a number of points made. What I have said has ranged over a wide variety of subjects. The debate, ranging as it did and as is usual in a debate of this sort, covers a great many problems that affect the country. Individual Deputies may have raised specific matters and, if I have overlooked dealing with any of them, I will endeavour to have their queries answered by means of a direct reply.

The matter that I mentioned initially, that has been the subject of a good deal of comment in the course of the debate and one to which I want to advert again is the problem of inflation which is the major one facing the economy at present. Continued at its present rate it could erode the very fabric of our society. We are not alone in the world in this problem. As I have said, all countries in the Western world and beyond it have similar difficulties. Its solution, in part, is a matter for international action. Also, as I have made quite clear, it is a matter for domestic action on the part of the Government and we will face up to whatever responsibilities we have in that regard.

There are also the associated problems of the size of the deficit on the balance of payments and of unemployment. Sometimes action taken to deal with one of these problems will aggravate the intensity of the other. In their actions the Government, at all times, will be concerned with the principle of human concern and the good of the community as a whole.

I hesitate to mention Northern Ireland in the category of a problem. In many ways it is more in the nature of a tragedy. I have been asked to say more on the subject in reply to this debate and, for many reasons, I hesitate to do so. As I have said before, if words could solve the problem of the North or relieve the tragedy, then it would be the happiest place in the world. But I want to reaffirm the policies which have been enunciated by myself and Ministers of the Government, in this House and elsewhere, on numerous occasions during the past year and most recently in reply to a number of questions put down by the Leader of the Opposition. Our concern now is to do everything possible to bring about peace, reconciliation and the reconstruction of power sharing in Northern Ireland. Our concern is for the entire population of that area and, in particular, for the minority living there. We wish to see progress made by the only means possible in our time; I mean by the processes of discussion and consent.

In the past few days we have surveyed the economy as a whole. Despite the signs of strain which are evident and which have been referred to in the course of this debate by Deputies as well as by Ministers and despite the effects of inflation, there is a substantial momentum of progress. Perhaps this momentum is evidenced most dramatically by the massive increase in industrial investment and by the industrial progress I have mentioned. It is evidenced by the progress being made in agriculture. Despite the present unfavourable world conditions for cattle prices, the long-term prospects cannot be anything but good. The potential for mining and for further finds of gas and oil—which could transform the economy beyond anything we know or, indeed, beyond the recognition of anyone listening here or elsewhere—will be developed fully in so far as the Government are concerned in the interests of all of the people of this island. By our actions we will ensure that the prospects I have mentioned—in so far as we can contribute to them—will be realised. We will provide and encourage an environment which in turn encourages and stimulates development and ensure that the fruits of this development, as far as possible, are distributed fairly amongst the entire population.

The debate was also notable for a number of extraneous matters not strictly relevant to it. There has been a good deal of comment, firstly outside the House and, in the last couple of days, inside it on how I voted last week; I do not propose to add to the comment.

Could I ask the Taoiseach if he stated that interest rates on building society mortgages would be increased?

This is all to be discussed with the societies next week but I think the Deputy is right in his supposition that there will be changes in the rates.

So there will be an increase.

Did the Taoiseach say there would be £5 million granted to the building industry? Did he mean the building societies?

The building industry.

The Committee divided: Tá, 64; Níl, 60.

  • Barry, Peter.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Pattison, Seamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McDonald, Charles B.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Thornley, David.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Loughnane, William.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond; Níl, Deputies Lalor and Browne.
Question declared carried.
This Resolution and the other Resolutions come to by the Committee on 25th and 27th June, and 3rd July reported.
The Dáil adjourned at 5.10 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 23rd October, 1974.
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