Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 28 Apr 1976

Vol. 290 No. 2

Private Member's Business. - National University Statute: Motion.

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That National University of Ireland Statute CLXXVIII be and is hereby disallowed.
—(Deputy Wilson.)

Last evening when I reported progress I had endeavoured to give an analysis of the concept of the National Institute of Higher Education and the development of the institute under the Fianna Fáil Government. I pointed out the sorry contrast between the confidence the Fianna Fáil Government had in that institute and the contribution it could make to the development of the Irish economy, and the confused attitude the Government are displaying.

It is noteworthy that, up to the moment, no Member of the Government parties and no Minister has intervened in this debate. They are very constrained this evening in the numbers who can contribute. This is quite extraordinary. Everywhere we have gone over the past six to 12 months the young students from the institute, and the staff, have sought discussions with the various representatives, in the mid-western region in particular. Their case has been discussed, or mentioned rather than discussed, at county council, urban council and other meetings. As I speak here this evening, the Nenagh Urban Council, of which I am a member, are discussing it and presumably giving their support to the case being presented by the students and the staff of the institute.

Among those who have expressed soft plámás for the case made by the students and the staff, which coincides with the original aims and programmes of Fianna Fáil for the institute, is Deputy Ryan from North Tipperary whom I have not seen in the House since this debate started. If he can speak words of soft reassurance to students who are entitled to something a little more genuine than that, he should be in here putting on the record what his position is. Deputy Coughlan is here now. I should like to hear from him an analysis of where he sees the difference between what Fianna Fáil have proposed and what the students are asking for, which happens to be the same thing, and what the Government are doing.

Some Government Deputies do not really understand the difference. They are actually giving support to concepts they do not fully understand. Last evening our spokesman on Education, Deputy Wilson, Deputy O'Malley and I outlined at some length the sharp difference between our approach to the institute and that of the Government. When the supporters from the other side take up their positions, I should like Deputy Coughlan, Deputy O'Donnell, the Minister for the Gaeltacht who was here last night apparently to give an impression of concern and interest, and Deputy Ryan, to say precisely what they understand the issues to be and, having said that, to say where they stand on the issues. When you are dealing with young educated people you must prove to them that you are not just relying on old political hackery but that you understand the concepts about which they are concerned. Before you assure them of your support perhaps you would indicate to them on what basis that support has been given. I want particularly to ask those Deputies who have assured these students and staff of their position—on the basis that the Minister will not accede to our motion this evening, though I would be very thrilled that he would—what they propose to do. I regret to say at this stage I am quite sure they will dutifully troop into the lobbies after the Minister and the other members of the Government irrespective of what they have been saying outside of this House. If they do, then let them forever keep their peace about what is their stance about the institute and the students concerned.

In the remaining five minutes I want once again to outline the great concern there is here. Can one imagine what it must be like for students who have entered on a course of studies in any one of the disciplines of concern at present on an understanding that, at the end of that period of study, the National Council for Education Awards would confer appropriate qualifications on them suitable to the studies they had concluded? They are left all through their course of study in doubt and indecision as to where precisely they stand and are being deprived now of the level, standard and nature of qualification they always understood would be theirs as of right. It is deplorable that this is the response we show to young people who have shown a great confidence in the whole concept of the institute as it was first mooted and a great determination to achieve its aims. Equally, I wonder what has happened to the NCEA or what is it intended to do. I acknowledge that when we were in government that had to be and was established on a non-statutory basis. It was then only initiated. I acknowledge that there was more to be done; it would have to be established on a statutory basis. I acknowledge that it had not reached that point by the time we left Government. Certainly everything we did was by way of preparation for that very essential step.

Surely a National Council of Education Awards would be sensitive to our country's agricultural potential, that of the industrial sector and to the country's social development, so crucial to the proper channelling of third-level instruction and education to the national advantage. As one example, it is no secret that in that area there has been quite a significant development in the mining industry. I am not at present aware of any very effective school of mining technology within any of the existing universities. I know there are some studies in that direction at the institute, studies and disciplines that would have to be developed to a very considerable extent. But having regard to the potential of our mining industry so often spoken about from those benches surely it must be seen that the traditional universities are not the educational establishments to have control and direction in this area.

Similarly, if we speak in terms of offshore resources—and all of us have some expectation that there may be some considerable wealth to be derived in that direction—if we want to exploit them to the fullest advantage, is the Minister going to tell me that the best manner in which that can be done is to have an institute brought in under the wing of the existing universities with their traditional approach to third-level education? There is a very definite distinction between the practical application of the techniques of technology and training meant to be applied in that institute and the nature of studies at universities. The Minister must be aware of that. It shows a sorry lack of awareness of that distinction that we have to bring a motion of this sort before the House this evening.

In conclusion, I say this: our position here happens to be exactly parallel to what the students and staff are seeking. It is not that we are doing the popular political thing in following what seems to be now a popular political stance. We have taken this position at all times. We are glad that the students and staff who first entered that institute saw their role as being the one we planned for them. We can assure them that we will fiercely defend that concept as we planned it and that whatever others may say with free and casual support, when we say we support it, we say it out of real conviction and understanding.

I want to protest on this issue. This is the second time I have been disallowed to speak on something——

The Chair decides such matters, Deputy; the Minister.

I know more about it——

I would ask the Deputy to desist.

I know more about it than anybody and I protest vehemently that I am not allowed speak on this issue. If I am silenced in this House I will not be silenced outside it.

I would ask the Deputy to realise that there is a time limit applicable to this debate. I have called on the Minister.

It is most unfair and unjust.

Deputy Coughlan is a Member for Limerick and has an insight into this problem.

Deputy Wilson may not intrude at this stage. I have called on the Minister.

On a point of order, the Minister had an opportunity to speak last evening——

So had others.

Deputy Wilson, the Chair is on its feet; the Deputy will resume his seat.

(Interruptions.)

Order; if Deputy Coughlan persists——

If the Minister had an opportunity of speaking last evening he is now excluding Deputy Coughlan. This has happened before.

Deputy Wilson, please resume your seat.

Deputy Wilson will have an opportunity of speaking later.

If Deputy Coughlan remains——

Deputy Wilson, I must ask you to be good enough to resume your seat.

Is it not correct that the Minister had an opportunity of speaking last evening?

If the Deputy persists in defying the Chair I shall have to ask him to leave the House. The Deputy is defying the Chair.

The Deputy is not defying the Chair.

Deputy Wilson, for the last time I ask you to resume your seat.

I will resume my seat, a Cheann Comhairle, but I think that Deputy Coughlan——

Deputy Wilson, if you do not resume your seat you must leave the House. I must reluctantly ask Deputy Wilson to leave the House.

I have not refused to resume my seat——

If the Deputy does not resume his seat he must leave the House.

Unless this is a charade, the same thing happened on the last motion we had——

The Deputy will please leave the House.

——and Deputy Coughlan was refused permission to speak.

A Cheann Comhairle, will you give me one specific reason why you will not allow me to speak?

If time permits I will call the Deputy. I have called the Minister.

Will the Chair give me a reason why he is not calling on me?

It is at the discretion of the Chair to call whom he wishes.

Is that not absolute and ruthless discretion?

Deputy Coughlan, please.

The Deputy is only putting on a show. He was not even here last evening. He is trying to play it both ways.

I was the first man who raised this issue in Limerick 12 years ago. I have a daughter in the college there. There is no man more concerned about it than I am.

(Interruptions.)

Members, order. Members are eroding precious time.

On a point of order——

A spurious point of order——

It is not a spurious point of order.

It clearly is spurious.

I heard Deputy Coughlan calling Deputy O'Kennedy an imposter. Is that a spurious point of order?

The Deputy is——

I am asking the Chair is that or is it not a spurious point of order.

The Deputy has been defying the Chair for some considerable time past. The Minister.

I am asking the Chair is that a spurious point of order.

In response I must say, first of all, that I was struck last night by a rather sad——

I represent Limerick. I was sent up here by 7,000 or 8,000 people and if this is the treatment being given to Limerick——

Order. Deputy Coughlan will desist from interrupting or leave the House.

It will have its reactions, let there be no doubt about that.

In responding to this motion, may I say I was struck last night by a rather sad contrast. I listened—I think Deputies opposite will agree—as patiently as I could to an outburst from three Deputies, sometimes literally shouting together, an outburst which seemed to be specially designed to invite me to reply in a similar vein. Through it all I could not help thinking of the much more dignified and serious attitude of the group of NIHE students who are at the moment at the gate of my office and I want to keep these students and their interests firmly in mind as I have always done throughout this whole controversy and I want to treat this matter with the seriousness it deserves. I do not want to join the Opposition in a political football match or respond to their cheap jibes about off-side traps which were made yesterday evening. Still less do I want to comment on their unworthy references to "so-called degrees" of our National Universities. I believe the students and the public generally will see through this exercise in futility on the part of the Opposition. I want therefore to concentrate in my reply on the facts of our situation and I do not intend to be tempted into irrelevancies in the matter.

Our common concern in this House should be with standards and their maintenance at a high level. When Deputy Faulkner was Minister for Education he expressed this well in an address he gave at the first meeting of the NCEA at the end of April, 1972. He said:

I have no doubt but that you will demand high standards in relation to the qualifications which you will award so that they will merit international as well as national esteem.

The NCEA itself in its first report indicated its concern that its awards should get the widest possible recognition and set out clearly its conditions and procedures for ensuring this would be achieved. In relation to degrees in particular the NCEA had this to say at page 11 of its first report.

In the awarding of a degree the council is required to ensure that the standard of admission to the course qualifying for its degree awards, the standard of the course and the level of achievement are comparable to those of an Irish university.

In accordance with this concern the NCEA from the beginning asked institutions to submit applications at an early stage and, in the case of degrees, at least one year prior to the commencement of the course. The Department of Education, under my predecessor, Deputy Faulkner, wrote to the NIHE, Limerick, on 5th September, 1972, to express concern that applications from them to the NCEA had not yet been sent on and to ask them to do so as soon as possible.

The historical fact remains that no degree course was submitted to the NCEA from the NIHE, Limerick, until 16th July, 1974, and then only in respect of one area of study— Material and Industrial Engineering. This is an odd background to the rather frenetic Fianna Fáil suggestions that all would be well and apparently awards, including degrees, would flood out to the NIHE students if only one would turn again to the NCEA. I am sorry to have to say it but that is really the message that came across to us last night and again tonight and this message can only serve further to mislead the students of the NIHE.

The introduction of this motion to disallow the statute would appear to be inspired by the somewhat strange reasoning on the part of Deputy Wilson and his Fianna Fáil colleagues that, if they were to succeed in their alleged purpose of preventing the enactment of the provisions of the statute, they would be conferring benefit on higher education. Indeed, I suspect from some of their more melodramatic flights of fancy that Deputy Wilson and his Fianna Fáil supporters imagine themselves to be, or hope to be seen, in the role of knights in shining armour who have thrown themselves in the path of the menacing dragon of the National University of Ireland.

Let me make it clear to the House that the NUI, which has had so many charges levelled at it in recent weeks, did not suddenly advance with evil intent against any non-university institution. Neither did its constituent college, University College, Cork. The Government decided in December, 1974, that the NIHE, Limerick, should be a recognised college of the National University of Ireland and, in accordance with its terms of reference, application was made for this status by the governing body of the NIHE to the university. The application was examined by UCC in accordance with the terms of the charter of the NUI and recognised college status was granted to the NIHE and what we have before us this evening is the logical consequence of those actions.

I would like to emphasise that the authorities and officers of NUI and UCC who dealt with this application of NIHE and who, in consultation with other experts, examined its courses did so expeditiously and with the maximum of goodwill and understanding for the special problems of NIHE. This, of course, was only to be expected and is in keeping with the sentiments already expressed by UCC in a passage from a document already quoted by Deputy Wilson here, the document of July, 1975, entitled Institutional Arrangements for Awarding Degrees. I want to quote now from page 13 a passage which Deputy Wilson did not quote:

Irrespective of what the institutional framework may eventually be UCC would be very willing to help in the development of co-operation arrangements with other third-level institutions. We expect the greatest opportunity for this to arise with institutions in Munster... in Cork, Limerick, Waterford and Tralee.

The result of this willingness and this consideration by UCC is this NUI statute which Fianna Fáil so gracelessly here this evening wish to see annulled. The whole approach of Deputy Wilson and of his colleagues in the points they have raised in this debate has been from a negative standpoint. Let us adopt now a positive approach to the whole matter. I have already outlined on numerous occasions the sequence of events which led to the making of Statute 178 by the Senate of NUI. I would like now to direct Deputy Wilson's attention and that of his colleagues to something I said here on 18th February, 1976, when another motion by him was being discussed. At column 362 of Volume 288 of the Official Report I said:

Our decision that degree awards should be made by the universities has been much criticised and indeed misrepresented, largely I think because of misunderstanding of our intentions. For example, we have been charged with submerging the identity of the NIHEs by merging them with the traditional universities. There is no intention of submerging the identity of any institution within the system, and when I use the word "system" here I am referring to the entire area of higher education, encompassing long-established institutions and more modern establishments.

I note that in a leading article in The Irish Times of 13th April this vein was continued. The article says:

The governing body cannot afford to protest publicity as if there was anything to protest about anyhow, but there can be no doubt that they would prefer independence in any case in view of the unreasonable conditions which the NUI has laid down for the merger.

What unreasonable conditions? What merger? I wish people who use the English language would use it correctly and refer to facts. I refer to that statement in the debate of 18th February now because from what I have already heard in this discussion its import went unheeded or has been forgotten by politicians and, indeed, by the media. Lest what I said about degrees on that occasion suffer a similar fate I feel it is of sufficient importance to repeat it again and I quote from the same volume at column 364:

We hear a lot nowadays about who will award a degree to one group of students or another but we hear little or nothing about the responsibility of the prospective graduate in the matter. For instance, we hear no reference to the successful completion of an adequate course by the students or to their meeting examination requirements deemed necessary by those who are competent to assess whether their performance measures up to a standard that is acceptable, not alone nationally but internationally as well

What is the quotation?

It is from my speech of 18th February in this House on a similar motion. I will continue with the quotation.

What is the volume?

It is Volume 288, column 364.

The quotation continues:

Degrees awarded in Ireland have long been accepted throughout the world, because the people whose responsibility it has been to guard their own standards have fulfilled faithfully the responsibility entrusted to them, and they have been alive to the very serious repercussions that would follow from any doubt that might be cast on the reliability of their awards.

In fact, in a letter, in today's Irish Times from Patrick J. O'Flynn, Department of Chemistry, UCD, the very same point is made. The quotation continues:

The worth and acceptability of a degree awarded in Ireland, irrespective of the source of that degree, must be guaranteed throughout the world. We must guard against any deviation from acceptable standards that would devalue, or even risk devaluation of, our degrees. That must be one of our guiding principles.

Even if we were not duty bound to do all we can to maintain the high place which our awards have in the world, it would be unfair to our students, to say the least, to speak as if our aim were to give a degree to every student who completed a degree level course as if he had an absolute right to such an award. A graduate must have a degree that is worth having. To give him or her a degree that would carry with it the slightest suspicion of inadequacy would be tantamount to playing a confidence trick on the graduate to whom it has been awarded.

The students of the NIHE, Limerick who acquire a degree on successful completion of their studies will possess a degree of the National University of Ireland. That is no second rate qualification but one, I am glad to say, which has the highest standing internationally. It must be appreciated that the values which we are defending in the case of our degree awards have a perennial validity and that the untarnished reputation of Irish qualifications must be and will be jealously maintained. We must avoid any temptation that may arise to put this reputation at risk by upholding for whatever reason, be it fear of virulent if ill-informed criticism from certain quarters, or genuine sympathy for those who feel disappointed in their expectations in the short term, what might be inadequate in quality when judged by the best criteria.

Inadequacies can be overcome, deficiences can be remedied and the goodwill and assistance of established institutions with their international reputation, their long standing experience in structuring and updating courses in maintaining their academic standards at the levels which prevail internationally and their vitality in responding to fresh challenges, are available for the benefit of their younger sister institutions. This assistance generously given in a spirit of mutual co-operation and not, may I stress, out of any desire to eclipse or submerge can help to establish more firmly the national and international standing and reputation of new institutions providing degree level courses.

It is scarcely necessary to stress that the standing and quality of the academic product in an institution of higher education form the best defence of its identity and that this standing and quality must be established, reinforced and developed if that institution is to win and retain its place in the sun. In this connection I stated in the House on 18th February last, when I said that there was no need for me to defend the universities against certain allegations that had been made against them in relation to what has been hitherto the non-university section, and I quote from Volume 288, column 363.

The universities over the past year have shown new eagerness to play a creative and constructive role in the context of the Government's decisions in relation to degree level courses in institutions which have hitherto been outside the university area of validation. This change is to be welcomed because, and I feel confident that the universities would agree with me in this, for the universities to continue to remain in isolation from the rest of the system of higher education would be damaging to the system as a whole and indeed to the universities themselves.

In this regard, let me put on the record of the House some of the forward movement that has taken place. I briefly refer to the achievement announced by me in Wexford at the INTO Congress of 1973 of the initiation of steps towards the award of a university degree to our colleges of education for primary teachers. It was not the policy of the previous Administration to have university validation of the degrees of our primary teachers. If there was no annulling motion before this House when this new degree was going through the brouhaha which has arisen in regard to this particular matter perhaps would not have arisen.

I want to thank the universities for their co-operation with me as Minister for Education in the National Coalition Government in regard to that matter. I want to tell the House that this is all of a pattern and you cannot take some parts of it and reject others. Earlier this year the Senate of the National University of Ireland accepted the recommendations of a committee of registrars appointed by the Senate in July, 1975, to consider the acceptance of students from regional technical colleges into colleges of the university. Let me say that the degree of publicity given to this institute would seem to put into the background the other important institutions of higher education which have been set up—I will concede, it is evident—by the previous Administration. These are also important and because of their importance I am putting this on the record of the House. They are entitled Guidelines for the Acceptance of Students from Regional Technical Colleges and Colleges of Technology into Constituent or Recognised Colleges of the University. The net point is that applicants who have obtained an RTC certificate may be considered for exemption from the courses and examinations in the certificate subjects in a first university year and applicants who have received and obtained an RTC diploma may be considered for exemption from the courses of examinations in diploma subjects in first and second university years.

Do the Opposition suggest to me that if the Government had not taken their decisions in regard to higher education that this degree of co-operation would be forthcoming from the universities with their structured binary approach? I assert confidently that this would not have obtained. The previous Administration, because of their policy, would not have obtained that degree of forward movement.

Let us go back to the end of 1974 for a moment and see what people were saying then in regard to these matters. I quote briefly from The Education Times of the 26th December, 1974, from Dr. Edward Walsh, the director of the NIHE. He says:

Regarding the Government proposals in general their stated basic objectives must be welcomed. In replacing the binary system with a comprehensive one designed to stimulate free flow between the two sectors an effort is being made to bridge one of the many barriers which sub-divided our community. In a country where for so long our education system has grouped our students according to sex, religion and social background ... and so on. These proposals have been attacked for the lack of detail and precision. In fact, it can be argued that this is their strength.

I would like to put again on the record of the House a quotation from W. G. Scaife from The Education Times of October, 23rd, 1975, referring to the proposed link between a Dublin university and the colleges of technology, another forward movement under this Government which is conveniently forgotten by those who create all the fracas. The quotation is as follows:

A great deal of the comment was adverse and——

——that is in regard to our decisions——

——once again this was not unexpected, because the Universities have had to reject so many proposals in the past. Such reflex response was not adequate, however, because this set of proposals contains a novel ingredient—a proposal for a University-NIHE link.

I would ask the House to attend to this next sentence:

There is no simple precedent for this and the consequent lack of rigid constraints makes it a potentially very fertile area for development. Doctrinaire judgements on the matter have been shallow and have failed to grasp the possibilities presented.

I could not agree more. I could not have expressed my own sentiments in regard to the cacophony of ignorance which has burst on the educational scene in regard to these decisions of ours better than it has been done in the quotation I have given.

This new departure in higher education which is so full of potential for development can only be welcomed, I suggest. Put briefly, it means that university values at their best are penetrating into new institutions while these new institutions are, in turn, exerting the valuable influence of their own ethos and emphasis on the universities. May I remind The Irish Times that it is by no means a matter of submerging the identity of one in the other; it is rather a very desirable two-way exercise of beneficial influence, a fruitful combination of high quality academic endeavour with activity which is work-oriented and industrially relevant.

I have already put on the record of the House, and I shall do so again because it neatly describes our higher education policy, the quotation from the OECD document Current Education: Trends and Issues. I quote:

As far as the relationship between the non-traditional and the traditional sectors of education is concerned Governments have so far responded in one of three ways:

(1) By creating what in the United Kingdom has been called a "binary system", treating the traditional and non-traditional sectors as separate entities

(2) By regarding post secondary education as a totality and creating an integrated but diversified system embodying all its institutional manifestations and co-ordinating them as much as possible; and

(3) By treating the two sectors as interdependent, for example, Norway, emphasising the development of a new network of regional colleges and a partial reform of universities, with close links between the two.

It is something that is easily forgotten that I have restructured on behalf of the National Coalition Government the machinery for supervision. In fact, Dr. Walsh in the article to which I have just referred praised this as a new element in the situation. I do not want to labour that except to say that the new functions given to the NCEA will in conjunction with the Higher Education Authority in my judgment form one of the best machineries in Europe for the proper superintending of the development of higher education.

The Minister has five minutes left.

The making of Statute CLXXVIII by the NUI establishing, as it does, new primary degrees by the National University is clear, positive proof of the constructive approach of the universities in relation to non-university institutions. I doubt if Deputy Wilson, in proposing the motion which he has proposed, fully appreciated its implications. Does he, as spokesman on education for Fianna Fáil, wish to turn the clock back? Is he unaware of the changes that have been taking place and which I have just mentioned? Or, is it one more sorry example of his commitment on behalf of his party to a rigid binary system of higher education?

You did not answer my arguments of yesterday.

Does he wish the universities to draw up their drawbridges and withdraw behind their walls to their own detriment and to the detriment of other institutions? Only he can provide the answers. I ask Deputy Wilson and his colleagues in Fianna Fáil to draw the structural conclusions from their own argumentation. May I say in regard to this matter that I shall not allow Fianna Fáil to steal my clothes. They will not be allowed to claim credit for the new opening up by the universities——

The emperor has no clothes at all.

——towards the regional technical colleges or towards the NIHE. I am not prepared to concede to them that the measure of progress we have achieved in opening up the universities, as I have said, would have been achieved if their binary policies had been pursued. They would not have succeeded in convincing the Senate of NUI to accept certificates and diplomas of our higher technical colleges for the one- and two-year recognition, as I have said. To return to the NIHE, it has been said that if in the case of degree courses being provided there, there had been some other validating body such as the NCEA, the result would have been different. I want to stress this point: it has also been alleged from time to time that what has been termed conventional or traditional universities lack expertise to deal with courses provided in the non-university institutions. I have already quoted from Deputy Faulkner earlier in this debate. It has been suggested that the NCEA should be allowed to award degrees to this year's students and there has been more than a suggestion that with the NCEA validating the degree level courses and making the awards no problem would have arisen in relation to classified degrees. Is it to be inferred from this that less exacting standards would have been expected from the NIHE by the NCEA? May I also say that the fact that but one of five degree programmes begun in 1972 had been submitted by the NIHE to the NCEA by July, 1974, would not appear to indicate a burning desire on the part of the NIHE for validation of its programmes by the NCEA.

I would like to draw the attention of the House to the assumptions behind all this talk about the NCEA. The attitude of Fianna Fáil and, as I have just said, their assumption that NIHE problems would disappear if I would allow the NCEA to award degrees, carries the implication that they have a contemptuous attitude to the NCEA. Does anybody think that an undifferentiated degree from the NCEA would be more acceptable than an undifferentiated degree from the NUI? Or is it suggested that the NCEA has a view of standards which would allow them to place the threshold at a point lower than the university? I have information before me which would indicate that the assumptions implicit in this attitude have no foundation.

If time permitted I would go on to deal with other matters that are causing concern such as the question of honours degrees. Time does not permit. I say to Fianna Fáil that their policy in trying to pull the kingpin from the Government's higher education policy will not succeed. The NCEA will not be the validating body for the degrees of the students who are to graduate from Limerick this year. The logical conclusion from these statements is that the source of the degrees, as I have said publicly on a number of occasions, is the NUI.

They will not take them.

I therefore appeal to educational and to political opinion to face up, as I said on radio the other day, to the realities of this situation and to exhort all those concerned at this late stage to get down to a solution of the problems which have arisen because—and I assert this here again—if the source of degrees from the NUI is not acceptable to the students in Limerick, the conclusion is that no other source is available to them. I do not want anybody to misunderstand the situation. I must, therefore, ask the House to reject this motion by Fianna Fáil, a motion which is graceless in the extreme in attempting to disallow the setting up of two new degrees in the National University, the degrees of Bachelor of Technology and Bachelor of Commercial Studies. I ask the House to reject this motion.

Would Deputy Faulkner allow me a little of his time?

The Deputy will have five minutes when I finish. I was rather amazed to hear the Minister state in his concluding remarks that he regretted he had not the time to deal with such important aspects of this matter as the honours degree when, in fact, he spent most of his speech quoting from letters to newspapers and from various other irrelevant items, including his own speeches. In a situation such as this the Minister should have confined himself to discussing the important aspects of this matter which are causing such concern not only to the people of Limerick because the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick is not simply a Limerick matter. It is a matter for the whole country. I regret the attitude which the Minister adopted in the course of this debate. I had to say this on a previous occasion as well. He began by saying that he did not propose to follow what he called the outburst by the Fianna Fáil spokesman and he then proceeded to use very emotive language in which he impugned the motives of Fianna Fáil in relation to this amendment. I should like to point out to the Minister that the policy on which we are speaking is the policy we followed when we were in office. The only difference it that when I was Minister for Education I was responsible to the Taoiseach only and not to any other Minister or any sub-committee of the Cabinet in relation to education matters and I made my own decisions. The Minister quoted from a letter to the NCEA which was written by me when I was Minister. To be frank about it, I am rather surprised that he should have quoted from that letter because the significant words in that letter are "which you will award".

I misunderstood. The Minister then stated that no degree course was submitted until July, 1974. Had I continued as Minister I would have seen to it that these courses were submitted. I find it rather significant, as Deputy O'Malley did, that we have had so few speakers from the opposite benches. I would have thought that the Minister for the Gaeltacht in particular, who has been known to disapprove, at least from his statements in Limerick, of what has been done in relation to the NIHE, has not come into the House and spoken on this motion. There is a precedent for this because the Minister for Industry and Commerce spoke on previous motions in relation to the same matter. In the previous debate on this subject the Minister for Industry and Commerce spoke. He now appears to be the spokesman for this sub-committee on higher education. It would appear to me that this sub-committee has to all intents and purposes taken over this particular sphere of education from the Minister for Education.

During the course of a previous debate on this subject the Minister for Industry and Commerce stated that the changeover from a binary system to a single system should be done in a humane way. I would ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce if he regards the present situation and the present effort to impose a particular situation on the students in the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick is doing it in a humane way. These students who have finished a four-year course in the institute are under very severe nervous strain in not knowing what is to become of them. They have objected strenuously to the action taken by the Minister for Education at the direction of the Cabinet sub-committee in attempting to impose a system on them which they reject. The students have the support and backing of the staff of the institute in their attitude towards the particular system which is being imposed on them. Let me further remind the House that the Minister for Industry and Commerce is on record as saying that if you want instant action you have to wield the big stick but if you want democratic and humane action you have to be patient. I assume that the type of action which he would have preferred was humane action. The action of the Minister for Education and his colleagues belies the sentiments expressed by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. No patience was shown in this matter but rather is force of an unqualified nature being used to impose a system on the National Institute for Higher Education which the staff, the students and this party, which represents 50 per cent of the electorate, know to be wrong and which we in the Fianna Fáil Party know will destroy the purpose for which the institute was founded.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce had much to say in relation to the binary system and so had the Minister for Education. They claimed that we supported such a system. In fact, it is true to say that most of their speeches on the previous occasion were taken up with charges and taunts in relation to the binary system. I pointed out to them that our record in the development of comprehensive education is second to none. We were satisfied at second level that this type of education could be made available in secondary schools, vocational schools, comprehensive schools or in community schools so long as they were large enough to provide the necessary courses to cater for the aptitudes and the abilities of the pupils. We made it clear that our aim was to provide equality of educational opportunity for all. The various steps we took over the years, including the introduction of free education, brought this aim closer to realisation. This was all done with no small effort on our part as could be seen from the community schools saga. Why then should we come to a sudden stop and reverse the policy in relation to higher education as the two Ministers implied in their contributions? The people can be assured that our objective was, and will continue to be, to ensure equality of educational opportunity for all our children at third level just as it was at second level. We had charted a course towards achieving this objective, a course which was humane and reasonable.

I again refer to the many references by Ministers, and particularly the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to the word "humane" and compare it to the action taken by the Government in regard to Limerick. Our approach was not only reasonable and humane, it was educationally sound and based on long hours of consultation with all the interests involved. It is ironic to note that one of the prime articles in the now forgotten Coalition 14-point plan was the promise of consultation with all levels in the educational field. I wonder where this consultation has now gone. The Minister for Education and the Minister for Industry and Commerce praised the new found plan for the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick on the grounds that it would add to the stature of that institute and give it an esteem which it could not otherwise achieve. The exact opposite is true. This institute has been downgraded by forcing it to accept degrees from an unwilling university and there was no doubt that Cork University was unwilling in the first instance to take any hand, act or part in the awarding of degrees in the institute. It was only after considerable and forceful persuasion that it agreed to do so. The Minister for Education in the last debate accused me of denigrating university education. Of course, I did nothing of the kind. I simply pointed out that I believed the universities had not got the expertise to deal with courses in the NIHE, and this, to an extent, was borne out by the fact that Cork University was unwilling in the first instance to be involved. I also feared that the involvement of the university would in the long term force the institute into a strait-jacket and this would have the effect of defeating the objective for which the institute was set up.

I pointed out on a previous occasion that the universities have a profound effect on what is taught in our schools at all levels, far outweighing the proportion of the population who attend universities. If we ask ourselves why particular subjects are taught in our primary and post-primary schools the answer often is that these are subjects recognised for admission to the university. This was true even at a time when only a tiny proportion of our people attended university. I, therefore, feel that I have good grounds for believing that the university would ultimately succeed in imposing its own image on the institute. This, I want to stress again, is not to denigrate university education. The university has its function and it has fulfilled that function adequately and well, but it is not the same function nor has it the same basic objectives as the national institute. For that reason I am concerned about this involvement with the university.

Let me make it clear that I am not expressing these views for the first time. This was my view when I was Minister for Education. When I became Minister I was approached by the university committee for Limerick who had as their objective the establishment of a university there. My predecessor had rejected this. When I assumed office I studied the whole matter very carefully. I met the committee and listened to what they had to say. I sought advice on the matter from many quarters and, having given long and careful consideration to the whole matter, I also rejected the idea of establishing a university there. I was convinced we had sufficient universities and that to establish what would in effect be another Cork or Galway would not supply a need which was becoming more and more obvious with the rapid industrial expansion which had taken place under Fianna Fáil in the sixties. More important still, perhaps, I recognised the need for an Institute of Higher Education which would, of itself, help to achieve what I regarded as vital to our future and that was a proper balance between academic and technical education at all levels, particularly at post-primary level.

I was convinced that an institute such as this, having achieved success in its own field, would give the esteem necessary to convince our people that technical education was on a par with secondary or academic education and that it was no longer the poor relation to be tried only if the child was not considered fit for secondary academic education. If we could achieve this balance, we would not only advance the economic development of the country, but we would also be assured that the aptitudes and abilities of our young people would be developed to their best potential. It is accepted that more children can develop through the hand and eye subjects than can develop through the ordinary academic subjects. It was this reasoning which caused me to push ahead with the community schools in areas where there were three small post-primary schools in need of replacement or repair because I was convinced that in such schools sufficient courses could be provided to cater for the various abilities of the students.

If I could briefly make this point: our educational system at the post-primary level was lopsided because of historical reasons. We had a ratio of over two to one attending secondary schools as compared with vocational schools. I found through visits I paid to developed countries in Europe, through discussions at international level and educational books and periodicals from other countries that the ratio there was the opposite, that is, two to one in favour of technical education. In a country such as ours which needed to develop industrially so as to supply more jobs for our people, it was, in my view, essential that we should endeavour to rectify this imbalance. It was possible to do this both by extending the facilities and the courses in the secondary schools and by further development on the technical side.

It was obvious to me that as long as we had only the group certificate course of two years' duration or the intermediate course of three years' duration in the vocational schools, that parents, at that time benefiting from free education, would tend to send their children to the secondary schools, irrespective of their potential. This did happen. To achieve a greater esteem for vocational and technical education we made the leaving certificate available in vocational schools. We established regional technical colleges for the purpose of providing third-level education on the technical side. To show young people that they could reach the top in this field, we established the National Institute of Higher Education in Limerick, and we proposed to site a similar institute in Dublin. This had the desired effect. In my last year in office I noticed that of the extra pupils who came into the post-primary area, half went to the secondary and half to the technical schools. I am grateful to both the secondary and vocational schools who co-operated with a will in this matter. A large number of pupils from secondary and vocational schools are now attending regional technical colleges.

The point I wish to make again is that the growth of technical and technological education in this country is relatively new. When one compares it with the period of growth of secondary education and university education, it is very new indeed. Therefore it is only common sense to recognise that if we are to attempt to bring third-level education on the technical and the technological side and the traditional university education together by force at this stage, we are in grave danger of destroying what was built up with patience and care over a number of years on the technical side. Technical education here has developed rapidly. It is a sturdy plant but it has not yet the capacity to overcome the pressures of long tradition which will invariably result from the proposals of the Minister.

I did not think I would ever have to say this in this House, but I feel sorry for the Minister because I feel that, in his heart, he agrees with what I am saying. It is a fact that he continued to build on well-established foundations for quite a while after he took office. It was only after the triumvirate of university lecturers took over with their pseudo-liberalism that he was forced to change course.

That is not so.

He should have the courage to resist the peculiar approach of these Ministers of whom I had an expert knowledge, having dealt with them for over three years while I was Minister for Education and they were in opposition.

The universities have changed considerably over recent years. While holding fast to their autonomy, which is only right, they have begun to recognise that education for education's sake is excellent but, at the same time, that their students have also to find jobs when they leave university, and these students should, hopefully, contribute to the national economy. In this sense the universities are moving towards the objectives set for the National Institute of Higher Education in Limerick.

Equally by degrees I feel the NIHE would gradually move towards the universities and, ultimately in the rapidly changing world in which we live, much more quickly than one might expect, the two systems would fuse and we would have a natural coming together of the two educational streams. This unity would be acceptable to all. It would be very much preferable to the forced marriage which the Minister and his colleagues seek to impose, which is unacceptable to the students, to the staff of the national institute in Limerick and, as far as I know, to the people of Limerick.

The students and the staff fear the downgrading of the institute and the downgrading of the degrees which it is proposed to award and, I believe, rightly so. That is no reflection on Cork University. It is no secret that the university had to take certain steps to include these students, which I doubt they would have taken in relation to any of their own students. If the NCEA had awarded degrees, these steps would not have been necessary.

I set up the NCEA on an ad hoc basis pending the introduction of legislation to set it up on a permanent basis. This was necessary because I recognised the need for such a body. I saw the urgency of the matter and, rather than wait to bring it before the Oireachtas, I went ahead with its introduction on an ad hoc basis. The NCEA were established in 1972. In the same year the first students entered the institute. The students who were enrolled in the five major study areas were aware that a body was being set up, or had been set up, which would deal specifically with them and which would have power to award certificates, diplomas and degrees—I stress the word “degrees”. With this in mind we ensured that the members of the council would be people of eminence in the fields of education, both at secondary and third levels, from the non-university and university sectors as well as people with wide experience in industry, commerce and public administration. Among them were seven professors in Irish universities. The members were selected with care. I had no doubt but that that council, in consultation with the boards and faculties of other colleges at home and abroad, at both university and non-university third level, would be highly competent to vet the courses pursued and to award degrees.

When the Minister took office he dissolved the NCEA, changed his mind and restored it. There are new personnel there now.

I did not dissolve it.

I cannot speak for the present body but I have no doubt it is an excellent body. The function of the NCEA would ensure that the objectives of the Institute of Higher Education were always kept in mind, the function being to promote, to encourage, to co-ordinate and develop the technical, industrial, commercial, technological and scientific education and, in association with them, liberal education, and to award certificates, diplomas and degrees for courses pursued at recognised third-level other than university.

I have had considerable discussion and consultation during my time of office with the universities and their staffs, and I have the greatest respect for them and for the fine contribution they have made and are making to Irish life, but it is ridiculous to suggest that a degree conferred by a university is of itself exceptional. What makes the degree worthwhile is the person on whom it is conferred. If he proves himself, then the degree will help him along the road. I am convinced that the National Institute for Higher Education is being denied the right to prove itself, a right which the students entering that institute in 1972 believed to be theirs. The qualification which the NCEA would have awarded would have to make its mark in the world of industry, commerce, business management and so on and if it succeeded in doing that, then the name of the institute was made. If it failed, then the board of the institute in co-operation with the staff and students with external assistance would have to take an objective look at itself to eradicate the flaws. The institute is not now to be afforded this opportunity by the Minister. The students attending the institute are being forced to accept what they regard as second-rate degrees. I am not calling them second-rate degrees but only saying they are regarded as such by the students. They begin life after receiving these degrees with a lack of confidence in themselves which can easily result in seriously downgrading the NIHE in Limerick, as well as damaging their own prospects.

In the National Institute for Higher Education we had got an institute of third-level education which had an opportunity never before afforded to a non-university third-level institution in Ireland to develop in a way of its own, free from the restrictions which traditions and usage place on a university. As I said earlier, it would have got this opportunity had we been in office of achieving an eminence such as that achieved by many non-university third-level institutes in the world. This is not to be, because the Minister and his Cabinet colleagues who spoke so loudly and so long about consultation in their early days of office, have now reached a stage where consultation to them is a dirty word and they proceed to force on an unwilling NIHE in Limerick the qualifications granted by an unwilling university in Cork and they expect to make progress in Irish education by using such methods. There cannot be a proper and fulfilling integration of the true strands of third-level education by these methods.

As I pointed out earlier, the universities are changing with the times, and the bleak prospects facing graduates in certain fields will result in a more rapid change. The NIHE, while maintaining its objectives, would, if it were allowed to grow naturally, also change with the needs of the times, and the differences between university and non-university education would, for all practical purposes, disappear and this way we would achieve a true comprehensive education.

There are many non-university third level education institutes in the world which have achieved a very high standard and the people of the countries in which these institutes are, including the staff and the students of these institutes, have a very high regard for the qualifications which emerged from these institutes. I am just wondering what the institutes in Holland and in Massachusetts would think if it were to be suggested to them that they had a lower standard than the universities.

I must now call on Deputy Wilson.

Might I finally say this—my time is almost up—should it have happened that the institutes in Delph in Holland and in Massachusetts, just to name two, had not been allowed to prove themselves, had the Governments of those countries insisted on the universities awarding the qualifications in these institutes, would these institutes have gained the eminence they have gained in the world of education today?

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle——

I called Deputy Wilson to conclude on the motion.

I think I was offered five minutes by——

Unfortunately, we were informed by the Chair that the five minutes was not available. The debate was to end at 8.35 p.m. but apparently Standing Orders state they must end at 8.30 p.m.

I have been in this House since 1961 and never have I seen such arrogance from any Minister.

I am more closely related with this motion than any Member of this House and it is a shocking state of affairs in a democracy——

Deputy Coughlan must allow Deputy Wilson to speak.

It is a scandal that I am not allowed to speak because of the arrogance of the Minister for Education.

Deputy Coughlan must resume his seat and allow Deputy Wilson to conclude.

On a point of order. Can you clarify for us what debars Deputy Coughlan from being allowed the five minutes that Deputy Faulkner was kind enough to indicate would be available to him?

Deputy Faulkner did not finish in time to allow the five minutes. He finished exactly at the time when Deputy Wilson had to be called on.

On a point of order——

My time is very limited.

I am sorry about the time. We have all been caught with that before. Is it not possible that with Deputy Wilson's goodwill Deputy Coughlan would get a few minutes——

As the Deputy is aware, that is not a point of order.

I am asking for your guidance.

The vote must be at half past eight. I thought coming in here tonight that we might have had a reasonable discussion, that the Minister might debate this, as befits the university graduate about whom he spoke so much, with balance, that he would speak with temperance, that he would weigh the arguments. Instead of that he blew himself up like a harvest frog. He lectured us. He quoted himself over and over again. It was said of Narcissus that he spent a long period of his life admiring his reflection in a pool of water. It is not written of him that he had quoted himself, but it is written of him that finally, through admiring himself too long, he fell on top of his head into the pool. The Minister is in grave danger of the fate of Narcissus.

The Napoleon of Marlborough Street lectured us about the various duties of students but he did not face up to the arguments I made here last night about technological education. I went to some trouble here to attack the basic thesis of the Government, particularly as given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and, in satellite fashion, the Minister for Education, namely, that non-university education was in some way inferior and that consequently Fianna Fáil were tying themselves to an inferior system which obtained only in tottering Great Britain.

I went right around the world and pointed out to this House that in the Soviet Union there was a large and competent non-university third-level education, for which the Minister for Industry and Commerce expressed admiration, that there was a large and competent third-level non-university sector, including the very important sector of engineering, and that there was a system in Germany whereby this engineer qualification, which was not a university degree, gave an opportunity for vertical mobility within that profession. This was not the education of a tottering economy which the Minister for Industry and Commerce said adhered to the binary system and only to the binary system.

I switched to Japan, and not even the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to make a debating point in this House, could claim there is anything wrong with the technology in Japan. I pointed out that there was a heavy non-university sector in the Japanese educational system which was highly successful.

I went to the EEC countries, Germany, France and Holland, and I pointed out the same thing. The Minister did not face up to the argument here tonight. He skipped it, as I say. Narcissus-like, he admired himself in the pools of his own eloquence, kept quoting himself all the time, getting angry, lecturing everybody, but not being constructive in any one way. The Minister indicated to the House that somehow or other we would accept lower standards. In every statement that I made in this House I said that the most important single thing with regard to the institute in Limerick was to see to it that the standards were very high and highly regarded both nationally and internationally, and that there was no raison d'être for the National Institute of Higher Education if we did not insist on that kind of standard. I pointed out to him that by maintaining this very high standard by evolution Limerick could do what the cats did. He seemed to despise on another occasion in this House the University of Strathclyde which was consulted in this matter, if I am not mistaken, by the National University of Ireland. The Technological Institute in Glasgow evolved into the University of Strathclyde. So did about eight or nine other institutes in Great Britain.

We, who are making a plea all the time for evolution, for a chance to evolve, are talking about a four-year-old institution. Why the hurry? Why the rush? Why bring in the university on top of them immediately? The policy has no basis in logic, commonsense, sense of history or anything else.

The Minister told us that the National Institute for Higher Education did not apply to the NCEA for recognition of courses. Why? Whose responsibility was it? Upon whom does the responsibility lie that students spend four years in that institute following a course which is deemed not to be an adequate course for them? It is a criminal lack on somebody's part.

I remember seeing a play in one of the group theatres in O'Connell Street after the war. The theme of the play was "Where does the responsibility lie?" Where does it lie for this, that in one of our institutes on which a good deal of public money was spent, nobody saw to it that the courses were adequate to deal with the situation? What is the use in saying "We are advocating giving them a degree" where the degree is not earned? We advocate no such thing, but there is responsibility on someone to see that the courses of these unfortunate students are adequate. They deserve that from the Minister and his Department, and from the director if the director is responsible on the ad hoc committee running the institute or the new governing body, but there was responsibility somewhere. The students were the sufferers and nobody can gainsay that.

I want to reiterate what was said by a number of speakers here that the National University of Ireland bears no blame in this matter. The National University of Ireland had nothing to do with this scene until Friday, 13th December, 1974, when the Cabinet met and made certain decisions and the Minister for Education announced those decisions on Monday, 16th December, 1974. The National University of Ireland simply applied standards when it was forced to do so by Government decisions. I repeat part of what I said last night. The distinction as between diploma approval and degree approval is not clear-cut in that for the purpose of degrees university approval of courses would have to extend to prerequisites. Prerequisite means first year, certificate year, diploma year, the three years that precede final degree year in the institutes for the prerequisites for the final year courses, and so there would be duplicate assessment and approval of diploma level courses involved.

We had in the centre a sanctimonious address to the students about their responsibility. I spent some time at third level institutes— separate ones. My experience is that the students are responsible and anxious to achieve standards that are internationally recognised. I do not think the students of Limerick are looking for anything they will not have earned by serious application to their studies. I resent the Minister for Education more or less implying that in the speech he made this evening. If the standards were found lacking by people who are assessing, the responsibility does not lie with the students. It lies on the Department of Education, on the Minister for Education or on the director and the people who are running the institute in Limerick. Do not let us have this sanctimonious preaching at students that we had from the Minister for Education.

He spent four years——

Hear hear, I agree totally with Deputy Coughlan.

The Deputy is telling the truth anyway.

There is no point in saying that Fianna Fáil on this side of the House disregard the regional technical colleges. We hope they will be built into the system and that students will be able to transfer. I do not know how much work the Minister has done as yet to transfer the national institute. I hope that in certain instances they will be able to remain in situ and finish four-year courses in certain exceptional circumstances, that they will be able to remain in their regional technical college and do four-year courses.

We are not turning the clock back. We are looking forward to the end of the century. The whole structuring that Deputy Faulkner talked about was aimed at the end of this century, not around the corner, not having a worm's-eye view of the thing. We were looking forward, and we need to in this field. If there is one basic principle upon which we all seem to agree—I agree in full with the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who did the front running in this technological business—it is that it is more than important to develop our technological side. I do not think we are doing it by what the Minister is asking us to do here.

I do not see the Minister for the Gaeltacht here, who was bursting blood vessels for the last six or seven years with his concern for Limerick. Where is he? Why cannot we get him? The Mayor of Limerick called on him to act in the interests of this institute but—silence, silence, silence.

He is a sturdy body.

Another point I resent is that it was indicated that this side of the House would expect the National Council for Educational Awards to accept lower standards than would the universities. I deny that, and wish to put on record the great admiration I have for the expertise of the NCEA. The NCEA was so structured that it could take experts from Japan, the US, the UK, anywhere on the Continent, and use them to lay down the standards to structure courses in such a way that we would have graduates from these institutes of which we could be proud.

I am asking the House to disallow this statute because I believe it was misconceived. The Government bungled this whole business. I talked to students on a number of occasions over the last few days and they expressed the view that a reasonable approach would probably get through to the Minister, and to the Members of the Labour Party. These students felt that their concern was uppermost in the minds of those people. I am disappointed with the Minister, but I have hope of some support from the Members of the Labour Party, particularly those who have shown an interest in this matter in this House— Deputy Coughlan and other Deputies, mentioned by Deputy O'Kennedy, from County Tipperary. I have some hope that they will follow us into the Division Lobby and support us in disallowing this statute. I ask the House to disallow Statute 178.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 62; Níl, 66.

  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.!
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gibbons, Hugh.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Loughnane, William.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Barry, Peter.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Brendan.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McLaughlin, Larry.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Pattison, Seamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Thornley, David.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Lalor and Browne; Níl, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond.
Question declared lost.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.45 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 29th April, 1976.
Barr
Roinn