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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 9 Feb 1978

Vol. 303 No. 6

Financial Statement, 1978: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann takes note of the Financial Statement made by the Minister for Finance on 1 February 1978.
—(The Taoiseach.)

Before this debate adjourned for Question Time I was speaking about farm taxation proposals. I said that rates credit which is now to be allowed as an instalment of tax was a considerable concession to farmers, but I ask the Minister to incorporate in his Finance Bill a provision whereby farmers whose rates will be greater than their tax burden will be allowed the additional rates to be carried forward against the following year's tax. For example if a farmer's rates bill is £600 and his calculated tax is £200 he would pay no tax in that year; he would have only to pay rates on £600. But there would be £400 there and I ask the Minister to incorporate a provision in the Finance Bill which would allow this to be carried forward to the following year.

We have also restored under the notional system, if a farmer opts for it, contractor's charges and also wages. The Minister said in his statement that he is going to agree with farming organisations on a system of averaging profits because of the cyclical nature of farming. He has also said that he will allow one payment day for payment of tax by farmers.

Some anomalies in the farmer taxation code would more properly be dealt with on the Committee Stage of a Finance Bill, but I would like to underline one of them. It is the matters that arise out of the difference between a farmer who carries on another trade or profession and people whose income is from sources other than farming. Under present legislation, which has existed since the enactment of the Finance Act, 1974, it is possible that a farmer who has income other than from his farm does not pay tax on the profits of his farm. But the allowances which he has to offset against his other income are reduced in one of three ways, and the Revenue Commissioners would give the best option available to him. Therefore anyone owning land of valuation greater than £20 and with other income may have his tax allowances to be set against his other income reduced by halving his allowances. His allowances may be reduced by 80 times the difference between £20 and his rateable valuation and subtracting that figure from his taxfree allowances, or his allowances may be reduced by the amount of his farm profits.

This gives rise to an anomaly for people who might have a small amount of land, say £10 valuation, and a small business like a little shop, for instance. Such people would pay tax on the profits of the farm and on the profits of their business. A person with £10 valuation and a small shop will pay a lot more in tax than a person with £59 valuation who is also, say, a Minister of State or in some employment. I ask the Minister to incorporate in the Bill a provision whereby people who have another trade or profession and who have land of under £20 valuation will be put in the same position as people who have other income and greater than £20 valuation. If I speak on Committee Stage of the Finance Bill I intend to raise this matter again.

Certain newspapers seem to try to create the impression that there should be division between the farming community and the working community, and this does no service to the long-term interests of the State. I know from meeting farmers and members of the IFA that they are quite perturbed that there seems to be a campaign carried on by certain newspapers to imply that there should be friction between the farming population and people on PAYE. If we wish to create the jobs which we all hope to get for our young people we must all pull together. The farmers are willing to pay their fair share of tax, and this budget goes a long way towards satisfying their demands and future budgets might increase the multiplier or lower the threshold. However, once farmers have come into the tax net— and I know some farmers who have been in it since 1974—they have found that the system is not too bad, they have got used to it, and they are willing to pay their fair share of taxation.

We have removed tax from agricultural co-operatives but we are not going to exempt sales into intervention. Representations were made to me by meat factories that sales into intervention should qualify for export sales relief. While there is some justification for their argument that if people selling to Bord Bainne are regarded as exporters then people selling into intervention should also be recognised in this way. I am not convinced that this would be in the long-term interest of the factories and of the meat-processing industry. The working of the intervention system has made some factories very lazy. If we all come to Leinster House day in and day out and sit down in the bar and do nothing for our constituents and contribute nothing to the House we know we will get our come-uppance at the next election. A factory which has not to compete in the open market or strive to get new markets and can sell all its products into intervention will have no interest in expanding the industry. Meat factories should be looking at processing because in this field a great number of jobs could be created. If we help to make factories lazy by giving them a system of selling into intervention which causes them no difficulty, we are not doing them a service.

While I agree that some factories which sold into intervention in 1974 should be allowed tax reliefs on those sales, I agree that the Minister should not exempt those sales entirely from taxation. He probably looks at it from another angle. My angle is that, for the long term benefit of the agricultural industry, it is better to have factories striving on the open market to get new markets and to go into processing, and not have the fall back position of being able to sell into intervention. It would be far more attractive if intervention were not tax free. It provides an incentive for them to do a little better.

The farm modernisation scheme has been referred to. There is something drastically wrong with the scheme as only a small percentage of farmers can qualify for development status. I would ask the Minister for Agriculture to try to have changes made in the directive at EEC level.

I referred to the urban-rural rift. If more farmers are incorporated into the tax scheme, and it can be seen that they are contributing their fair share of the national income, and contributing to revenue, the urban and rural dweller will be able to say: "We are all producing our accounts: we are paying what we should be paying": the threshold might be dropped a little further and all farmers might pay on the accounts system. The urban dwellers would then be able to see that farmers submit accounts and know what money they are making. There is a great deal of make believe about the vast profits in agriculture. Many people do not know what goes on beyond Newlands Cross. A lot of hard work goes on. When all farmers with valuations of over £50 or £60 are sending in accounts and what they are actually making can be proved, many myths will be dispelled.

We all know some farmers are doing very well. We also know some industrialists are doing very well. In our society there are very wealthy people, but there are very poor people also. The same is true of agriculture. People in Dublin may get the impression that the odd farmer they see driving a Mercedes is an indication of how well off the farming population are. Nothing is further from the truth. In that regard I see a system of farmer taxation as a good thing. The sooner more farmers are on the accounts method the better.

I was disappointed that the Minister did not raise thresholds on interest allowable from £2,000 to a much higher figure. The allowability level of £2,000 was introduced in the budget of 1973 when there was no capital gains tax in operation. The idea behind that level at that time was to prevent a very lucrative evasion method under which people could avoid paying a lot of income tax on their current income and make a capital gain. This was well known in the accountancy profession and the Minister was justified in introducing that threshold at that time. Since then a capital gains tax has been brought into existence and the threshold still remains at £2,000. The Minister could have gone a step further than he did in the budget and raised that level to a more realistic figure, say £4,000 at least. He raised the limit for interest on borrowed money to purchase shares in a private trading company. He should have gone further and allowed it for all income tax payers. When the Finance Bill is introduced he might consider that.

I was glad to see the turnover tax threshold increased by 50 per cent for small businesses. A small shop-keeper has to spend at least three nights a week writing up invoices for the Value Added Tax return at the end of two months. The turnover limit at the moment is only £2,000 for a grocer, a butcher, or a publican. In a grocery business there is an interminable number of invoices because it involves so many small items. The amount of VAT collected at the end of two months on a turnover of £20,000 in a grocer's shop could be as low as £20 because of the 0 per cent on grocery items. A lot of effort and time goes into this on the part of the businessman, and also by the Revenue Commissioners in checking and making assessments. That has been increased to £18,000 for most retail businesses and in other service industries it will go up to about £450 for two months. I should like to see these figures increased even further. I can speak from vast experience in this field, and I know the amount of money collected is very small, and the cost of book-keeping and record keeping far outweights the amount of money collected. I am glad the Minister has given this increase and that there will be a simpler method of calculating Value Added Tax at the end of a two month period.

The Minister has also tried to alleviate the iniquitous benefit in kind legislation which was in operation for the past two years. Before the former Minister, Deputy Ryan, introduced a new system of assessing benefits in kind, you had to prove to the inspector of taxes the amount of benefit in kind you got from the use of a company car. In a budget introduced by the former Government it was provided that it would be 15 per cent of the value of the car or a minimum of £300. For many company representatives this was a gross hardship because on that system of calculation the benefit in kind on which they were taxed was far greater than the benefit in kind they actually enjoyed. I am glad the Minister has reduced that.

I would ask him to do something about travelling allowances for people at work. There is a big anomaly in the income tax legislation in this field. A person who has a business of his own is allowed travelling expenses if they are proven to be wholly and exclusively for the purpose of that trade. For a person in employment the relevant rule is that it must be wholly and exclusively and necessarily in the conduct of the business. There have been various tax cases on this and the definitive one is one in which a teacher was involved who had a horse and cart. It was proved that, although he could not get to work unless he provided the horse and cart, he did not need a horse and cart in the performance of his duties. That is a 1925 tax case. It is the definitive case and that is why people in employment are not given travelling allowances.

The price of petrol was cheaper then.

I was just about to refer to that. In the last couple of years the price of petrol has gone up enormously. People in towns in Kildare, my own constituency, who commute to and from Dublin each day are spending £15 to £20 per week on travel and they are not allowed it as a tax expense. I would ask the Minister to update the legislation and put the criteria for getting travelling allowances for travel for the performance of duty on the same level as those applied to people using a car wholly and exclusively for the purposes of their business. Perhaps something could be provided in the next Finance Bill to go some way towards alleviating that hardship.

I will conclude by referring to certain aspects which I see as dangers in the budget. As I said before, there are increased tax allowances, and so on, and the eventual outcome will be that there will be more disposable income in the hands of individuals.

The propensity to import is quite high. If there is more money in the hands of individuals a greater amount of money is likely to be spent on imports. This would create a balance of payments problem and would also mean loss of jobs because if more foreign goods are bought factories here will close. I would appeal to the Irish people to be more careful in future when they are spending their money. There is a "Buy Irish" campaign. We have had "Buy Irish" campaigns before. The danger of increased imports will have to be got across to the people more forcibly if it is not to become a reality and result in loss of jobs. I would appeal for greater effort in the "Buy Irish" campaign in the hope that it will reduce the propensity to import.

What was the danger last June?

Certain things happen at election time that everyone here is responsible for.

Deputy McCreevy should not be sidetracked.

Another danger is that we are giving greater incentives to industry by reducing taxes et cetera, which will mean increased profits. The idea in making these concessions is the creation of jobs. If profits are retained by industrialists for other purposes or used by entreprenuers for their own purposes and not in the creation of jobs, the purpose of the budget will be frustrated. As I have said before, we have given the private sector a chance this time to do what they can and I believe that is the correct approach and one which I have advocated for a long number of years, but I am sufficiently realistic to realise that if the private sector does not respond, another day and another budget will come when we will have to adopt a different line of thinking. I would say to the private sector: “This is your opportunity. If you do not avail of it, it may be your last chance and it might be the end of private enterprise to a great extent.” We have gambled on the private sector. That is the reason I said the budget was a courageous one. We could have introduced a quite different budget and then have the next one a bit easier and then an election would take place but this would not create jobs. We have taken a chance in one direction. We have banked on the private sector. I agree with the people who have said that. I believe it is right and I have advocated that for a long number of years. If the private sector does not take up the challenge and respond, we will have to look at alternative methods.

I congratulate the Minister and the Government on having the courage to bring in such a budget, and it is in the interests of all parties in this House and of every Deputy that it should work. If it does not work and we are not able to create jobs within the next ten years, on another occasion the people of Ireland will not care about Deputy McCreevy or anybody else because they will say we have failed. It is up to this generation of Irish people to try to create jobs for a better future. If we do not, we will all be the losers.

Deputy O'Keeffe has further to travel home than I have.

It is up to the Deputies.

I appreciate Deputy Quinn's courtesy in appreciating the problems of a rural Deputy. As a rural Deputy I am rather amazed at the justifications and the excuses being offered by Government speakers in relation to the extension of farmers' tax. I well remember the furore they created both in the House and outside, in the past, in relation to farmers' tax. I well remember the promises that were made to the farmers on the question of relief from tax. What have we in the budget? We have a budget which singles out the farming community as being the sole sector to pay extra money to the Exchequer. It reminds me of an old sign on a pub at Sam's Cross, where Michael Collins was born, which had on it, "The Government rules for all. The priest prays for all. The soldier fights for all. The farmer pays for all." To a certain extent this budget fits the sentiment expressed in that sign.

Nothing in this budget or in the steps taken prior to its introduction can hide the fact that the promises made to the farmers have not been kept. Last June, before the election, Fianna Fáil went to the country believing that agriculture can and should provide the main thrust for the recovery of the national economy and set down in detail how this was going to be achieved. In no way was it suggested that this was going to be achieved by taking extra money from the farmer's pocket. In no way was this going to be achieved by the removal of the cheese subsidy, a budgetary measure, in fact, slipped in before the budget, contrary, in fact, to a specific promise to have the said subsidy increased—another broken promise, one of many. In no way was that going to be achieved by the removal of the fertiliser subsidy or by the removal in large part of the agricultural grant.

Again, in the budget we had the increase in the multiplier, the reduction in the valuation threshold, and all these measures, both before the budget and in the budget itself, singled out this sector of the community to whom so much has been promised and who ended up losing and paying so much. The rights and wrongs of farmer taxation I do not intend to go into at this stage, but it does seem to me that what is wrong is that so many promises should have been made and so many promises were not kept.

I have to point out in this context, as I pointed out in other contexts in this House, that it is our job to highlight the breaking of promises but, over and above bringing the Government to the bar of the court to answer to the people, as it were, in regard to the broken promises, I am concerned at the growing list of such broken promises. If this continues, the attitude of the entire electorate to the whole political process will become totally cynical. I would urge the Government at this stage, in all the aspects of its manifesto, to ensure as far as possible that these promises are kept. I say this genuinely, in the interests of democracy and, above all, taking into account the complete list of broken promises to date and the others that seem to be in the offing. I would ask the Government not to subject the electorate to such codding and humbugging in future because, in time, if this is permitted to continue, the electorate can only react, by adopting a totally cynical attitude to the political process.

I was dealing with the question of farming before I sidetracked myself. Here, again, I have to highlight another aspect which is possibly of even greater importance to the farming community. I refer to the attitude of the Government, of the Minister for Agriculture and others on the Government side in relation to the farm price review. We have the taking away of moneys from the farmers through increased taxation, but what is even more important is that there seems to be an effort by the Government to condition the farmers into expecting no increase or only a nominal increase in the farm price review. The Chair may ask how can this be relevant to the debate——

The Deputy should await the Estimate. It does not arise on the budget.

I will not dwell on it except to say that it is important to the farmers. If they have not an extra income how can they pay extra taxes? I am very concerned about this matter. I find it difficult to fathom the mind of the Government on the budget. Why expect the farmers to pay more while at the same time conditioning them to accept less?

The other major aspect is in relation to the attitude of the Government in the social welfare area. The record of the National Coalition in this matter and their concern for the weaker sections speaks for itself. During the term of office of the National Coalition we had social welfare payments for new categories, there were innovations in relation to certain sectors of the under-privileged and there were increases in the annual budgets that were far in excess of the cost of living. Let us contrast that with the concern, if I might call it that, of the Government.

Last June they displayed considerable concern and here I go back again to the list of broken promises. In the Fianna Fáil manifesto there were lists of items to indicate their concern under the heading of "Social Security". What does their record, as evidenced in the budget, prove? It proves that Fianna Fáil can rightly call themselves the party of the rich, the party of the wealthy. Probably it is too much to expect a too developed social conscience in such a party.

In the budget there were no innovations of any kind. In fact, a specific commitment was broken without an apology. One of the promises made by Fianna Fáil was to maintain social welfare benefits at least in line with the cost of living but this was not done in relation to the general body of social welfare recipients, in contrast to the actions of the National Coalition Government who ensured that the benefits exceeded any increase in the cost of living.

One of the worst aspects was to neglect to increase children's allowances. Many of the members of the Government are family men and, although they do not show any obvious signs of being under-privileged or distressed, surely they most appreciate the importance of children's allowances in the family budget among the poorer sections. I am not trying to score political points. I am trying to tickle the collective conscience of Fianna Fáil——

Tickle away.

We can only try. In the poorer households children's allowances have an importance far beyond what Fianna Fáil obviously thought. There are many households where the sole income available for the mother and children nearly boils down to the children's allowances. There are many reasons for this. Fianna Fáil may ask the man of the house why he is spending all the money on drink, dogs and so on. I am all in favour of that and I will support Fianna Fáil if they want to do something about it, but what can one say to the woman and six children in the house? The Government must go beyond the simple answer of stressing to the man of the house the need to provide for his wife and family. It is the genuine basic responsibility of the man of the house, or of the woman, although I appreciate that when there are six children in a household it can lead to problems from the point of view of the woman working. Fianna Fáil will have to accept the practical situation that this is not how it works out in many cases. If they accept that—and they would be blind not to accept it —there is a duty and a responsibility on the State to ensure that in such situations the weaker sections, the women and children, do not suffer.

It is quite clear that Fianna Fáil do not realise this, or if they do realise it they are not concerned. In those circumstances I must be highly critical of the fact that no increase was given in the children's allowances. Even at this stage I suggest to the Minister that he rethinks the matter. Let him travel through many parts of Ireland, and particularly the poorer sections of Dublin, and see the result of his action. It is very easy to say that we are giving children's allowances, that we are just not increasing them. However, the Minister—and even more important the people concerned— know that the purchasing power of the allowances is not as good now and in real terms there is a reduction in the income of many households that can least afford it.

One could contrast that situation with the 5,000 wealthy houses in which the Minister considered there was want and need, averaging out at about £2,000 per household per annum. I do not intend to go into the merits or demerits of this tax at this stage. The contrast is obvious.

In general, I can only describe the social provisions as a disgrace to any Christian nation. They indicate a totatally uncaring attitude. There is, in fact, no social conscience in Fianna Fáil and, as an Opposition Member, I can only try to prick whatever conscience may exist in Fianna Fáil in the direction of some semblance of care for the weaker sections of our community.

With regard to the wage agreement, the wage agreement is not, of course, part of the budget but it is to a certain extent, to quite a large extent really, related to the budget.

The budget is very much related to the wage agreement.

I accept it both ways. Certain criticisms were made of my Leader when he commented on the effect the deficiencies in the budget would have on the wage negotiations. This is a delicate area and I do not intend to go into detail except to say that such criticisms on the part of Fianna Fáil show an acceptance by Fianna Fáil that they realise the budget is not going to help the wage agreement very much. I and my Party sincerely hope the budget will not do irreparable harm to the wage agreement. It is in the national interest that a wage agreement should be concluded. The point I want to make in the context of the criticism of my Leader is that his commenting on the budget certainly did not do any harm to the wage negotiations and if those negotiations were harmed, then they were harmed by the provisions in the budget itself, and it is less than justice to trade union leaders to suggest that they are not capable of fully analysing the budget and its effects and could be influenced in any way by an analysis of the budget by any member of the Opposition or, indeed, of the Government for that matter.

I have one specific suggestion to make about the social provisions. It is time we considered the indexation of social welfare payments to the cost of living. I understand the British Finance Act of 1976 provided for such indexation. This is the minimum that should be offered to those sections of our community in receipt of social welfare.

It was promised that social welfare increases would be in line with the cost of living, as it was promised that aid to the Third World would be increased and ground rents abolished. All these promises have been broken.

The Fianna Fáil Manifesto was interpreted by many young people as holding out hope to them. The position in the past was somewhat difficult because of the international recession. The National Coalition weathered that storm and brought the ship of State slowly but surely back on to an even keel. It was only natural that young people should have grasped at the extravagant promises made to do better for them particularly in the line of employment. Great damage can be done to democracy by broken promises, but the greatest damage of all is caused by broken promises to young people because they are the more idealistic section of the community and the cynical breaking of promises to them can correspondingly have a greater effect. They were promised £20 million to provide jobs. What have they got? They have got just £5 million. That figure could have been brought up to the £20 million promised had the wealth tax been retained. Surely it is most important in the interests of the future of this State that promises made to the young, particularly in the line of jobs, should be kept. Here, again, we have an indication of Fianna Fáil's concern for the rich and the wealthy in contrast to their lack of concern for the provision of jobs for the young people in our community.

On the economic front, as a non-economist, I must voice my concern at the level of borrowing envisaged in this budget. Everyone knows that sensible business or, indeed, sensible housekeeping calls for a balanced budget except in exceptional circumstances. What is the position on the national scene? Many were greatful that there was no increase in tax on either tobacco or the pint. How was this achieved? It was achieved by providing for a level of borrowing unprecedented in the history of the State. At a time when the international recession was over and when the National Coalition Government had brought the ship of State back on to an even keel, we find a borrowing requirement of £821 million. This figure will probably be exceeded because it is based on a national wage agreement of 5 per cent.

As I understand it, any increase on that figure will require a further £8 million borrowing for every further 1 per cent increase. It is significant that on the day following the budget the Minister for Finance indicated that the limit of 5 per cent would not have to be adhered to. In fact, this figure has already been breached with the consent and approval of the Government. I mention this in the context of the amount of borrowing that will be required, and it will considerably exceed £821 million.

It has been accepted at all times that borrowing for capital purposes is sensible but of that enormous sum more than half is related to paying the ordinary day-to-day bills of this State for the year 1978—current borrowing. It is difficult to see how this can be justified. There are many people who are wondering how in the name of goodness this money is ever going to be repaid. Somebody with whom I was discussing the budget quoted to me the example of Mr. Micawber. The example was that for somebody with an income of a shilling, an expenditure of a shilling and a halfpenny would result in misery for that person, whereas an income of a shilling, and an expenditure of 11½ would result in happiness for that person. Fianna Fáil have attempted to diffuse a false aura of happiness around the country, in particular, happiness with their own party—on borrowed money which will have to be repaid over many years to come.

In general terms I have to criticise this budget on its general economic strategy, particularly in the areas I have referred to. When a budget is being considered each year one normally looks for a label for it. One can look among the choices of the irresponsible dishonesty and broken promises of Fianna Fáil. We can look to the problems of the farmers, particularly in the area of broken promises. We can look to the lack of concern for social welfare recipients and the general anti-social aspect in the outlook of Fianna Fáil, as is clear from this budget. There are many labels one can put on it but the figure of borrowing is so huge that one can only end up by putting a label on it as the "Never-Never" budget. No private individual or company ever succeeded by borrowing too much money on the "never-never". This Government cannot succeed in running the economy of this State on the "never-never".

It is my pleasure to speak in support of this magnificent budget. As has been said many times during the last few days, this budget is based on the manifesto produced by our party prior to the election. That manifesto was cohesive in its scope. It was meticulously planned and it took cognisance and note of both the needs and the abilities of our people. This was in total contrast to the clutching at straws and the various shibboleths that were thrown around at election time by the Coalition: references to Dutch auctions, references to various things that they thought they might do but proved themselves incapable of doing over the last four years. They were looking for another chance to do what they had not done. The difference in the approach was reflected in the spontaneous reaction of the electorate to the manifesto.

As I said, this budget was based on the manifesto and the foundations which it laid will be built on and expanded for the benefit of everybody. The support we got was obviously in anticipation of the manifesto being implemented, and that has been the case to a large extent. It was imaginative, courageous and pragmatic. It has given an opportunity to all the people to express themselves and to enable them to do what they want. In other words, at different levels of society it is giving virtually everyone a chance to express himself, to live the type of life that he wants to live. In a nutshell, this budget is keeping faith with the people of Ireland.

There is a massive amount of money involved in this budget for a small country with a population of less than four million. We are talking in terms of £2,300 million, a sophisticated and deeply thought out plan for the benefit of everybody. To administer such a plan needs sophisticated machinery to make sure that the ideas embodied in it get to the grassroots where they are wanted. We in Fianna Fáil are very conscious that the men who actually do the thinking have a great responsibility to those of us in the back benches. As a new backbencher, I am very happy to be able to operate in a milieu where I have access to Ministers, where problems are handled sympathetically and quickly. The budget proposals are a great help to people like me who have to make sure that the real needs of the people are known and acted on.

The machinery which this vast amount of money will have to be processed through is obviously the banking system. Our banking system is one of the more sophisticated machines which have expanded under various Fianna Fáil administrations into a wide-ranging and sophisticated system of handling money both here and abroad. In recent years this banking conglomerate has made substantial profits. These profits were largely made on the efforts, abilities and the hard work of the common people, profits which have to a large extent been channelled back for the benefit of the business community and the workers. Many of these banks have commercial subsidiaries carrying on the business of hire purchase and business of a more commercial nature than the normal banking business. When this budget says it is giving an opportunity to our people to progress, I should like to point out that there is an onus on such institutions to behave themselves in a businesslike and responsible way towards the community at large. To a certain extent, I would question the attitude of many branches of the various banks in channelling a large proportion of business borrowers to the more expensive type of credit rather than giving businessmen, particularly small businessmen, the objective benefit of their business expertise and saying that it might be possible to do it a little less expensively another way rather than the most profitable way for these institutions themselves.

Any business in this field has a duty to ensure that the person to whom they lend money is loaned it in the most efficient and least expensive way rather than from the narrow point of view of profits only. I suggest that this is a symptom of perhaps narrow parochialism on the part of the banks. In this case over the last few years they have had financial constraints put on them, necessary in some cases. Some of those were thought up by financial gurus who in many cases have not had experience of having to make money themselves. I am referring specifically to the change over a few years ago from the running overdraft to term loans and the annual liquidation of overdrafts. At the time I have no doubt it was very necessary. The running overdraft or the perpetuating overdraft led to large amounts of money being on call which were not effectively used. There is no doubt that some form of discipline had to be imposed on the system. Because a businessman had only two options open to him—he either had a term loan or an over-draft which had to be liquidated year by year—the smaller man was caught. He did not realise that the 30 days' requirement does not necessarily have to be consecutive. Constraint was put on farmers in particular because they were not able to deal with the cyclical nature of their business in as flexible a manner as they were accustomed to doing on a running overdraft.

Flexibility is necessary in any expansionary budget and, undoubtedly, this is an expansionary budget. I would question however whether this type of constraint is right for the present circumstances. The profits of the banks were just as great under the running overdraft system as they are under the term-loan system and, there-fore, it should be examined objectively again. Term-loans are fine and they serve a constructive and useful purpose. Perhaps in certain circumstances the liquidation for a certain specific period of time of an overdraft also might serve a useful purpose but I suggest that the running overdraft, which has been totally banned, is worthy of reconsideration.

It is fine to use, as has been exhorted, our own money at home and it is wonderful that there are substantial funds generated by our own people for the use of the community at large. But is this enough? To a large extent the banks are fulfilling their function of attracting outside capital just as the IDA are working very hard to attract outside industrialists. This is an idea which should be encouraged. I see nothing wrong with a domestic bank attempting to find cheap foreign capital for the benefit and expansion of industry and living standards here. I wonder is it possible in this field to either encourage or create conditions whereby our banking system can attract in capital at a lower rate from abroad. In this context I would question also one omission, as I see it, from a constructive budget: I respectfully suggest that the retention of the statutory £70 interest declaration is an inhibition against the possible acquisition of foreign capital. We cannot expect foreign industrialists to come here and have confidentiality until they are in production and a foreign investor of funds not to have the same type of confidentiality. It is unrealistic to say that we want to use a foreigner's money in Ireland and that we have a sophisticated banking system which will give a foreigner full cover and security, if on the other hand we say that if such a person earns more than £70 in interest he must declare that to the inspector of taxes. In those circumstances this provision might with benefit be abolished.

I was disappointed and surprised that the Opposition criticised the retention of the concessions that were very imaginatively given to artists and authors. That has attracted to our island many people of international repute and they have brought substantial capital to this country in the form of creative ability and their output. This has been of great benefit to the country. One thing forgotten by those who are ignorant enough to criticise this concession is that these people live our lives and pay local taxes. Very often they give local employment and do great work to promote the image and well-being of this country abroad. I am happy to say that these people by and large have received a great welcome here. They have been of immense benefit to us in many ways and are a positive encouragement for progress in many different fields. It is not unusual to see an author or an artist giving a good image of this country abroad. Those who criticise this aspect are wrong. I should like to comment on our semi-State bodies.

The Deputy is making an excellent Estimate speech but he should keep to the budget.

If it is an Estimate speech I apologise but the budget in its——

In the budget we are only dealing with taxation, financial matters and the economy and going into detail on banking, semi-State bodies or anything else does not arise.

It depends on the size of one's overdraft.

Semi-State bodies receive strong financial support in this budget and as such must be worthy of comment.

We must keep to the matters in the budget and in the Minister's speech in introducing it.

I should like to comment on the role of the semi-State bodies in creating employment for the benefit of everybody.

The creation of employment is completely in order and the manner in which semi-State bodies or other bodies will do that.

I apologise if I digressed slightly. The budget specifically referred to the role of the semi-State bodies in the creation of employment. In some cases they have commercial restraints put on them. If those commercial restraints were modified somewhat I believe semi-State bodies would, within the spirit of the budget, be better equipped to discharge their basic duty to provide employment and wealth for the people.

If I may without going outside the confines of the budget debate, I should like to refer to the operation of Aer Lingus and in particular to their job creation activities in expanding their hotel chain. They have done this very successfully and under two headings have been a great help to the Minister for Finance. On the one hand, the profits they have generated abroad have enabled our budgetary concessions to be financed to a certain extent by the entrepreneurial ability that came to the fore in that hotel chain. In some cases this extends right across America I suggest that from a budgetary point of view and a financial point of view this type of thing is very important and should be encouraged.

Irish Shipping, in providing employment for Irish seamen, are another important semi-State body. They have two contributions to make. From an entrepreneurial point of view they have a management structure which is very successful and giving an outlet to employees at the highest level. Those men have created a conglomerate which last year made a profit of £2 million. I see no reason why that, if it were given its head, could not be £20 million or even £200 million.

The reason is in the budget. Will the Deputy look at the Minister's speech?

The spirit behind the budget should be given its head. If that is done it will give an opportunity to people at every level to develop their ability for the good of the country.

Will the Deputy look at the Minister's budget speech?

Nobody should interrupt a Deputy making his maiden speech.

I ask Deputy Fox to ignore interruptions. He has been doing that. Deputy Quinn will have his opportunity. I gave it to him previously but he did not take it. He will be called next after Deputy Fox.

I apologise to the House.

In this context the ability of those various organisations which were set up has undoubtedly built up an international feeling of goodwill and a knowledge that we have the ability to get things done on large and small scales. The Minister for Finance must reap the benefit from those operations in many different ways. Entrepreneurial ability is of just as much importance as the ability of a farmer, a fisherman or anybody else who is producing wealth for the country and should be given its head.

The first Coalition Government knocked that on the head and stopped it, particularly in relation to Aer Lingus. An earlier budget under the late Seán Lemass created a condition where Irish airplanes were flying right across the west coast of America. They had landing rights and terminal rights in New York which were stopped. Even in this budget this must have an adverse effect because that outlet of an Irish national carrier to the west coast of America has gone.

We are often told that the right to work is supposed to be there for everybody. It is a slogan which is bandied about and is a target which the budget goes to great lengths to make possible. The right to work carries obligations with it. There are social obligations attached to that. In the budget, coupled in an imaginative way with the ideal that the right to work should be given to everybody, are our social obligations. This is being tackled by substantial pension increases and other benefit increases, some of an innovative nature.

We should mention, in this context, that while a person has a right to work there are situations, which are not referred to often enough, where occasionally a person is out of work because his social welfare benefit is only marginally greater than the income he would be capable of earning if he were working. It is not unknown for people on the dole deliberately to increase their incomes by part-time employment or self-employment. If they are deliberately on the dole and they indulge in this they can only be called social parasites because they are materially damaging every other citizen. There is nothing praiseworthy in a person deliberately—I stress the word deliberately—being on the dole and at the same time doing nixers and being a parasite on the State.

Those people are no different from a bank which deliberately channels a small businessman into a more expensive credit situation. I respectfully suggest that this is within the context of the budget because if resources are wasted the budget cannot have its proper effect. If a man is stealing from the State in taking something that he does not need to have and a bank is stealing from a client in channelling him into a more expensive credit situation they should both be condemned. This situation is in total contrast to the vast body of workers in the country who are the basis of the implementation of the budget.

The productivity of the worker is the most important thing to the success of the budget. His productivity in healthy circumstances—thank God most of our businesses are in a healthy state—is better than his counterpart across the water and is nearly as good as most of the more advanced economies of Europe. The Irish worker 99 per cent of the time is undoubtedly a credit to the country and is the basis on which any Government can plan a sound and decent economic advance.

There is a strong social slant in the budget. It is reflected in the way in which the various ladders are in existence whereby people can progress along the economic path. It is possible, within the policies of this and other Fianna Fáil budgets, for workers to train for a better job. It is possible for them to exploit an idea within their jobs or start small businesses of their own. It is possible for a working man to buy his own house and it is possible for him to expand an existing business. Budgets such as this create conditions where the individual can create wealth for himself and for the country. This is the essence of progressive planning. It is not doctrinaire. It is human and takes into account the ability and desires of the vast majority of people on this island. The working man buying and furnishing his house is as surely creating wealth as the entrepreneur expanding a factory, as the fisherman buying a bigger boat, as the businessman buying more machinery, as the shopkeeper expanding his shop.

Let nobody say that because a man is living in a council house and buying it out that that man is not worthy of respect or that that is a poor house. I was very disappointed to hear a short time ago here that there are only 5,000 wealthy houses in this country. I discount that totally. Any house, irrespective of its standing in wealth, is a wealthy house if that house houses a decent, loving family, able to take advantage of financial opportunities presented by a budget such as this. Then it creates wealth for itself and the country.

In that context I should like to see a budget in the near future being able to create the conditions which existed in this country not so very long ago in regard to house purchase. Under previous Fianna Fáil Governments and imaginative budgets it was possible for a houseowner to get a grant from his county council or Department of Local Government and use that grant as a down payment on a house, immediately starting repayments on his house. Under the administration of the last four years this did not happen. For doctrinaire reasons there was a narrow concept of house-building which took away from a large proportion of our population the ability to choose the type of house they wanted for themselves. To a certain extent this budget reverts to the situation in which there is again this choice open to somebody who wants to buy his own house. In this context is it not peculiar that a £10,000 or £12,000 car can be bought for virtually no deposit and is written off over a period of five to six years whereas a house, which will last for one, two or three generations—or a Fianna Fáil-produced house which would certainly last six or seven generations—has got to have a substantial deposit paid before somebody can move in?

We are getting back to the Estimates again, Deputy.

The budget objective should be to create the conditions under which a house purchaser would be able to go along and move into a house merely by starting his repayments immediately. I would respectfully suggest that perhaps that is not possible under the present budget but is something to which we should aspire in future years in our budgetary policy.

In this context of wealth, we often hear the catch-cry that wealth must be redistributed. To a large extent this catch-cry is nothing but an empty doctrinaire shibboleth meaning nothing. It is in stark contrast to the practical socialism of Fianna Fáil aims to create wealth for all. Budgets such as this give an opportunity to everybody to create their own wealth and give people an opportunity of expressing themselves and their desires for a better life.

A budget must be as wide-ranging as possible. This one certainly affords the opportunity to a very wide section of our community to create wealth not alone for the benefit of the individual but for the community at large. The creation of wealth for the benefit of the community at large is done in a progressive way in that, when factories expand under budgetary prompting, when a better fishing boat is bought, again under budgetary prompting, a situation is created in which more tax is paid, in which people earn more money and more money is turned over within the State. It is in this way that we must progress rather than through the silly notion that if the man with the big house were thrown out of it, it would be taken down brick by brick and given to somebody around the corner, when he might have 13 bricks instead of 12. That catch-cry is totally empty and totally foreign to anything of a practical socialist nature that we in Fianna Fáil might expound for the benefit of our people at large.

In this budget we have many programmes for those sections of our people who are unable adequately to help themselves. They cannot be helped merely by redistributing wealth. They can be helped only if we can create more wealth for everybody. The late John F. Kennedy aptly summarised this when he made the reference to a rising tide lifting all the boats. This budget is undoubtedly helping this tide to rise. It has been suggested by some speakers on the opposite side of the House that that phrase did not apply to certain sections of our community because they had no boat in which to ride the rising tide. Anybody four years in Government making that assertion surely is condemning the total inability of that Government for the last four years.

The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 14 February 1978.

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