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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Friday, 6 Jun 1980

Vol. 321 No. 12

Estimates, 1980. - Vote 42: Industry, Commerce and Tourism.

I move:

That a sum not exceeding £218,475,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1980, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism, including certain services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain subsidies, grants and grants-in-aid.

Deputies are aware that this revised Estimate for my Department takes account of the transfer of certain functions to the Minister for Energy with effect from 22 January 1980 and the transfer to me, with effect from 24 January 1980, of the tourism function from the Minister for Tourism and Transport. The Estimate provides for a total of £218,475,000 for 1980 as compared with a total of £183,938,040 in respect of 1979 had similar periods in that year. This is an overall increase of £34,536,960 on the 1979 figure.

As, in the present year, the provision for expenditure on energy and mining matters is almost completely provided for in the Estimate for the Department of Energy, this will fall to be dealt with by the Minister for Energy. I do not propose to dwell on the limited expenditure incurred for the very short period during which some payments fell to be charged to my Department other than to say that they became due and had to be met in that period.

The principal increases arising in the current year include, in round figures, £26,000,000 extra for capital expenditure by the Industrial Development Authority and an additional £1,250,000 for the administration and general expenses of that organisation. Shannon Free Airport Development Company Limited have an additional £2,000,000 for grants to industrialists; for Bord Fáilte there is an increase of £2,000,000 for development of holiday accommodation, £200,000 more for administration and £100,000 additional for development of supplementary holiday accommodation; Córas Tráchtála have been provided with an additional £1,885,000 for administration and general expenses. The provision for the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards—administration and general expenditure—is up by £820,000; the Industrial Development Authority's grant for industrial housing is up by £300,000; the interest subsidy to Shipping Finance Corporation is increased by £300,000 while the provision for credit financing of capital goods exports is up by £170,000. For the salaries and wages of the staff of my Department there is an extra provision of £950,000.

There are decreases in a few subheads mainly £750,000 in the provision for tourism development works, £370,000 in the grant to the National Film Studios of Ireland Limited and £200,000 in the ship building subsidy.

Taking all the variations mentioned into account, and smaller variations in a few other subheads, and with an anticipated increase in Appropriations-in-Aid of £420,000, the result is a net increase of £34,536,960.

I should perhaps interject here for the purpose of showing the full extent of the additional financial support for tourism this year that, apart from the increases provided in my Department's Estimate, Bord Fáilte also benefit from an additional £450,000 for administration and general expenses under the Transport Estimate which means an overall increase for the year of £650,000 for that particular purpose.

Many opportunities arise in the House for Deputies to discuss various aspects of the business of my Department whether by way of motions or legislation coming before it or through questions on particular matters. I propose, therefore, to avail of this occasion to concentrate on topics of major importance which I regard as needing special mention at this time.

I will deal first with the very important subject of industry and industrial development. The impressive performance of the Industrial Development Authority in 1979 confirms the underlying potential which this country possesses as an attractive and profitable location for manufacturing investment. During the year projects were negotiated which, at full production, are expected to provide more than 34,000 jobs. The fact that nearly 20,000 of these new job commitments are in projects promoted by Irish entrepreneurs or by overseas companies already established here demonstrates the extent to which our industrial base has developed in recent years. It is also encouraging that all the nine regions stand to benefit significantly from the IDA's activities in 1979.

The balanced dispersal of industrial jobs throughout the region is a fundamental part of Government policy. The IDA's small industries and enterprise development programmes have played, and will continue to play, a vital role in this regional development strategy. The enormous impact of these programmes on our smaller towns and villages can best be judged by the fact that small industry projects are now based in over 400 locations in the country. The increasing efforts being made by the IDA in promoting small industries in recent years have brought about results which once again reflect the potential of this sector. Last year more than 8,000 jobs were approved by the IDA in small industrial projects, as compared with about 3,000 in 1976.

The Shannon Free Airport Company are also concerned with the promotion of small industries. The House will be aware of the special mandate which I gave to SFADCo in 1978 to devise and test new ideas, strategies and systems to stimulate the establishment and growth of small indigenous industry in the midwest region. The performance of the company during the period of this experiment has been encouraging. I set the company the ambitious target of 1,000 small industry job approvals last year. This target was exceeded by 100 per cent. The 2,000 job approvals secured by SFADCo was not their only achievement. The company have also developed a wide array of programmes and systems aimed at nurturing and launching native entrepreneurial talent.

I am at present considering the company's report on the pilot project, and hope to inform the House during the Second Stage of the Shannon Free Airport Development Company Limited (Amendment) Bill 1980 of my plans to build further on this promising experiment. The results of both the IDA and SFADCo's efforts last year are firm evidence that qualities of initiative and enterprise are to be found in Ireland which, with suitable encouragement, can be channelled in directions which can greatly benefit the country and the local community.

The primary target in the IDA's industrial plan for the five-year period 1978-1982 is the creation of a total of 75,000 new grant-aided manufacturing jobs or an average of 15,000 jobs per annum. The conversion of job approvals into actual jobs is what our industrial development efforts are all about. Therefore I was more than heartened by the rise of over 8,700 which took place in total manufacturing employment during 1979, according to the results of the IDA's most recent employment survey. This was the biggest advance in ten years and was brought about largely by the creation of 16,000 first-time new jobs in grant-aided companies. Manufacturing employment increased last year in all the nine planning regions. Exceptionally high increases were recorded in the midlands, north-west and south-east regions, and for the first time since 1973, Dublin city and county experienced a net gain in manufacturing employment.

The overall increase in employment would have been very much higher were it not for the continuing incidence of job losses. While it is inevitable that in an evolving industrial sector which is responding to changing market conditions and technologies a number of jobs will be lost each year, it is probable that more jobs could be saved if contact were made with the IDA or Fóir Teoranta at the first sign of difficulties approaching. The IDA operate a rescue unit to help companies which are encountering trading difficulties, and in conjunction with Fóir Teoranta and the commercial banks they attempt to put together a package designed to achieve adaptation and survival. Where this may not be possible the IDA will endeavour to find a suitable promoter to take over the company in trouble in order to preserve as many jobs as possible. This aspect of the IDA's work is perhaps not fully appreciated or recognised. Its value is, however, illustrated by the fact that 23 rescue packages and 24 takeover deals were arranged by the IDA during 1979. Between them these entailed the maintenance of over 2,700 jobs and the approval of 800 new jobs.

In the present Estimates capital resources for the Industrial Development Authority have been increased from £119 million to £145 million, an increase of 22 per cent, and administration resources from £9.315 million to £10.569 million. The commitment of these increased resources and the enthusiasm with which both the IDA and SFADCo tackle their challenging mandates are of course only part of the picture. Much of these resources and the good work of these agencies could be lost and undone if selfish and unpatriotic minorities continue to disrupt either the production in, or construction of our factories. Petty disputes in the public service can also have damaging effects throughout the entire economy. On the other hand, if we can overcome these problems and arrange our affairs in accordance with the realities of the world in which we find ourselves, all the evidence is there to show that employment targets and other additional goals in economic and social development which we have set ourselves can be methodically achieved.

I should now like to refer briefly to the operations of the State companies in the manufacturing sector. These are Nitrigin Éireann Teoranta, Irish Steel Limited, Ceimicí Teoranta, National Film Studios of Ireland Limited and Min Fhéir (1959) Teoranta.

NET's new ammonia/urea project at Marino Point, Cork, was formally opened on 5 October 1979. This plant—one of the largest and most complex ever completed in the State—will produce 435,000 tonnes of ammonia and 310,000 tonnes of urea annually. It will provide direct employment for 390 people in the Cork area.

Since the ammonia and urea came on stream, the value of production has amounted to £28.5 million, of which exports have constituted £12 million. The balance of output is sold directly on the Irish market either as urea fertiliser or as ammonia, which is a raw material used in the manufacture of nitrogenous fertiliser at NET's Arklow plant currently employing 1,200 people. Therefore both in terms of employment and exports the company's contribution to the economy is a very significant one.

There has been considerable public comment about the cost escalation associated with the Marino Point project. The final cost is now estimated at £137 million compared with the company's first detailed estimate of £63.5 million in 1975. Naturally I am most concerned about this substantial cost over-run and I am having an in-depth assessment carried out to ascertain the reasons for it. It will also be important to determine what implications the development at Marino Point will have in relation to NET's future financing. Finally, after all the disruptions which were created during the construction period of the project it was, to say the least of it, dismaying to see a further strike taking place so soon after the commencement of production. That recent strike cost NET £5 million and further disimproved its already serious financial position.

Irish Steel Limited are making satisfactory progress on the implementation of their development programme, work on which commenced at the end of 1978. Under this programme the company are installing a 90-ton electric arc furnace, a new rolling mill and a continuous caster, and are improving storage and transport facilities. It is expected that the new plant will be commissioned by the end of 1980. Full production of 282,000 tonnes per annum will be achieved from 1985. This will be more than double present output and will represent a considerable extension of the company's product range. A major portion of the increased annual production of the company will be for export to the UK and continental markets.

The estimated cost of the development project, based on the most recent figures available, is approximately £48 million which will be financed by way of Government equity, IDA grants, ECSC loan and other commercial borrowings. This is a major investment by any standard and it is a sobering thought that it will not lead to any additional employment by Irish Steel Limited. It will merely endeavour to safeguard the existing employment, but the effectiveness of that safeguard will, of course, depend entirely on the efficiency of the plant and the productivity of those employed in it.

In April 1979 I agreed that Ceimicí Teoranta's glucose factory at Corroy, County Mayo, should be re-equipped to ensure the security of supply of glucose to the Irish market. The estimated cost of the project is £1.3 million. It is expected that the re-equipment will be completed by the end of this year.

I have under consideration outline proposals recently submitted to me by Ceimicí Teoranta for the refurbishing of their alcohol factories. These proposals involve both potable alcohol and industrial alcohol for sale to the petrol companies. In regard to the latter the question of economic cost will have to be carefully examined; there is no doubt that the industrial alcohol activities of this company have for decades past imposed a burden on the national economy quite disproportionate to the employment afforded.

The company are also actively investigating other opportunities for diversification, particularly in the fine chemicals field.

As Deputies are aware, I have recently introduced two Bills in the House, one to give legislative status to the National Film Studios of Ireland Limited, and the second to provide for the establishment of a Film Board which will have overall responsibility for the promotion and development of film-making in Ireland and for the operation of financial aid schemes designed to further those ends.

Grants of £50,000 and £157,000, respectively, are being provided in the current year's Estimates to cover the administration costs of the proposed film board and to help defray the administration costs of the National Film Studios of Ireland Limited. The national film studios have been in receipt of grants since the company's establishment in 1975. The need for further State support can be attributed to two major factors: (i) the heavy interest payments on the borrowings which were necessary to rehabilitate the studios following their purchase. On the enactment of the National Film Studios of Ireland Bill at present before the House, attention can be given to more appropriate financing arrangements; (ii) the Company's inability to attract a sufficient level of film business to keep the studios fully operational and to cover fixed overhead costs. The company have attributed this to the lack of a scheme of financial inducements in Ireland to attract film-makers here.

I hope that the proposed film legislation which is now before the House will go some way towards rectifying the financial position of the studios in the immediate years ahead and will also provide the necessary support for the development of a film industry in Ireland. But I will have more to say on that subject in our debate on the relevant legislation.

Mín Fhéir have been incurring continuous losses on their grass meal production operations at Geesala, County Mayo. One of the major reasons for the company's continuing losses is high energy costs for grass drying.

The Government decided last January that a capital grant of £90,000 should be provided in the 1980 Estimates to cover the cost of converting the two oil-fired burners at the company's plant to turf-burning furnaces. Both turf-burning furnaces are expected to be fully installed in time for the 1980 grass production season. This expenditure should result in more economic production and, therefore, in a healthier future for the company.

The House will already be aware that at the request of the Government, the National Economic and Social Council have commenced a thorough review of the existing policies for industrial development. In discharging this task the NESC will have available to it the full support and assistance of all the relevant Government Departments and agencies and special arrangements have been made to ensure maximum co-operation with the experts who are to carry out the study.

A fundamental and wide-ranging review of our industrial development strategies, which may have served us well enough over the years, is timely because of the changing and daunting economic circumstances in which we now find ourselves. The 1980s will be a decade in which there will be increasing energy price and supply constraints, growing competition in manufactured products on the European and world markets from the newly industrialising countries, continuing rundown of many traditional sectors such as steel, shipbuilding, footwear and textiles and increasing competition for new investment projects and very significant technological developments, with the increasing and all-pervading application of the micro processor.

During the present decade also increasing numbers of our intelligent and well-educated young people will be coming on to the labour market for the first time. We must not disappoint their hopes or frustrate their aspirations. It is against this challenging background that the industrial politics and strategies for the future will have to be framed.

Before leaving the subject of industry I should like to advert to the role of the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards and the Irish Productivity Centre. The Institute for Industrial Research and Standards continue to play an important role in our industrial development drive. The principal objective of the institute is to encourage and assist the improved use of science and technology in Irish industry through research and development. The IIRS also undertake consultancy and advisory work, product investigation and testing, the preparation of standards and the provision of a national technical information service.

The benefits to be derived by industry from the use of these specialised services of the institute can be both immediate and enduring. These benefits include higher production and exports, the maintenance of jobs which otherwise would be lost, the creation of new jobs and a reduction in operating costs which helps to make firms more competitive.

The institute's grant-in-aid for 1980 is £6.4 million which represents an increase of 13 per cent on the total grant for 1979. Over £5 million of this sum will be expended on the day-to-day running costs of the institute which include the purchase of capital equipment of the most advanced kind. What is encouraging to me is that over one-third of the operating costs of the institute this year will be financed by fee income, which is a good measure of the value of the services which it provides.

The institute's building and rehousing programme is continuing at their Ballymun headquarters. They also plan to commence this year the construction of new and much needed accommodation at Cork city.

I am very pleased at the enthusiastic and positive manner in which the IIRS have tackled the special mandate given to them last year for energy conservation. The results of this assignment are bearing fruit as a number of companies assisted by the institute have already achieved worthwhile savings in their energy consumption.

Arising from the National Understanding for Economic and Social Development the Government-ICTU Working Party, in relation to the subject of industrial democracy, concluded that an additional Exchequer contribution should be made available to the Irish Productivity Centre in respect of their activities relating to promotion of systems of worker-participation.

In fulfilment of this recommendation a sum of £33,000, in addition to their original grant-in-aid, is being made available to that body by means of a Supplementary Estimate which, as Deputies are aware, has been introduced and which I shall be moving when the main Estimate is concluded. I should like to mention here that most of the additional provision will go to meet the cost of two additional advisers for the labour-management service of the centre. This particular service of the IPC has the difficult but worthwhile long-term objective of improving labour-management relations in Irish firms and I feel confident this extra provision will have the approval of the House generally.

I now turn to the significant topic of exports and trade. In the context of Ireland's economic development, export growth plays a vital role. At present, some 50 per cent of our factories' total production is sold abroad. Two out of three jobs in manufacturing industry are export-related. Exports overall amount to almost 48 per cent of gross national product as compared with an average of about 24 per cent for the European Economic Community. We are, therefore, very much dependent on export growth to sustain the economy and to achieve increased employment and higher living standards. And within the limits of our financial resources, we must do everything possible to support and encourage export expansion.

During the 1960s and 1970s we attained an impressive growth in export performance. The main contribution in this connection came from manufactured goods, excluding food, drink and tobacco, which in value terms increased almost 15 times in the decade 1969 to 1979. While this is an excellent achievement by any standards, the economic realities are that our past efforts need not only to be sustained but, indeed, improved upon if we are to reach our basic economic targets.

Our present balance of payments deficit is a serious obstacle to further economic expansion and this gap must be closed as quickly as possible. Obviously it is far better to do this by increasing exports than by allowing a stagnant economy to manifest itself in declining imports of goods and services. To achieve the necessary rate of expansion, however, requires the provision of even greater export support services than ever before and the Government's recognition of this fact is reflected in the additional grant-in-aid which is being made available to Córas Tráchtála in the current year. The substantial increase involved, namely £1,885,000, or about 31 per cent over the allocation for 1979, underlines the Government's determination to provide maximum impetus to better export achievement. A good deal of the extra funds will be devoted to the provision of special assistance to smaller enterprises.

International trading conditions for 1980 will not be easy. Exporters themselves must therefore continue to increase their efforts to match the initiatives being undertaken by the relevant State promotional agencies. To meet the needs of exporters as far as possible, Córas Tráchtála have drawn up a comprehensive export promotional programme for 1980, details of which were announced on 6 March last. The key objective of this programme is not only to assist existing exporters in their endeavours to broaden their base and increase their overseas sales but also to encourage as many non-exporters as possible to get into export markets now.

An important factor in the exports drive is the availability of suitable export credit insurance arrangements. In accordance with the provisions of the Insurance Acts 1953-1978, arrangements have been continued with the Insurance Corporation of Ireland under which that company will issue export credit insurance policies on my behalf and account to me for premiums collected and claims paid.

Moneys advanced out of the Central Fund to meet export credit insurance claims incurred by me under the Insurance Act, 1953 are repaid to that fund out of the vote. The entire scheme is, in effect, self-financing, but at the same time it provides a vital service for exporters who could not otherwise undertake business in many difficult markets.

Another mechanism introduced to assist the export drive is the special credit financing for certain capital goods exports and for which £805,000 is made available under Subhead K.2. This relates to the scheme which provides export credit finance at concessionary interest rates, ranging from 7½ per cent to 8 per cent, for export of goods of a capital nature manufactured in Ireland and which would normally attract from one to five years' credit. This scheme is operated by the associated banks in conjunction with the export credit insurance scheme and with the aid of an interest subsidy which is provided out of voted moneys. The amount of this subsidy or interest rate compensation, depends (i) on the amount of export credit finance drawn down and (ii) on the gap to be bridged between the concessionary interest rates charged to exporters—7½ per cent-8 per cent—and the cost of funds to the banks. Due to the worldwide increase in interest rates the gap to be bridged by way of subsidy has, unfortunately, increased substantially in recent months.

On the trade scene generally the position is that as the world economic outlook disimproves, the trend towards protectionism becomes more noticeable. This was the experience following on the 1974 oil crisis and it is being repeated now. Nevertheless, there is evidence of a will on the part of governments to resist this trend and of the recognition that increasing recourse to protectionist measures is not the remedy for economic ills.

One of the most important recent developments in this respect has been the formal conclusion of the Tokyo Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations in the GATT framework. This took place in December 1979 during the Irish Presidency of the Council of the European Communities. The outcome of these negotiations fully justifies the considerable efforts made to ensure their success since they were launched in September 1973. The results are all the more remarkable when viewed in the light of current economic difficulties and uncertain future prospects.

The package comprises tariff reductions on a wide range of products, a whole series of new agreements or codes in the non-tariff area and a settlement in agriculture. We succeeded in getting either entire or partial exclusion from the tariff cutting formula of a number of our own most sensitive products.

Overall, the outcome is seen as a major updating of the rules governing international trade, a strengthening of the role of GATT thus enabling them to play a more important part in reducing uncertainty in this area, and as an important instrument in counteracting protectionist pressures in the critical period ahead.

As a country depending to an increasing extent on exports we have reason to be pleased with the successful conclusion of these negotiations. In common with other members of the European Community we stand to gain from the concessions negotiated. Equally important, however, are the indirect long-term benefits which should result from the increased stability in world trading conditions stemming from the successful conclusion of the "Tokyo" Round.

I will now turn to the subject of prices and price control. On assuming office, one of my primary concerns was to review the operation of price control in this country. I wanted to ensure that our price control system was operated in a way which was best suited to our economic needs and which was as effective as possible in ensuring that only those price increases which are unavoidable are passed on to the consumer.

The result of my actions over the last three years means that we have now in operation in this country one of the strictest and most vigorously enforced forms of price control in the EEC and one of the most searching in its requirements for those who come within its ambit. We have a rigorous and careful scrutiny of price applications and allied to it, we have expanded the operations of the prices inspectorate. During 1979 the inspectorate investigated 6,342 complaints received at the Priceline centres and found that 3,798 or 60 per cent were well-founded. Evidence of the contravention of price control orders, for legal proceedings, was obtained in 4,509 instances.

All of this strengthening of the procedures under our price control legislation has taken place against the background of adverse external economic pressures outside the control of the Government.

The movements in crude oil prices in the last two years have been staggering to say the least. The price of a barrel of Saudi Arabian light crude in January 1978 was 12.95 US dollars. By January 1979 it had increased to 13.34 US dollars; in July 1979 it was 18.00 US dollars a barrel, December 1979 24 US dollars a barrel and a present price of 28 US dollars a barrel effective from April 1 last.

These are absolutely crippling increases having a serious effect on the economy of this country and our balance of payments position in particular. Increases in the price of fuel oils have a spill-over effect on to the prices of numerous other commodities.

The plain fact of the matter is that we have to reduce our dependence on imported fuel. The way in which we use oil is more appropriate to an era when the financial consequences were of little concern. The Government's actions, both in the budget, and in our efforts to promote energy conservation and to develop our own fuel resources are designed to meet this end.

A Government's price control policies must be geared to fit the existing economic circumstances. The way in which we have exercised price control over the past three years has been successful in this regard.

Increases in the price of imported raw material are not the only "input" increases which our manufacturing industry has had to bear in recent years. A lot of them are of our own making. Wages in particular, have shown a considerable increase in recent years. Over the past two years alone, wage increases awarded under the terms of the relevant national wages agreements have added over 30 per cent to wage bills, and this at a time when real GNP corrected for changes in the terms of trade, may actually have been declining.

It is clear that with cost increases of this magnitude, price control must be operated in such a way as to allow firms to remain viable and competitive. We cannot get away from the economic facts. If we need oil to fuel the economy, we must pay the higher prices being charged for it. If we continue to pay ourselves higher wages and salaries, we must pay the resultant higher prices for our goods and services.

It is necessary in the operation of an effective price control system to hold a balance between the competing needs and demands and pressures of the consumer and those of the industrialist who is trying to produce goods at a reasonable price, trying to keep his workers in employment and in many cases trying to expand employment at times of considerable economic difficulty. As I have said, it appears that our price control system, as it has been strengthened in recent years, is the most stringent of all the price control systems operated in the EEC. This is a source of some concern from the industrial point of view, because of the pressures which are put on firms here more than in other countries. This pressure is evidenced by the number of complaints the Department receives from industrialists. A number of complaints about prices being too high or price control not being operated strictly enough are received. The complaints we get in that regard are, however, a mere fraction of the complaints from people who are trying to stay in business. I continually meet deputations from the business community who come to talk to me about the difficulties which they experience in complying with our stringent price control procedures; about how unfair they think it is and how strenuously it has been applied in recent years.

The task of balancing the interests of the consumer with those of the industrialist and employer is a delicate one and one which requires the constant attention of the Government. The fact that this Government has a Cabinet Minister who has the active responsibility for price control, means that the competing needs of the various sections of the community are given the fullest possible recognition.

Apart from price control I am also responsible for other aspects of consumer protection. A number of measures intended to afford better protection to consumers have recently been implemented or are under way. The Sale of Goods and Supply of Services Bill, 1978, which has passed all stages in the Seanad will go a long way towards redressing the present imbalance between sellers of goods and services and those who buy them and will also curb undesirable practices such as unsolicited goods and directory entries and the passing on of worthless guarantees.

The Trading Stamps Bill, 1979, which is on Committee Stage in the Dáil will regulate the issue, use and redemption of trading stamps and other related matters.

I feel that the enactment of the Packaged Goods (Quantity Control) Bill, 1980 which has now passed all stages in the Dáil and Seanad and the adoption in Brussels of EEC Directives on food labelling and range of sizes should act as a major impetus towards metrication in the packaging industry in that their finalisation clarifies future requirements in statistical quantity control, labelling and approved sizes and enables packers to adapt their processes to these requirements and simultaneously to adopt metric ranges of sizes thereby keeping internal disruption of packing procedures to a minimum.

I should mention also that at relatively little cost to the Exchequer this legislation will enable the establishment of a comprehensive system of control of filling processes of most pre-packed products thus significantly increasing the protection afforded the consumer from short weight while at the same time increasing the acceptability of our exports by bringing our control procedures into line with practices elsewhere in the European Community.

At EEC level, three important directives from the point of view of consumers were adopted in the recent past, two of which I have already referred to in relation to the packaging aspect. These are commonly known as the food labelling, ranges of sizes and unit pricing directives. When these are given effect in Ireland hopefully within the next months, they will ensure that all necessary information relating to ingredients, quantity and price will be provided to consumers in order to enable them to evaluate the quality of the products they buy.

The programme for the introduction of the widespread use of the metric system into the economy continues to progress at a satisfactory pace although some sections of industry seem to be less aware of the need to co-ordinate action within their groups than we would wish. My Department will continue to liaise with interested parties and there is no reason to believe that the completion of the change-over will not be accomplished smoothly and without difficulty.

On the general subject of metrology I should mention that work is progressing on the preparation of a Weights and Measures Bill aimed at completely overhauling the National Metrology Service.

Later in the year I hope to introduce a Hallmarking Bill which will provide the necessary legislative changes to existing law so as to enable Ireland to accede to the international convention on the control and hallmarking of precious metals. The necessary changes will be as flexible as possible so that they can be applied to any other convention or treaty to which Ireland might be a party. This measure will be of benefit to the trade, to Irish exporters of articles of precious metals and will also retain certain existing controls which provide protection to the consumer.

In the area of rules of competition there has been and continues to be, substantial activity. In accordance with the Mergers, Take-overs and Monopolies (Control) Act, 1978, proposed mergers and take-overs in the sense of the Act which satisfy certain size criteria must be notified to me and my decision on them must be communicated to the enterprises concerned before the proposals may proceed. The volume of notifications continues at a reasonable level and I am pleased to be able to say that proposals notified continue to be dealt with promptly so as to cause the least amount of disruption.

I am expecting to receive in the near future reports from the Restrictive Practices Commission of their recent inquiries into the supply and distribution of motor spirit and the retail sale of grocery goods below cost. In the case of the inquiry into the supply and distribution of motor spirit, the commission resumed public hearings in March to receive evidence on a proposal by one supplier to discontinue supplies to persons who were unable to accept delivery of a certain minimum drop. These resumed hearings were concluded after two days and the commission are now finalising their report to me on this and other matters covered in the course of the full inquiry.

The second inquiry is concerned with a subject which is but a part of an area of more general concern, namely the supply and distribution of groceries. As I have indicated to the House on previous occasions, consultations are taking place between my Department and interests involved in the groceries trade about the present difficulties facing that sector. Decisions on these matters will be taken as quickly as possible after receipt of the commission's report of their inquiry into the retail sale of grocery goods below cost.

Legislation concerning occasional trading has now been enacted. Briefly the Occosional Trading Act, 1979 is designed to regulate and control the practice of retail selling for short periods from privately-owned premises which are not the permanent place of business of the person engaged in such trading. With some specified exceptions, a person who proposes to engage in occasional trading is required to hold an occasional trading permit, application for which must be made at least 30 days before the proposed date of trading. On the basis of experience to date of the operation of the Act, it would seem reasonable to suggest that the legislation has been achieving its aim of controlling occasional trading.

This measure represents the first element of a two-part programme to control what might be described generally as casual trading. The second element, to be entitled the Casual Trading Bill, will be aimed at roadside and street trading. The drafting of this measure has been complicated by the existence of certain constitutional problem but I am now glad to be able to say that a draft satisfying the various concerns which have arisen is now nearing completion and I am confident that a Bill will be circulated in the near future.

On the insurance side, I am concerned to improve still further the Department's supervisory capability, in line with the needs of the more sophisticated insurance industry which we and other countries now have, and to strengthen the legislative framework in this area with a view to safeguarding the interest of the policy holder. The protection which insurance companies had provided for them in the Irish market by the Insurance Act of 1936 is gradually being phased out in accordance with the requirements of Community law and, in consequence, several foreign insurers have established in the Irish non-life market; when full effect is given to the provisions dealing with life assurance, it may be expected that there will be further instances of foreign life companies setting up in our market. While these developments will heighten competition, and thus enhance the situation of the insurance-buying public, they will also create a situation in which more intensive supervision is called for and, in addition, closer liaison with the authorities in other member states.

While there has been notable improvement in the availability of motor insurance, the level of premium, reflecting mainly the high cost of claims, continues to give cause for concern. During the year, we have had discussions with the companies with a view to bringing about further improvements in the market for motor insurance.

I have recently received an interesting report from the Motor Premiums Advisory Committee. This committee are endeavouring to establish the facts and figures underlying the loading structures for motorists premiums, and from it I would hope to be able to ensure that loading structures and ultimately ratings for motor premiums are on a rational basis reflecting the true cost of the rating and of the insurance risk in question. The committee are continuing with their work and I will have from them a further report in the coming 12 months.

Members of the House will be aware of another development in which Ireland is inevitably concerned, also by virtue of our membership of EEC. I refer to the draft directive on product liability, which envisages a responsibility to be imposed on manufacturers on a no-fault basis in respect of injury to persons or damage to personal property caused by defects in products manufactured and put on the market by them, whether or not the defect was due to fault or negligence on the part of the manufacturer. Under the proposal, it would be necessary for the injured party to prove only the injury, the defect, and the causal connection between the two. The origin of this proposal is the recognition that, while contract and tort law provides remedies, a claim in tort may be extremely complicated by the fact that it is not always possible to prove negligence on the part of the manufacturer making and marketing a defective product.

It is not necessary that I should here go into the provisions of this major proposal; there are undoubtedly significant advances in thought and in jurisprudence in it for the consumer or claimant, but this has to be viewed also in the sober light that it may impose a burden on manufacturers which will have to be insured against, for the cost of which the consumer must ultimately pay. It is an issue which I am continuing to watch closely and to weigh the case for and against. Several of the points in the proposal will need considerable clarification, definition or amplification before it would be appropriate for us to take a policy stance. I mention the subject now for the information of the House and to assure the House, in the light of public references made to this subject from time to time, that the matter is receiving very careful consideration by me.

It will be necessary to amend the provisions of the Companies Acts, 1963-1977 to give effect to the provisions of EEC directives dealing with the harmonisation of company law in the member states. Six directives have already been adopted and, in addition, there are other directives under consideration by either the Council of Ministers or at Commission level and the indications are that there might be up to a total of 12 directives to contend with over the next few years. In addition, other amendments arise from the needs of our changing economy. Therefore, the total programme represents a considerable volume of legislation which, because of its scope, must be taken in stages. I hope to introduce in the near future a relatively short Bill which is necessary for domestic reasons.

In the same general area I should like to refer to the appointment earlier this year of a full-time Registrar of Friendly Societies. This office, the origin of which pre-dates the founding of the State, has until now been filled on a part-time basis. In recent years many important additional supervisory functions, particularly in relation to building societies, credit unions and deposit-taking societies, have been conferred on the office and it was therefore necessary to convert to full-time status the post of registrar.

As it is the latest addition to the functions assigned to me I have left tourism as the final topic of my speech. The Government have always regarded the tourist industry as a vital part of the economic life of the country and the renaming of my Department to that of Industry, Commerce and Tourism reflects the continuing high importance the Government attach to the industry. It also recognises the considerable contribution tourism is making to our balance of payments, to the creation of employment opportunities and to regional development generally.

I do not have to tell Deputies that the industry has not been without its share of difficulties during the past decade. It is fair to say that tourism staged a good recovery in 1977 and 1978 registering a 52 per cent increase in revenue during the period. Indeed, 1978 created all-time records, surpassing our previous best year which was 1969 and the industry was poised to create further records in 1979 but for changing circumstances at home and abroad which combined to arrest growth last year. Given that some commentators were forecasting a 25 per cent drop in business at the height of last summer, the actual outturn—a 3 per cent drop on the 1978 all-time high figure for out-of-State visitors and 9 per cent increase to £300 million in out-of-State tourism revenue—was quite creditable.

When we look back on it we can recognise that while a problem existed it was not of such serious dimensions as a number of commentators forecast. I pay special tribute to those in the industry who did not lose their heads and to Bord Fáilte which with full governmental support immediately tackled the problems.

As regards the future, we are entering a new phase for the tourist industry in the eighties. I believe that the manner in which we have tackled the problems of the last few years and the strong recovery we have initiated have laid the foundation on which the industry can in the eighties progress even more in its contribution to the development of our country. This year the Government have, despite the very tight Exchequer position generally, made more money than ever before available for the development of tourism and Bord Fáilte are, at my direction, diverting as much of their funds as possible into direct overseas marketing so as to attract as much extra business as possible.

However, the world economic outlook for the immediate future is not encouraging. GNP-GDP for the OECD area as a whole are not expected to show much of an increase in real terms this year, real disposable income is unlikely to grow by more than 1 per cent while consumer prices are expected to rise by 10 per cent. In addition, general uncertainty about energy price and availability, the weakness of the dollar vis-à-vis European currencies, the introduction of credit restrictions in the US and the general political climate world-wide all combine to dampen the propensity for world travel this year. Despite these unfavourable indicators Bord Fáilte are hopeful that it will be possible to generate positive growth this year. It is far too early in the season to make a prognosis or to begin to interpret trends. I believe, however, that if Bord Fáilte get the full support of every sector of the industry then the possibilities which are there can be realised.

The Government for their part will be striving to ensure that the general business environment is conducive to expansion of the tourist industry. The House will recall that very soon after returning to office the Government introduced duty free facilities on cross-Channel services which gave a strong boost to cross-Channel tourism; a 100 per cent capital depreciation allowance was announced in the 1978 budget which enabled hoteliers to write-off the full capital cost of hotel buildings in a single year. And last year, of course, tourist traffic legislation raised the limits on the aggregate amount of funds which may be made available to Bord Fáilte for capital development.

Like so many participants in the tourism industry, the Government and Bord Fáilte have to plan ahead to ensure that the basic infrastructure will be sufficiently developed to handle the expected growth in future years. It is necessary for the Government to be constantly looking, not just to next year's tourism returns, but to the longer term underlying trends and influences which will determine the future shape and direction of tourism. To this end the Government approved a selective hotel bedroom scheme designed to meet estimated bedroom requirements as to number and location over the next few years and approvals have recently begun to issue under this scheme. The cost of this in 1980 is estimated at £2 million and the Government have provided for this in the Bord Fáilte allocation. In line with the general concern to ensure that a shortage of capacity will not act as a constraint to growth and negative the promotional efforts of Bord Fáilte and the industry, the existing Bord Fáilte improvements scheme is also being concentrated on the upgrading of the accommodation stock through the addition of private bathroom facilities in each room. Additionally, the supplementary holiday accommodation scheme which provides for improvements to farmhouses, town and country homes, has been extended to the country at large, the size of the fund doubled and grant levels increased.

As to the longer term, the Government requested the National Economic and Social Council to do a study of the implications of tourism for economic development at national, regional and sectoral levels. In a general way the obvious benefits of tourism are know to everybody—inflow of foreign revenue, job opportunities, increase in GNP, regional development and so on, but there are quite a number of difficult questions to be answered about the optimum allocation of available funds and the best development strategies to be pursued. I am hopeful that the results of the NESC study which are due out within the next couple of months will be of assistance in our search for an answer to these basic questions and will provide a basis for a proper review of policy with a view to ensuring that the full potential which tourism undoubtedly has for contributing to national progress and prosperity will be fully realised. At this stage I cannot anticipate what the NESC study will come up with or what the Government's response will be. I can, however, assure the House and, indeed, the whole tourist industry that any constructive suggestions will be welcomed and will receive serious consideration.

Before I conclude my remarks on tourism there is one other facet which I would like to touch on. In recent years tourism has been identified as one of the few subjects that are ideal for consideration in the context of cross-Border co-operation. Much of the countryside on both sides of the Border are areas of high tourist amenity, are relatively underdeveloped and are economically disadvantaged. A number of studies have been completed or are in course of completion straddling the entire length of the Border practically. A joint study of the Irish and UK Governments, with EEC assistance, was carried out into communications in the Derry-Donegal region. One of the recommendations in this was the establishment of a tourism co-operation group for the area and this recommendation has now been implemented. Another study of the tourism and drainage potential of the Erne catchment area will be published next week and the results of this study will be examined with interest in my Department. A report of infrastructure needs in the Newry-Dundalk area was recently published and this proposes a joint investigation by the two tourist boards, north and south, of the tourist needs of the area. I am told that this investigation will get under way very shortly.

Finally, a cross-Border tourism package to be assisted out of the non-quota section of the European Regional Development Fund, is now before the EEC Council and is expected to get approval shortly. This package envisages assistance for the development of accommodation, amenities, promotion, roads, communications, crafts and so on, and my Department will be drawing up a programme of proposals as soon as the EEC package has been approved.

I have no doubt that all of these developments will give a very substantial boost to tourism in Border areas and will help them to overcome some of the infrastructural and other deficiencies of the type which are broadly recognised to exist in areas contiguous to borders throughout the EEC Community. I hope that these developments will encourage more and more people from both sides of the Border to take holidays in these areas thereby helping to develop a better regional spread of the benefits of tourism while also helping in the very important task of breaking down antipathies and fostering cross-Border relations at the interpersonal level.

I shall, of course, endeavour in my reply to deal with any other matters which may be raised in the course of the debate. I commend this Estimate to the House.

I am grateful to have this opportunity of discussing this Estimate at length. This new departure is to be welcomed. The Minister has spent the last 50 minutes discussing the activities of his Department for the past 12 months or more. He has given us a dissertation on the wide range of activities undertaken in his Department. One cannot but express disappointment, however, at the whistling-past-the-graveyard aspect of the Minister's speech. Listening to him I wondered if I had read correctly recent publications relating to industry, exports and all the matters which directly concern his Department. They make very depressing reading. The Minister barely skirted around the real problems and difficulties now confronting many thousands of people outside this House who are engaged in industry either at management or employee level. He gave us a comprehensive list of consumer legislation which is important—to me and consumers generally—but at this stage it must be regarded as peripheral to the really main issues which affect every man, woman and child in the country. The Sale of Goods (Supply of Services) Bill, the Trading Stamps Bill, the Packaged Goods (Quantity Control) Bill and the Occasional Trading Bill are all very worthwhile aspects of the activities of his Department. All these will improve the lot of the consumer in the long run but surely the major issues of the day do not lie in that area of activity.

Recent predictions from many sources indicate a very gloomy picture of our economy. Surveys have shown a very depressing outlook. These surveys are carried out by people and bodies with no political axe to grind and without exception they have all come up with the same sad news. They are predicting lay-offs, production cutbacks, company failures and loss of confidence. Under these four main headings lie the real issues which concern, or ought to concern this Government and in particular the Minister. The people who have done the surveys include the Economic and Social Research Institute, the Confederation of Irish Industry, the Federated Union of Employers, the Irish Exporters' Association, the Irish Trade Protection Association and, only yesterday, the Central Bank. Nobody could point a political finger at any of these bodies; they are strictly concerned with their own areas of activity and yet they have all independently come up with the same bad news.

Not so long ago the so-called prophets of doom were said to be less than patriotic if they persisted in their predictions of gloom, doom and disaster but I think this ostrich-like head-in-the-sand attitude now being adopted by the Government cannot be looked on as a responsible response to what is happening. It has boiled down to a question of integrity: do we tell the truth or not? Do we face facts or not? What is the point of persistently turning a blind eye to the actual position? What is the point in consistently failing to inform Members of the House and the public of what the issues are? All we have are regular attempts at what I regard as pathetic pleading to the public to have patience, to act responsibly and to be moderate in their demands, without spelling out why these requests and pleadings are being made.

To me this kind of approach is cynical in the extreme, treating the electorate with absolute contempt and, I would say, it is an insult to their intelligence. What we need is a huge injection of reality, putting the bare, blunt facts before the community, pointing out the options. Ultimately, if that were done you would get the co-operation which is required to an enormous degree if we are to pull back from the brink of the precipice and get back on a positive, productive road again.

The surveys to which I have referred indicate that there is a decline in industrial growth. Growth this year will be minimal. This will lead to lay-offs—to which at the moment it is leading—and also to short-time working. The Economic and Social Research Institute predict 100,000 unemployed by the end of the year. From the Government we get deafening silence; this statement has not been refuted. This is a far cry from the highly-charged days of three years ago when we were told that the answers were all in the hands of the then Opposition. I shall come back later to the glaring omissions in the Minister's speech concerning promises made on assuming power three years ago, promises which, after three years, should be coming to fruition if any real effort had been made to implement them.

Only the week before last in this House I was told by the Minister for Finance of the enormous inroads made into unemployment figures. It turned out that there was an approximate 55 per cent success rate on set targets. That was regarded as a satisfactory position by the Minister for Finance who, I am sure, was speaking on behalf of the Government. Surely this cannot be regarded as satisfactory? Is the Minister aware that at this moment the loss of jobs is running at 1,400 a month? This figure comes from a most reliable source but there is little reference to the employment position in the Minister's speech.

People directly involved in industry are shouting loud and clear and there is a reduction in stock levels in industry. They have said this is because of high interest rates. Many requests have been made to the Government to ease the burden by underwriting exchange rates on foreign borrowing. The Minister has been asked, by the Confederation of Irish Industry to do this. The Minister has repeatedly refused to give this concession for what I regard as illogical reasons, that the Exchequer would be charged with an expenditure which might not be proper because public money was being expended on something which is regarded as sectional interest. The only circumstance in which the Exchequer would be called on to provide funds would be in the case of devaluation of the punt as against currencies from which borrowings were made by our industries. Nobody has admitted and I hope will not have to admit, that there is a prospect of devaluation. If there is no question of devaluation where is the risk? If there is no risk involved there is no expenditure.

This concession would boost the confidence of the people engaged in industry at the moment and would show that somebody had an interest in them and understood their difficulties. The tiny concession they are seeking, which would have a psychological boosting effect on their confidence, is not forthcoming. In the survey of the Confederation of Irish Industry there is irrefutable evidence that 87 per cent of the firms surveyed by them recently show a drop in orders. This is the gloomiest news of all the gloomy news we have heard from the media in recent times. Once this trend commences it is very difficult to reverse it. The lack of confidence among industrialists is rooted in the knowledge that they are being allowed confront those enormous problems, which are not solely of their making, alone and without any recognition or appreciation of their difficulties by the Government. Many people, for political reasons, would point to the statement I have made and ask:

"What did your people do in 1974 and 1975"? While there is a comparison, the two periods are not directly comparable. The difficulties which industry, across the board, is now facing are at a time when the farming sector are facing major difficulties in their activities. The great difference between the current situation and that of six years ago is that then the agricultural sector were in receipt of large sums of money in the first flush of generosity from the EEC. They kept the county afloat when industrial concerns and the community at large were suffering real hardship from enormous energy increases. That prop to the farming sector is not there now.

This particular time, in retrospect, will be seen as a time of lost opportunity and a time of indifference by a Government who were made aware of all the difficulties and all the factors but stood aloof and did not get involved. This is the Government who stated that their policies bore the stamp of social justice and who were referred to by themselves as a caring Government. I cannot understand their attitude to industry now.

When one looks at the import pattern, falling orders and stock levels one must assume that the bulk of our imports is made up of consumer goods. As far as I can ascertain imports of raw materials so badly needed for productive purposes are dropping and the overall increase in imports is made up of substantially increased amounts of consumer goods fully manufactured abroad. The Irish Exporters' Association have pointed out that we face our competitors on the European market on unequal terms, having higher labour costs, energy costs and interest rates. The Irish Trade Protection Association have stated that the number of debts they have been asked to collect from very nervous business executives have shown an increase of 125 per cent for the first four months of this year over the same period last year. This surely is indicative of the malaise which has gripped the industrial life of this country about which the Government would seem to be oblivious at least or they are indifferent to these problems. Yesterday we had the Central Bank report, a publication which normally issues warnings in muted tones, but yesterday it did not mince its words. The prospect is a current balance of payments deficit of something in excess of £740 million or 10 per cent of GNP. In addition they told us that the foreign debt is accumulating and the burden of servicing that debt is getting out of hand. These are dire warnings from people who see at first hand the road we are taking at the moment. Spending by industry on plant and equipment is predicated to show a 5 per cent downturn this year. This will lead to a downturn in manufacturing output this year put at 3 per cent. All in all, the Central Bank report makes very depressing reading for the current year and the prospects of any significant improvement even in the coming year is very dim indeed.

The Minister was quite right to state that one of the major reasons for the current economic climate worldwide is substantially increased energy costs, but in all fairness he should have stated also that there are other reasons for our domestic problems at present, and the management of our domestic affairs must carry its rightful share of blame. No amount of silence or indifference can shirk that responsibility. The Central Bank report predicts a minimal growth rate. The rate mentioned was even less optimistic than the 1.25 per cent predicted in the ESRI report only two weeks ago. It gives me no pleasure to stand up and say, as probably is the case, that we are facing nil growth this year in industrial output. What did this year's budget do for our afflicted economy? In the case of industry an additional £45 million was added to industrial costs through the imposition of duty on industrial oil and so on. The duty on industrial oils stands now at 7p per gallon which is the highest by far within the countries participating in the EMS. Industry in this country is expected to compete with its counterparts within the EMS countries in which the duty on oil is zero in one case rising through the scale up to 7p, which applies to industrialists in this country. This has a very deleterious effect on our competitiveness. As has been stated elsewhere, that £45 million which they are faced with in their production costs would create roughly 8,000 jobs extra this year. Recent postal increases will heap further misery on the industrial sector and will lead further to loss of competitiveness on foreign markets. We are told now that domestic consumer spending and investment in volume terms are falling for the first time in many years. All the signals are flashing and the warning bells are clanging, and yet the Government remind me of a motorist who insists on parking in the middle of a level crossing with the oncoming train rushing towards him. Instead of facing up to the reality and tackling the crisis, the Government still persist for political reasons in trying to camouflage the extent of the recession of which every dog in the country is aware and which is due almost entirely to the foolhardy domestic policies adopted by the Government.

The Minister seems to be quite happy with his performance on price control. I am at a loss to know how he can justify that satisfaction when one considers the very definite promises made, and there were no conditions attached concerning the control of inflation and the control of prices. The ESRI stated a fortnight ago that we were now in the 20 per cent inflation league, and I accept this. I assume that the Minister and the Government accept it as no refutation of that statement has been seen in print. The Government also stated and promised solemnly that where they had direct control they would ensure that no price increases took place. That was three years ago in the heat of an election campaign. By February 1980 that same Government, in their budgetary provisions, added 4 per cent to the inflation rate. That figure has not been refuted. We have a forecast of a 2 per cent decline in living standards in the Central Bank report. This also must be taken as being correct.

The National Prices Commission are doing their best. As I have stated before in the House, we have seen the National Prices Commission approving price increases but, if there is any reduction, which is very rare, in the increases sought, it is the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism who has intervened. We all know that the Minister decides who gets what, and the Minister must take full responsibility for it. The idea that the Minister expresses satisfaction with his performance in price control, at a time when inflation is running 20 per cent, is beyond comprehension. We have had day-dreaming in White Papers and Green Papers. We have had juggling of figures—inflation rates of 5 per cent when they were 16 per cent—trying to give the impression to an unsuspecting public that targets were being met.

All that will not solve our problems. If one looks at our performance in the current trends in our exports and imports, one cannot but show concern. In 1979 our exports rose by 18.2 per cent in value, which represented roughly 10 per cent in volume. In the same year we had a 29.8 per cent increase in our imports, representing a 16 per cent increase in volume. In the first two months of this year, as against 29.8 per cent in 1979, that import increase reached 38 per cent in value, which is roughly 18 per cent in volume. It is obvious that the competitive edge is blunted by increased production costs.

In a statement issued by the Confederation of Irish Industry on 22 April 1980 it was stated that there is a direct relationship between the rate of cost increase in Ireland and the loss of competitiveness of many labour intensive products, that there is a straight trade off between cost increases and employment. It is also stated that if Irish costs rise faster than those of our partners and competitors in the EMS countries, imports of labour intensive products from those countries will rise faster than our exports to them. That explains why our textile industry is feeling the pinch, because of the labour intensive aspect and because of an uncontrolled and uncontrollable rise in costs and because of domestic policies adopted by the Government and Government inaction in adopting policies which they should be adopting.

The Minister mentioned the IDA. They have done more than any other agency to promote industrial expansion. As they have shown in the past, the IDA are capable of doing an enormous amount. They have the capacity to attract internationally mobile capital here, provided they get the tools to do the job. The Minister mentioned an increase of £26 million this year in their grant-in-aid for capital purposes. I understand this figure is significantly short of the money sought by the IDA and that it represents a cut-back of something like 16 per cent.

At a time when the industrial scenario is as I have painted, one must question the validity of this approach. There is to be a reduction in the pace of the provision of advance factories at a time when there is a substantial increase in the demand for factory space. Obviously, the reason for this is that, because of high capital costs and high interest rates, industrialists tend to put their money into the production end and tend to rent or lease existing factory space. This is a disincentive to new industries. While redundancies are running at their current level it does not make sense.

This unfortunate trend is nonsensical when one considers that building inflation is even higher than interest rates. If you put back the provision of an advanced factory, at today's interest rates you are actually running into deeper water because the time will come when you will have to pay much more for that factory because of higher building inflation.

It is not a very sensible approach to put the provision of factories on the long finger. The IDA would be able to get a higher proportion of this mobile investment if the building programme could be maintained. Projects now coming on stream were negotiated in 1979. While the Minister has rightly said that in their five year programme the IDA are on target in job creation, they have much less control over the maintenance of employment which is dependent more on domestic Government policy than on the efforts of the IDA. The IDA can bring people in, but they cannot keep them here unless the conditions and the economic climate prove to be an incentive to keep them here. From what I can see the predictions made would throw the programme of the IDA into a very serious position in that they may be unable to maintain the impetus of job creation after this year. The pipeline is becoming narrower and narrower all the time and the domestic conditions which the Government have allowed to obtain here are no help whatever to the IDA in their efforts.

The question of unemployment was mentioned by the Minister. Let me say that, while the overall figure—and there are different views on this—is not that exorbitant, what is disturbing is the trend of increased unemployment. Worse still is the number of young people included in that unemployment figure. There is also a shortage of skilled labour. There are many tax incentives to foreign industrialists. But the availability of a good and willing labour force, properly trained, is as good an incentive, if not more so, than the tax incentives they have at the moment. The figures for the availability of engineers and technicians should cause us some concern at the moment but it does not seem to.

The Minister has announced increases to the IDA, increases which they deserve. Indeed, they deserve more than they got. In relation to the export guarantee, which the Minister talked about under the Insurance Act, the money available dropped, according to the Estimate, by 5 per cent. This is surely a retrograde step. The Irish Goods Council, concerning itself with the promotion and sale and purchase of Irish goods, got a paltry increase of £2,100 on a total grant-in-aid of £735,000. This surely, in an inflationary situation of 20 per cent, is treating the work of the Irish Goods Council with a certain degree of contempt. They will not be able to maintain the impetus which characterised their performance at the beginning of their current programme. They just will not have the money to do so.

The Minister failed to mention in his statement how serious the economic problems are. He gave us an outline of activities, some of them peripheral. I would like to mention a very serious matter referred to by the Minister, the matter of Nitrigin Éireann Teoranta. We must be told more concerning its production costs and, in particular, the building costs of this factory. There was no mention of the industrial development consortium by the Minister, this Seán Lemass-type consortium which would do great things for us. There was no mention of the tens of thousands of jobs to be created from the development of our national resources. Only a fortnight ago I asked the Minister of State in the House what progress had been made on these tens of thousands of jobs. The Minister of State was unable to give me any definite job creation results from this manifesto promise.

Let me finish by saying that I am disappointed, and indeed distressed, that the Minister failed to tell this House of the reality of the present economic situation in the industrial sector. After a plethora of surveys outlining their difficulties, the Minister has failed to respond to even one iota of the problems put to him. It was a disappointing performance and unless there is a frank admission of those difficulties on the part of the Government how can we even start to find a solution to these problems?

I am long enough in politics to know that the easiest exercise for any politician to indulge in in relation to an Estimate presented by a Minister would be to contribute in a totally critical, totally negative, even unhopeful way. I would urge that, despite the considerable difficulties outlined by the Minister, we should not lose our nerve as we face into a period of recession which has come very sharply and uniquely quickly on top of the last recession. There are clear dimensions to the problem and, if we have honest political leadership, I have no doubt whatsoever that we can get out of this recession, even though it looks like being somewhat longer than the previous one. It now appears that it will drag on to the end of 1982. I would point out very strenuously that our country has grown in the general industrial employment sector. A wide range of Irish industry is relatively new. It has established markets. Our own people are employed in those industries and so also are those who have returned from abroad to take up employment here. We have grown in economic management skills. There is clear evidence that there is a solid reservoir of entrepreneurial ability. It may not be as great as we would wish but it is still there. The living standards of people have improved enormously during the sixties and seventies. Therefore, one might say there is a reserve of capacity for the population to tighten their belts if that must be done. The notch will be less painful if one is cutting back on a standard of living that has improved greatly.

We must acknowledge also that our general industrial base has broadened so that we are not now totally dependent on the vagaries of agricultural price export mechanisms. Our exports have broadened in great measure. In these circumstances I am confident that we can overcome these difficulties but that is provided that we as politicians do not try any soft options on the electorate at this stage for party political gain and provided that we are totally honest with the people in facing up to the extreme difficulties that will have to be faced in 1980-81. In order to deal with our difficulties we will have to have leadership of an exceptionally high order and that leadership could find itself in a very unpopular position.

I was interested particularly today in what was omitted from the Minister's speech rather than what was included. The Minister has a very serious contribution to make to our economic development but his speech was devoid of any analysis of the economic situation, apart from his general references to the balance of payments situation and a rather curt reference to the industrial relations situation. It is evident now that in future the Minister will stick to his economic brief. I get the impression from his speech that in future he will not be prepared to accept the concept of collective responsibility so far as he is concerned for what goes on in relation to the general economic strategy of the Government. From previous statements he has made here I believe him to hold very strong views as to the way in which the country should be run, but I think he has opted out and that is regrettable. At least, that is the impression I get from his speech, assuming that the speech was not simply a routine department brief.

There are a number of economic strategy objectives which we must reiterate during this debate. We should continue to be preoccupied with the task of endeavouring to create full employment. We did not really expect that there would be a situation of full employment by the mid-eighties. That was a target in respect of which many of us held a rather jaundiced view having regard to current economic policies. Because of the very big numbers of school leavers coupled with the prospect of job losses in the event of a recession we did not believe that there was an outstanding prospect of achieving full employment by the mid-eighties. However, we must continue to regard that target as a particular objective. It is regrettable that there was not a facing up to that situation by the Government about the middle of 1979.

As I have said here so many times, in the final quarter of 1979 the portents for economic growth in the 1980-81 period were ominous but despite that the employment target was written into the 1980 budget, a budget which obviously has had very little real impact either on employment or on economic growth. I appreciate that additional funds have been made available to the IDA and to CTT but I do not think that the magnitude of these funds has had any further impact on the employment problems facing industry in 1980-81. I would even suggest that there might be some deferment in the IDA programme in respect of the advance purchasing of land, for example, something that would not mean anything anyway for four or five years. On that basis the contribution even in that area to the IDA from the 1980 budget has been quite small.

In the hope that we would learn from the mistakes of the past and apply that knowledge now—and I do not wish to revert to a situation of stagnation or of negative thinking in terms of economic advance—I would hark back to the warnings which were clearly evident in the second half of 1979 and in the first quarter of 1980. Then, when we resume after the summer recess the Government might recast the budget. This House will adjourn in three weeks time and we do not know even yet what the employment figures will be in mid-October in terms of our projection of 100,000 but having regard to present indications, the current budget strategy should be examined before we drift to the end of the year with unemployment rising to the 100,000 mark and increasing further to the 110,000 mark by March of next year. The time lag in effecting any economic change on the basis of any budget is at least eight or nine months. I suggest that there be a serious examination of the current budget strategy, particularly in relation to the capital programme as well as to the question of taxation. Obviously, we cannot spend without taxing but it would be better to face the situation now rather than to wait until February, 1981 to introduce a budget which would not have any effect on the economic situation until mid-1982.

I should hope that we have learned our lesson in relation to giving impetus to inflationary trends. Surely one of the critical objectives in terms of influencing pay levels and cost levels is a reduction in the rate of inflation. It is both sobering and infuriating to read the recent publication of the ESRI. It has been said that the institute tend to err more than is necessary on the side of gloom but we should note that they have repeated in their publication of 22 May what we have been saying here by maintaining that indirect taxes imposed in the budget have added 4 per cent directly to the CPI while indirectly the second round effect of the budget increases will add another 2 per cent. Therefore, they say, that the budget played a major part in the 7.9 per cent rise in prices between February and mid-May of this year.

It went on to say:

This bulge of recent price rises should push the annual inflation rate to 20.8% in the year to mid-May. As the table indicates, the rate of inflation is expected by the ESRI to hover around 20% for the rest of the year.

I strongly held the view following on the last budget that inevitably this impetus to inflation would be given by the internal indirect taxation rather than the direct taxation policies of the Government in the budget. Now we have the situation where we are facing into further negotiations on the national understanding and the accursed 20 per cent is once again being used. We could have kept the rate of inflation down to around 14 or 15 per cent, even if we had been less generous in the income tax concessions, which were a bit more than people thought they were going to get. Some members of the Cabinet were not entirely happy with the total hand out. I have always felt that one should keep something in reserve in these situations. I hope that lesson has been learned, and particularly and bitterly learned, for the next consideration of budget strategy, because although the NESC review of economic strategy may well be available to the Government in October or November, and I would hope much sooner, nevertheless the general outline of budget strategy may well be determined by that time and again it may be too late.

I express some reservations on the job analysis of the Minister in his speech. He correctly gave the precise updated figures in relation to IDA activity. It is important, however, to put another perspective on it, without being in any way excessively gloomy or doom-laden. I quote, for example, the comment made by the managing director of the IDA, Michael Killeen, at a conference which was reported in The Irish Times of 31 May last, when he said that overall employment in manufacturing industry may rise by only 5,000 this year, even though it is anticipated that 25,000 new jobs will be created in 1980. This presumes a 20,000 redundancy figure for 1980, and that is a lot of redundancy. As my colleague, the Minister of State at the Department of Industry, Commerce and Tourism, Deputy Burke, is here, I put it to him that with the employment front holding up well in the west of Ireland, with considerable growth in some of the western counties, notwithstanding the fate of firms like Irish Crystal in Galway and so on, and with the employment front holding up well in the Limerick region with successful growth there, and no great evidence of major trauma yet in the Cork city region, although it is bad in Waterford, bad in Youghal, bad in Midleton and other places, nevertheless, would it be an assessment that the bulk of that 20,000 redundancies looks like being in the eastern and the greater Dublin region? This would be a matter of some concern. It would appear that job redundancies in the state would tend to be centred in the greater Dublin region. With the massive population growth in that region, and heavy unemployment among large numbers of school leavers—the largest number of young persons in the country reside in that region, a third of the total national population—redundancy there would undoubtedly have a very considerable impact.

I would urge that the IDA should be particularly approached by the Government. Already they have done some very valuable work in the inner Dublin city area, but throughout the region as a whole—particularly in the County Dublin area—one would find a critical need for new employment. Areas like County Kildare may not need it so much, with its substantial growth of employment. Certainly, in the greater Dublin area I can see a major need developing. That is not just a special pleading on the part of a Deputy from the Dublin county area.

One other factor may have to be taken into account here which is somewhat outside the scope of the Minister's portfolio. There is the unique difficulty at present of the coinciding of the recession with the emergence of the economic monetary policies of the British Government. I share the view expressed by the chairman of the IDA Small Industries Committee, Mr. Ted O'Neill, who is also quoted in the recent report, when he said:

The tight monetary policies being pursued in Britain were having an adverse effect on the British demand for Irish goods.

It is of considerable importance to bear in mind that we are facing a double-barrelled battle in this area. Not only are we facing the downturn in American economic growth, which has a considerable impact in Ireland because of the preponderance of American industries here, but we are facing another pincer movement from the redoubtable and reactionary policies being pursued by no less a lady than the British Prime Minister. Since a large proportion of Irish goods and exports still go to the United Kingdom, the effect will be quite exceptional. That is one of the gloomier aspects which can legitimately be pointed out here in a contribution to this House.

Even yesterday there was a forecast from the Manpower Services Commission in the UK that British unemployment will exceed the 2 million mark by the end of next year. Bearing in mind that when we have a high degree of unemployment in the Republic, there is always the propensity for persons to emigrate, seeking temporary or full time permanent work in the UK, the prospect there is certainly very gloomy. Having said that, I very strongly stress—and hope that I can in no way be accused of being exceptionally pessimistic—that in certain parts of the country the overall employment situation is reasonably good, and in some areas surprisingly good. For example, if one takes Galway, there was an interesting report from there on Radio Éireann last Sunday from Jim Fahey, who is, by and large, a very perceptive, foresighted and competent individual. He reported there that last year Galway and Mayo had a net job increase of 6 per cent, Sligo and Leitrim 11 per cent and Roscommon 13 per cent. The situation in the west is not that depressing. Likewise in the Limerick region there is one piece of evidence to show that unemployment for the region is now around the 7,600 mark compared with approximately 11,000 in January 1978. Michael Walsh on the same RTE programme indicated that the position is a little better than the national average.

I might deal now with some other aspects. I would urge strongly that, in relation to the national understanding negotiations which will have a profound effect on industrial employment growth here in the next two or three years, the debate, negotiation and argument between the social partners in the months ahead—and hopefully they will be concluded before this House resumes in the last week of September—will revolve more around the central issue of employment than those of money and income increases, important though they are. Those of us who have jobs, who are the majority in the country, may not necessarily agree. I should point out emphatically that we have not had a march of any consequence or size or of any organisation since 1974 when the employed marched for their unemployed or redundant brothers. This is of central importance in negotiations because unemployment can climb, with redundancies, back up to 100,000 or 110,000. If, in the same process, we are hoping to put these brothers of ours in the labour force back into productive employment and simultaneously hoping for massive percentage increases on a national understanding, then the only reality is that the equation does not match; it is just not possible. I would hope that the constructive approach of the representatives of ICTU, the FUE and the CII would be towards job maintenance, protection and creation, that there would be a far greater preoccupation with those in any national understanding than with relatively transient, inflationary money increases.

I welcomed the setting up in this House of the £20 million tripartite special employment programme. I see no reason at all why, in the summer, that £20 million should not become £50 million so that many firms now facing serious liquidity problems would be in a position to apply to that special fund to maintain employment for their workers. I have heard of some firms and I know of one in particular which has gone on a three-day fortnight in order to maintain employment. Such firms could benefit from that type of fund. I know the Government coffers are empty because they blew the whole lot in 1977-1979 with their profligate policies but I do not propose to replay that record here today; we have heard enough of it already and people are sick to death of what happened in that period. It may require some special provision to bolster up special funds for interest rates in the next six months to get us over the hump into the middle of 1981. But that is far better than having unemployment going up to the 100,000 or 110,000 mark. Indeed I would urge the Minister, who has a lot of experience in that area, to do so.

We should fight the gloom and doom being spread around. Here I want to be extremely critical of some comments made in the past few days by the Managing Director of Allied Irish Investment Bank, Mr. Michael Murphy, who said, when presenting his bank's Annual Report for 1979, and I quote here from the relevant article which appeared in The Irish Times of Wednesday, 4 June 1980:

... AIB executives were now telling troubled firms to bring their finances into line or face the consequences. That means the introduction of new methods or,

——and I presume he is reported correctly

more ominously for some firms, the sale of assets. He said it was hard to predict the level of company failures in the months ahead. His bank had no major customer in difficulties at present....

I do not think that is a particularly constructive approach on the part of a major investment bank in this country. In fact rather than urging these firms to contemplate the sale of productive assets—which is a serious enough thing to say at any time, even in conditions of boom—the Allied Irish, Bank of Ireland and the other major commercial banking companies should consider seriously making some contribution from their windfall profits of 1979/80 to the tripartite fund. I would have no hesitation in urging on the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism to exercise his muscle at Cabinet and suggest to the Taoiseach that this once-off, special contribution being made by the commercial and merchant banks to bolster up the fund.

I do not believe that the rescue services of the IDA or of Fóir Teoranta have sufficient liquidity to meet the exigencies of the liquidity pressures on companies. Therefore, I would hope that these financial institutions, which have amassed very considerable profits from inflation and from high interest rates in 1979/80, would make a more positive contribution than the type I have just mentioned from the managing Director of the Allied Irish Investment Bank.

I do not think it would be any undue burden on them to make a substantial contribution towards that fund. After all employers at large have made a contribution on the levy side. Therefore I have stressed—and it may not be a very popular suggestion from a Labour Deputy—that the choice for 1980-81 is one between job protection, maintenance and creation and very substantial income increases. That choice is a startling one facing us on our entry into negotiations.

I was in Germany recently and I met my opposite political numbers there, the SDD. They shook their heads and looked at me with blank amazement when I spoke of the possible annual inflation rate in the Irish Republic of 20 per cent. I do not believe in creating hairy situations when there is no need for it, but they assured me they would be knackered in their next general election if their inflation rate went up to 7 per cent. At that stage they were thinking of an annual inflation rate of 5.8 per cent and if it went to 7 per cent they would be swept out of office. They told me that the metal workers federation had settled for an annual increase of 7 per cent. One must bear in mind that we are in direct competition in the EEC and that we cannot be immune from what is happening in France, Germany and elsewhere in Europe.

I share the view expressed last Sunday by Liam Connellan who made a simple point on Radio Éireann. I hope I got what he said correctly. He said:

I would reckon that at the moment around 60 per cent of all clothing and footwear that is bought in Ireland is imported, and not all from the low-cost countries. Some, certainly yes, but more than 80 per cent of it is coming from other European countries.

That is relevant to the situation facing us and one must bear it very much in mind.

The Minister, in passing, referred to the industrial relations situation, particularly in certain industries. He used the word "unpatriotic". In certain instances I totally share his view. If I might air my views aloud for a few moments, one of the things I can never fail to understand is that if one takes the spread of political support in Ireland, some 50 per cent of industrial workers support the Government party, yet many industrial workers who berate their trade unions and their employers, will be berated by Ministers for their particular attitude, yet they will turn up at the next general election and vote for the party which berated them. I am not suggesting there is anything perverse in it but there seems to be a unique capacity in Ireland to separate one's social industrial work force attitudes from one's political attitudes in a sort of social schizophrenia.

I was on the Government side of the House and one would be berated politically, and many workers do not seem to have the capacity to see a co-relation between being patriotic party men, supporting the party in power. Take the Alcan situation or Aer Lingus, and I would say about 50 per cent of the workers vote for Fianna Fáil but they will not pay the slightest attention to what Fianna Fáil Ministers might say in relation to the industrial relations situation. This is unique in Ireland. In the UK there is a straight class division and a trade unionist tends to vote for Labour, or at least 70 per cent of them, and they would follow the political view of the party, but here for some reason or another, Deputy O'Malley could talk until the cows come home about the way people behave in the industrial relations field, they would totally disagree with him and subsequently in a general election would vote for him. That schizophrenia of social political attitudes is very difficult to follow.

Having said that, I share the view that one issue in Ireland which must be resolved—I hope the Minister for Labour, the ICTU and the FUE will do something about it—is the problem of perennial disputes about craft differentials and relativities. There is not a doubt that these relativity disputes and craft differentials are causing mayhem in a wide range of industries. One week it is the ESB or Guinness, and the week after that Aer Lingus, or Dublin Corporation, or the county councils, or CIE, or NET, or Cement Limited.

I urge that in the area of negotiations at national level we should try to resolve such perennial disputes about craft differentials. It needs very special attention in any national understanding negotiation. It needs a lot of patience, care and thought by the social partners. In the next two or three years we must have a sustained period of normal industrial relations here and normal industrial peace. These disputes are not only harmful in themselves, not only do they create a direct loss of production and result in massive losses of earnings by the workers themselves, but they create the backlash of reaction among prospective employers thinking of coming to this country to invest in industry here. The impact of these disputes in that field is massive and the impact could be disastrous in the long run.

Therefore, I hope that a greater effort will be made on the part of all parties and the Government to achieve essential constraints in the freedom of action which we all demand in industrial relations. I welcome the decision of the Government's proposal to the NESC to examine central economic strategy. To be ironic for a moment, it took the abolition of the Department of Economic Planning and Development, and the Minister in charge of that Department, to have the functions in this regard transferred to the Department of Finance. A good piece of bureaucratic juggling occurred there. I think the abolition of that Department has succeeded in suggesting to the Taoiseach himself that somebody should be engaged in examining our economic strategy.

The NESC have now been given that responsibility. Among other things, I hope they will examine the role of foreign enterprise here because about 750 foreign companies representing an investment of four billion dollars have set up in Ireland in the past 20 years, the bulk of them since 1973. They now employ about 80,000 workers and produce about half of the country's total industrial output. Therefore, the time is overdue for an examination of that development here and of the extent to which we should side by side develop our own indigenous industries, because it is essential that we have a counter-balance in our industrial development strategy in the national interest.

I welcome the setting up of the National Enterprise Agency under the national understanding but I regret it took so long to have it established. I hope it will make a distinctive contribution in the years ahead. I wish the Minister well. I would be interested to know if he has any intention of putting pressure on the Government for a response to the CII proposal for a scheme to underwrite exchange rate fluctuations. Despite the very considerable difficulties in such a proposition, I hope he will kick the Department of Finance around a bit—I presume their response to everything he asks is "no"—and get some response from them.

If it is the Deputy's intention to expose their heart in this matter, he is not helping me in my task.

I urge the Minister to give serious consideration to the CII proposal because in my view it would be helpful. Would he comment on the current situation regarding the search for hydrocarbons off our coast? I do not want to come back here next September and hear that oil has been found and that we have found political demise in the process. In his reply the Minister might take some of the gloom and doom out of this debate and fulfil the rhetorical promise of the Taoiseach at the Ard-Fheis when he assured us we were about to find oil and that if anyone could find it CJ could. It would be interesting to know when the oil will come ashore.

In examining this Estimate we must first take note that there has been fantastic growth through the forties, the sixties and into the seventies. For instance, total exports for 1979 amounted to £3,510 million, an 18.6 per cent increase over 1978. In other figures Irish exports have reached the milestone of £10 million a day. This achievement is highlighted when we consider that in 1968 total exports were worth £1 million a day.

This country may have come late into the industrial scene but we must acknowledge that we have grown economically. In our own way we have experienced an industrial revolution which was set in motion by the late Seán Lemass as Minister and as Taoiseach Only a man of great vision in the postwar forties would have seen the possibility of Ireland becoming a manufacturing country to the point that in 1979 £1,630 million of our exports were accounted for by manufactured goods.

All this successful activity has brought us to where we are today. We have a growing population and proportionately we have the youngest work-force in Europe. We must continue our all out efforts for having jobs for young man and women of tomorrow, using as much Irish raw materials as possible. Since the forties there has been such a need to develop our manufacturing industries that there has necessarily been emphasis on economies, cash and investment. Perhaps there has been an overemphasis which is understandable, on the industrial body neglecting the spirit. Such rapid industrial development as we have had in the past three decades, and such is our need for future industrial growth that we need to adjust to the required mentality of an industrialised nation.

Our record in industrial relations is far short of what is needed. The IDA are doing a good job encouraging industrial growth. Their efforts to attract suitable industries are hampered by our constant breakdowns in industrial relations. We have been chained to a framework of regulations in industrial relations based on antiquated laws passed by a British Parliament at the end of the last century and at the beginning of the present century. However, it is useless to be content merely to moan about the idiotic nature of our labour relations legislation, or the lack of it. It is high time we all brought sanity to bear on this the thorniest question in the Republic. We must create jobs for our future citizens but we must also encourage a change in mentality in all our people towards industry, technological development and the manufacturing sector. When a country has had the natural industrial growing pains we have had, everybody, employer and employee, must not expect too much too soon and all must realise that genuine progress cannot be measured in money terms alone.

There is more to job satisfaction and happy living than a rise in wages. I suppose all this is stating the obvious and to many is painting a picture of Utopia, but it is not. However, we as a people must set about studying and acquiring the proper mentality vitally necessary in industry or we will fail to provide adequate living standards for our people, particularly in the eighties and in the nineties.

The Government's job creation policy is the only one to have. We need jobs so that people can get a livelihood, but we also need a framework for industrial relations that will obviate those same jobs leading away from the industrial sector of the country because of wounds afflicted by strikes, lock-outs and get-rich-quick, fly-by-night entrepreneurs.

The Department of Industry, Commerce and Tourism and the IDA have a vital role to play in the patriotic service of this country in the coming decades. I would like their work to be seen to help the community and not to be seen only as creating jobs. I still refer to the creation of a mentality proper to industry. At a recent meeting of the Joint Committee on State-sponsored Bodies attention was drawn to the fact that the Irish Sugar Company were founded to help the community and that in the sixties Erin Foods were formed with a similar concept rather than with any great hope of economic success. The company kept Erin Foods going in a very difficult market and set up in depressed areas small factories which were not very economic. This is the kind of action I want to see taken by the Government and by all with a responsibility for our future industrial progress. We work not merely for economic success but also for successful social development. This will come about only in an atmosphere of industrial peace and when people realise than in any industry, especially a new or developing industry, only increased production merits increased pay and increased profits. Too much must not be expected and extracted from an industry because this is bound to kill the goose which lays the egg.

The computer industry is an area of development which is a credit to the Department and to all concerned. The phenomenal growth of this industry during the seventies is positive proof that we are capable of leading the world in technology when given the chance. Ireland is now one of the major centres of the computer industry in Europe and over 70 companies operate in that field employing 10,000 people. It is reckoned that by 1985 about 30,000 people will be employed in the electronics industry and more than one-third of these jobs will be at the highly skilled and professional level. Taking those figures into account there is real pride in the success of this imported industry, which will provide expanding exports.

When the Department are promoting the founding of new industries, strengthening existing ones or encouraging growth among smaller industries, emphasis should be given to home-owned industries and those which use home-produced raw materials. There have been many arguments for and against the export of live cattle. Some say there must be live exports in order to preserve the balance, yet we hear of a drop in our cattle population. There are others who say with conviction that we should not export live cattle because we are thereby exporting jobs. This matter should be examined and top priority given to job creation. Ireland can and does produce top class livestock and could increase output very much. It is foolish in a country in such dire need of jobs not to enlarge our meat processing facilities. The potential is there for thousands of jobs and I urge the Minister to examine as a matter of urgency this aspect of our industrialisation programme and take immediate action.

Ireland is capable of much more in the production of vegetables and fruit and could become the garden of Europe. The European market should be sounded out in regard to demand for particular varieties. It is depressing to go into a food shop and find a jar of beetroot which has been imported from Poland or potatoes imported from Cyprus. During the past two or three years our food imports have risen steadily and this is a deplorable situation in a country such as ours. It is obvious that we are not exploiting the potential of our agricultural industry. Between 1978 and 1979 exports of meat and meat preparations were unchanged and this is an area of the food industry which must be improved. Agriculture-based industries must take note of the rate of growth in the dairy industry which was as high as 40 per cent between 1978 and 1979. I would ask the Minister to take note of these facts and to endeavour to improve the situation.

I am glad to note in the Estimate an increase of £1.88 million for Córas Tráchtála for export promotion, market research and development. This is evidence of the Government's intention to ensure that this critical role of CTT will not be neglected due to lack of resources.

When the Department and their agencies are developing industrialisation on a national level they must see to it that there is a even spread of development. An area which is neglected will become deprived and this will not benefit the nation as a whole. Let us consider industrial development in County Offaly. On 10 March 1970 a formal application was made to have Offaly declared a designated area. The only concession made in the past decade was the designation of Clara and district for a period of two years in the early 1970s. I was born and I live in the town of Clara. That town has been an industrial centre since the time of Grattan's Parliament, something very unusual for a small town in the midlands. Prior to designation of Clara which took place in 1970 or 1971, there were 900 people employed in the town. Serious redundancies occurred and unfortunately we have never reached that employment figure since. The total number employed in Clara today is around 460. As a public representative I am not satisfied with that and I request the Minister and the Minister of State present in the House to ensure that the IDA be asked to acquire the industrial site which was recently purchased by Offaly County Council. A further advance factory should be erected in Clara to bring us back to the situation existing in the early 1970s.

An application was made on 10 March 1970 to have Offaly declared a designated area but this was unsuccessful and on 15 October 1973 Offaly County Council made another unsuccessful attempt to have the county declared an undesignated area. It was accepted in 1975 by the then Minister that Offaly was a disadvantaged area. He stated positive action was to be taken on four points: first, the identification and acquisition of industrial lands; secondly, the provision of advance factories; thirdly, the provision of grant differentials in favour of locations in Offaly; fourthly, increased IDA promotional activity. This four-point programme was by way of an alternative to designation. However, very little action was taken by that same Minister during the term of office of the National Coalition Government on that programme from the time it was drawn up in 1975 until the National Coalition Government left office in 1977.

At this stage the IDA have a total of approximately 120 acres available for industrial development in five locations in County Offaly, including 75 acres at Tullamore and 24 acres at Edenderry. Approximately 170,000 square feet of factory space has been provided or is planned for in five locations including a further 7,000 square foot advance factory at Birr. In the years 1977-79 the IDA approved grant aid for 75 projects in Offaly which is expected to provide more than 1,900 jobs at full production. In this year four small engineering firms were grant-aided, creating 105 new jobs. The live register figures show that between December 1977 and December 1979 unemployment in Offaly decreased by 283 and in the same period manufacturing employment increased by 356.

Having met with some success in the east of the county, the IDA are giving priority to employment needs in west and south Offaly. Here there is a prospect of securing industry for the completed 24,000 square foot advance factory at Birr. That is badly needed because one of the few industries in the town, Birr Fabrics, closed down some months ago. Naturally it is hoped that most of the workers will be employed in the new advance factory just completed.

Praiseworthy though these efforts are, it must be realised that the initial five-year plan for County Offaly was not fulfilled. With north County Roscommon. Offaly has made little progress. The midland industrial development region is comprised of five counties-Laois, Longford, Westmeath, Roscommon and Offaly. In his report to the National Economic and Social Council, Dr. Ross pointed out that the growth rate for industrial jobs in County Offaly is much slower in comparison with the other four counties in the midland region. The percentage increase in growth rate for industrial jobs in Roscommon, Longford, Westmeath and Laois varies from 60 per cent to 120 per cent while the figure for Offaly was only an increase of 17 per cent. Those figures show that Offaly has been neglected in the development programme for the midland region and this imbalance must be remedied. We must spread economic growth evenly throughout the country and avoid creating deprived areas in the 1980s.

Notice should be taken of what I have said regarding the promotion of industries based on home-produced raw materials. Offaly has these; this county contributes to the country's energy and fuel requirements through its bogs. All industries need power and fuel is most important. This will be a worldwide problem for the remainder of this century; the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor countries will face inevitable shortage in the area of energy. We are a small nation but if we are farsighted enough and if we set about immediate practical undertakings we can lead the world in conservation and in the avoidance of waste. In the use of home-based sources of energy our Government are giving a good lead in the expansion of turf-fired and home coal-fired stations and in the speeding up of wind experiments.

We had a difficult economic time in the 1940s when there was a severe shortage of fuel. Having gone through that period, often by ingenious improvisation, we developed industrially and in the agricultural area. The present problems will make us seek new ways and developments. I believe this Government and this generation will measure up to that challenge.

I would ask both the Minister and the Minister of State to take note of what I have said concerning industrial development in County Offaly. I do not want to sound parochial but I have given the figures concerning the industrial growth in the other four counties and they speak for themselves. The areas that need concentration on are west and south Offaly.

Looking at this Estimate I have to agree with Deputy O'Toole that we are not facing up to reality in the industrial arena. The Government that instilled so much confidence, almost euphoria, in 1977 seem to have lost their guts. Every day in my constituency we talk about three-day weeks, closures and so on, and it is depressing. The textile industries in Youghal and Midleton are in trouble. I wonder are we making enough effort to salvage the woollen mills, for instance, or will we end up having to import all our woollen products? Are we giving sufficient help to this industry or are we accepting the three-day week too readily? There is no doubt but that the three-day week is the first stage of locking the door.

I have the greatest admiration for what the IDA are trying to do. They are doing a tremendous uphill job. However, it is like keeping out the tide—for every job created one is lost. The situation can get worse. It grieves me to think that people in the textile industry, whose fathers and grandfathers have been in the textile industry, who have learned skills that have not been learnt overnight, will lose all that because somebody who might well be living somewhere else has decided to close the door. There must be some way around this business of cheap cloth coming in from Taiwan and other places. Low cost countries are the basic problem. Some Deputies referred to the so-called sophisticated stuff that comes from Paris. We have always had some of that and that does not make any real impact on the industry. This massive influx of cheap cloth from Taiwan, where some slick operator with a telex machine is doing all the work but giving no employment, is what is really ruining the textile industry. Membership of the European Community can have nothing to do with this. I fail to see where it comes into it at all.

I am sure the Minister is seriously concerned about these job losses, as is every public representative. Quite a substantial amount of our time is devoted to trying to find jobs for young people, and it is really depressing to find that overnight there are 200 or 300 people on our hands out of work. The three-day week is not a good thing. It is demoralising. Even if these people get as much money, they have more time to spend it. It is not good for the home or for the country. If this Estimate does nothing else it at least emphasises the fact that we are allowing industries to go too easily.

The Minister for Labour should make a bigger effort in the field of industrial peace. While in opposition that Minister had the solution to everything and he was a great man for marching. The Minister marched people around Cork city because of a bulk carrier ship which should have been built in Verolme. The Minister felt so strongly about it that he had all the people marching. The Minister had better put his shoes on again, because Cork is in a serious situation. Youghal is practically gone as an industrial town and there are problems in Midleton. We will shortly have problems in our major dockyard if we do not get the naval vessels and the CIL vessel which we were promised. We as politicians must look at these things.

The IDA are doing tremendous work. They are having reasonable success with industries. A lot of the industries because of high technology do not give great employment, but they are welcome nonetheless. I hope we will have some success in trying to salvage our textile industry.

I am pleased that the work on Irish Steel is going ahead satisfactorily. It seems like a lot of money to spend on about 1,000 jobs, but it is not as simple as that. We are literally building a new industry at Irish Steel because of the improved technology. We are facing the future. It was we, when in Government, who initiated this and I was proud to be involved in it. At a time when the major steel industries of Europe were in trouble we took a bold and brave decision the result of which is that we have a modern mill that can become competitive in its own line of steel.

We should have a lot more of that type of thing. We should look at what we have in the traditional industries and we must try harder to work on those industries based on agriculture. We should have more meat processing. Bord Bainne are to be complimented on the work they are doing in meat processing. We hear a lot about mountains of dairy produce but we have never contributed towards these mountains of dairy production. We have always sold our products and can sell a lot more of them. That is the sort of message that should go out from the Government. They should not just talk about the wonderful achievement in beating super levies and so on. We should say that the dairy industry, from which springs a successful beef industry, is only in its infancy and that we can expand it. If we proceeded along those lines we would have more cattle for our meat factories and, if we so desired, we would be able to export a certain amount of live animals, which is a healthy thing.

As I am Fine Gael spokesman for Tourism, I must mention that one factor more than anything else which is causing industrial and tourist chaos is the telephone situation. It is almost incredible but it is true. There is a distribution industry established on a new industrial estate which applied for a telephone on time. They have been there for the past two months and still have not got a telephone. We talk about protecting jobs when we are not even serious about them. When I contacted the Cork office they told me the file was with the Minister. Did anyone ever hear the like of it? Twenty men waiting to get to work and the file is with the Minister. We are not serious about jobs; we are codding the people. How do I explain that to the manager of that plant? I rightly blame the inefficiency of the Government.

In Cobh there is a volunteer, a PAYE man, who organises an international folk dance festival. He has been responsible for bringing thousands of people into Cobh for a week every year. He applied for a telephone three years ago and is still without it. I am sure he would be delighted if I mentioned his name. He is Joe Murphy from Beechmount, Cobh. For God's sake give him a phone because the next festival will be coming up shortly.

Tourism merited a few short pages at the end of the Minister's speech. While I welcome the study I do not think it will tell us anything we do not know already. Tourism is important and has grown over the years from being a secondary and somewhat neglected source of revenue to an industry in its own right. It earns about £400 million for us, a substantial amount of which is export earnings. If other factors were added one could be talking in terms of £700 million. It is an industry which is 99 per cent Irish owned and controlled, contributing in a substantial way to the economy and playing an important role in our commercial and industrial development. It is now faced with many problems which must be dealt with. The number one problem is our abnormally high inflation rate. I appeal to the Minister to get hold of the economy and bring us back to single figure inflation before it is too late. The Central Bank and every financier in the country are screaming that we are going to the wall. It is not Fine Gael or Labour—we are told it is the wrong thing to say. However, we may as well say it: we are facing a serious crisis and the Government must come to grips with it before it is too late.

We see the disastrous effects inflation is having on agricultural and industrial exports. We have explored the horticultural markets overseas, right, left and centre but it is our competitiveness that will be the problem not only in this industry but in regard to dairy products and other products.

There are also the Northern Ireland problems, the Mountbatten affair is still causing problems for tourism. We have industrial unrest. The Government in 1977 promised that all industrial problems would be solved. The Minister for Labour said so himself. The tourist industry is going through very anxious times and while I would hesitate to talk about gloom, the forecast for this season is not good and the facts must be faced. Tourist-wise Ireland is relatively underdeveloped. That has some advantages in that we can decide on our direction but at present, as far as the Government are concerned, we are like the American who does not know where he is going but is on has way.

I commend Bord Fáilte for coming out fighting last year in the height of the postal dispute and petrol rationing. They did their best to salvage what looked at the time like a disastrous situation. They have a lot of professional competence and their accountability is to the nation. The shareholders are the people. I accept Bord Fáilte work along the lines that recognising the problem is half the battle. They accept that over the years tourism came our way too easily. Ireland was the place to go, Ireland of the welcomes, Ireland of the friendly people and Ireland of the green fields. Other people had not got on to this idea of tourism and so people came here. It was a cheap place to come to. While we are still very friendly people it is no longer a cheap place to come to.

Competition is savage. We have competition from Yugoslavia, Greece and other places which is causing severe problems for us. Even the United States are entering the tourist trade a little unfairly, if one is to judge by their advertisements. For instance, they offer a fortnight in Miami for £300. It is possible that one will have to sit in a darkened room in a cold bath for the two weeks because of the intense heat. One is not told that until one arrives. That is the sort of competition we have to contend with. The type of tourist who comes here, anybody from a hiker to an oil shiek, must be catered for. Our resort hotels and farm guesthouses are doing a wonderful job coping with all types of tourists.

We hear a lot about prices in hotels but, basically, people are talking about the larger hotels, the rather posh city hotels. Farm guesthouses and the smaller resort hotels are still giving great value but I do not believe Bord Fáilte advertise them sufficiently. As an island on the edge of Europe the cost of transport to Ireland is a major factor affecting our tourist industry. It is an impediment to a prosperous tourist industry. I am convinced that Bord Fáilte, Aer Lingus, CIE and the B & I must get together on this. They are obliged to pay their way and consequently they must give priority to commercial interests. At a time of recession they are inclined to rationalise and their capacity is inclined to be tailored to demand. Many of their decisions reflect commercial priorities. Bord Fáilte's transport objectives must be to ensure that there is a well-balanced economic network of services to and from the county and within the country.

We are still reeling from the effects of the last postal dispute and every effort must be made by all concerned to maintain industrial peace. In difficult times it seems reasonable that there should be a closing of ranks among the various industries to ensure maximum benefit to the nation. The importance of the tourist industry to the economy must be appreciated by all its components. In the present crisis facing the tourist industry there is a clear-cut case for Government intervention. For instance, certain budgetary factors have been disastrous for the industry. The high tax on petroleum, drink and cigarettes affects the industry because they are important items for tourists. It is right that we must consider the fact that tourists from abroad pay taxes in their own country. They cannot understand why when they arrive here they must pay taxes also. We must adopt the attitude of some of our competitors and offer rebates to tourists on petrol and other products. We must find ways and means of paying tourists back for the heavy charges that exist here for drink, petrol and cigarettes. If that is being done by our competitors we must adopt a similar attitude.

The car hire business is very important for the industry. Many of them did well until recently but they are now finding it difficult to compete because tourists tell them that they are between 30 and 50 per cent more expensive than other countries. The reasons for this are obvious. There is the savage import tax on new cars, a 15 per cent VAT on all car-hire turnover—which is unique to us—and the frighteningly high cost of car insurance. An obvious relief would be the remission of the 15 per cent VAT on car-hire turnover. On the question of accommodation, Bord Fáilte accept that it must be of the highest quality and well distributed around the country to enable visitors to see as much as possible in comfortable circumstances. With the success we have experienced over a number of years Irish hotels, particularly resort hotels, have developed and expanded. In many cases they borrowed heavily to do so. Hotels and guesthouses make a significant contribution to the tourist industry in their own right as well as being part of the tourist and social infrastructure in their own areas in helping to attract tourists to those areas, even though tourists may not stay in the local hotels.

I appeal to the Government, because of the problems facing the industry, to give consideration to the points I have made. They should give money to the tourist industry at preferential rates. It is either an industry or it is not. We always say that it is a good industry for the Exchequer but if it is an industry it should be given exactly the same concessions as any other industry. We could do so by giving them 12 per cent preferential rates of borrowing from the ICC, like other industries. We should also give them the 10 per cent top rate of tax. That is essential. I am convinced that if we do that and if we take VAT off meals in hotels we will help the industry a lot. An ordinary meal in a hotel is subject to 10 per cent VAT plus a 15 per cent service charge. Straight away that hotelier gets a small cut out of £1. I would not be in favour of taking VAT off liquor because far too much of that is being consumed. In the case of farm guesthouses we should discontinue having them registered for VAT. Great harm is being done in this regard. The very mention of VAT discourages many of them from going into the business. Farm guesthouses and small guesthouses work on very thin margins. Their charges are very small but when VAT is put on them they are in danger of being put out of business. If we are serious about tourism we must adopt such changes.

It has been said, not quite correctly, that the major hotels in Dublin get the cream of the grants from Bord Fáilte. They are getting a substantial amount of grants but it is as well for those hotels to remember that without the resort hotels in the west and south, and the farm guesthouses, they would be in big trouble. People do not come to Ireland to see Dublin, they come to see the west, Killarney, Cork and other areas. In this regard we run into difficulties because of the high cost of travel within the country. We must find a way to help car-hire firms and subsidise petrol for tourists.

The most important point of all with regard to tourism is that local authorities should clean the place up. We are completely oblivious of the litter problem that exists around us. I was showing some overseas visitors a local beach recently but I was afraid to take them on to it because of the filth. Our local authorities are the greatest pollutants. They should be giving good example and vigorously clean up our harbours and estuaries but one local authority is contemplating—something I will oppose vigorously—letting raw sewage into the most beautiful part of Cork harbour. However, when a person arrives from Holland and decides to build a small complex by the sea he is told that he must put in a treatment plant. He is not allowed pump the sewage into the sea. That amounts to double standards and as long as that position exists we are not serious about tourism. The business of the environment, which is very important to tourism, should be taken out of the hands of the Department of the Environment and put under the control of the Department of Fisheries and Forestry or some authority that would protect and restore our beautiful countryside. Nothing is being done about it at the moment. More money will have to be found if we are serious about tourism. Work will have to be done to improve tourist roads and coast roads which are in a bad condition. Hedge trimming and sign posting are also neglected because of shortage of money. As somebody said the other day on the Agriculture Estimate, this is not the time to put out three hundredweight of fertiliser if you need 10. That is what the Government are doing. They will have to spend money on tourism in order to get a return. It is not an area where we can skimp. I appeal to the Government to put the necessary finance into tourism and we will all reap the reward.

I propose to concentrate on our major trading achievements and on the vital work undertaken in the domestic market by the Irish Goods Council. We are a small open economy whose trading allegiance was long ago declared to be on the side of liberalisation and expansion in world trading levels. On the furtherance of such a policy depends our expectations for increased wealth and income creation, the generation and maintenance of new employment opportunities and the establishment of higher living standards throughout the community. In pursuance of this policy we have committed ourselves to an aggressive and expansionist export drive with a view to constantly increasing sales of our products abroad so that the revenue earned in this way can meet as far as possible the rising costs of our essential imports. As a country lacking certain primary natural resources such as coal, except in very small quantities, and iron, and as a relative newcomer to industrialisation we must unavoidably import in considerable quantities essential industrial requirements such as plant and machinery, components, raw materials and fuels if we are to facilitate the growth and wellbeing we all desire for Irish industry.

The position I have outlined is unlikely to change rapidly or radically in the immediate future and therefore we must continue to export at high levels if we are not to frustrate the survival of industry itself by inability to meet as a nation the accelerating costs of our imports. It is not an over-statement then to say that growing exports are this country's principal lifeline.

Happily, our export performance over the years has been commendable. In respect of the 20-year span from 1959 to 1979 the total value of our exports has increased from £130 million to £3,498 million. This is no mean achievement but against a background of progressive success there is sometimes a tendency for people to grow casual, to see the process as automatic or self-continuing. Export progress is by no means automatic; on the contrary, it is the outcome of hard, well-directed and, more emphatically, sustained effort. Our past achievements are backed by various factors. One of the most influential has been improvements in recent years in the professional approach to export development by all concerned in industry. This is evident in such areas as management training, product and package design, technology, information flows, promotional activities, productivity and production. If, however, we wish to retain our prosperity and if we want to enhance it we must ensure that we neither slacken our efforts nor diminish our ability to work and adapt ourselves. If we lose our capacity to adjust there will be a decline in our prosperity since we will no longer be able to hold our own in international competition.

It was emphasised by the Minister in his opening speech this morning in this debate that two out of every three jobs in industry depend on the success of our export markets. I am glad to say that 1979 was a year in which, despite the emergence of a more difficult international trading environment—more difficult than had been anticipated—we did more than hold our own in the international arena. The considerable efforts of our exporters to gain footholds in new markets and consolidate existing ones were generally realised and for all practical purposes they succeeded in reaching CTT's forecast figure of £3,500 million for total exports in 1979. The target was £3,500 million but the actual figure for the year was £3,498. This represents an increase in value of 18.3 per cent as compared with the forecast rise of 18.4 per cent which was a substantial achievement.

The main contribution to expansion came from manufactured goods excluding food, drink and tobacco, which in value terms increased almost 15 times over the period 1969-1979 this was a creditable achievement by our exporters even when allowance is made for the effects of inflation. Last year's best export news was an estimated 15 per cent volume increase in manufactured exports, a figure which put us far ahead of most of our OECD partners.

Unfortunately, the year was somewhat less favourable for agricultural exports. Although the food, drink and tobacco categories increased their aggregate value by about 15 per cent there were marked increases in sales of meat, the main constituent item, owing to the high levels of cattle slaughtered and live cattle exported in 1978. This factor also affected cattle exports which fell by 28 per cent in 1979.

As regards 1980, all the indications point to a rough year in which more industrialised countries will perform less well than in the past two years. Notwithstanding the expected contraction in world trade CTT are still optimistic about the resilience and competitiveness of Irish exporters. The expectation, which I share, is that with industry continuing to exert a dominant role complemented by an improvement in the performance of agricultural exports and those of raw materials, the net result is likely to be a value increase in the year's total exports of about 20 per cent.

At this time, halfway into the year, it is no harm to look at what has happened so far. So far, our exports successes bear out the target I have mentioned as a reliable proportion. In the period January-April total exports were valued at £1,289.1 million which represented an increase of 28.2 per cent over the same period in 1979. Manufactured goods, excluding food, drink and tobacco, expanded by 30.2 per cent from £589.3 million to £767.5 million. This group constitutes the largest category of exports, amounting to almost 60 per cent of the total as against 58 per cent in January-April 1979.

The principal items showing increases were metals and metal products, plus 62.3 per cent, machinery, plus 45.3 per cent, and chemicals, plus 33.0 per cent. Exports of food, drink and tobacco in the same period rose from £307.4 million to £375.9 million, a growth rate of 22.3 per cent. The largest items in this category are meat and dairy produce, amounting to £243.7 million or 64.8 per cent of the total. Exports of meat and meat preparations rose from £110.4 million to £192.0 million, an increase of 73.9 per cent. Exports of live animals increased from £45.1 million to £62.4 million, 38.4 per cent, and raw materials and fuels from £57.3 million to £75.1 million, 31.1 per cent.

As regards the geographical distribution of our exports in the period January to April 1980, exports to the UK amounted to £567.8 million which was 44 per cent of the total. After the UK, the continental countries of the EEC bought the largest proportion of Irish exports—£427.1 million or 33.1 per cent with North America accounting for £80.6 million or 6.3 per cent. The EFTA countries purchased exports from us worth £49.9 million, or 3.9 per cent of our total and all other markets bought £163.7 million worth, or 12.7 per cent. It was in the EFTA countries that we achieved the most rapid expansion, plus 56.4 per cent, followed by the EEC, plus 46.2 per cent, North America, plus 25.5 per cent, and the UK, plus 17.8 per cent.

We have, therefore, every reason to look forward to another year of marked expansion in our export performance. And in so far as the relevant State promotional agencies are concerned, I will state unequivocally to the House that they will expand their energies as decisively as they can to lend full momentum and weight to the efforts of our exporters to forge ahead in the face of severe international conditions. Specifically, indeed, Córas Tráchtála will pursue vigorously all the various means that exist to expand our exports. One area of their concentration will be for existing exporters to broaden their base and increase their overseas sales. Another—and it is high in the list of priorities—will be to encourage as many non-exporters as possible into export activity. These, indeed, are two of the mainsprings of CTT's Export Promotion Programme 1980, which, as the Minister has already stated, was announced on 6 March last.

There are approximately 2,000 exporting companies in Ireland. The great majority of them, up to 1,800, are clients in one degree or another of Córas Tráchtála. Most of these are in the small and medium-sized categories and account for almost two-thirds of the total employment provided by client firms. "Small firms" are defined by CTT as those employing up to 50 people each and holding fixed assets of not more than £400,000. At the latest reckoning, such firms provided also 32,000 jobs. They are to be found in almost all industrial sectors and the great majority are Irish-owned.

The role of small firms, especially as regards job-creation, is certain to increase in the Irish industrial spectrum. This is clear from the plans of the Industrial Development Authority and Shannon Development. From calculations based on these sources, CTT expect to acquire some 200 more small-exporter clients in each year from 1980 to 1982, inclusive. Of the 255 new potential exporters which approached them for assistance last year, 150 were in the small-firm category.

Such firms, if they are to survive and expand, must win export orders very quickly, both to ensure the maintenance of newly created jobs and as an essential condition of growth. Consequently, CTT's programme for 1980 makes generous provision for a package of aids and facilities specially geared to the needs of small manufacturing firms. These include the establishment of a small firms advisory service at the organisation's head office, the opening, for the first time, of CTT regional offices in Ireland and the enhancement of the incentive grant scheme in favour of small exporters.

Given the urgent need to close our trade gap, what is needed now is a strong and determined national effort of greater proportions than ever before. The CTT programme can be seen as providing a basis for this extra effort—the implications of which reach not only into the immediate future but well into the present decade. I am confident that Irish exporters, with CTT's support, will demonstrate their ability to achieve the expected results.

At this point, I will return to the Tokyo Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. The Minister referred in his speech to the Tokyo Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations or "MTNs" and he emphasised the importance attaching to the successful conclusion of this round of trade talks in December last. There is no doubt that the agreements reached were a major achievement and more especially so because of the climate for such negotiations was anything but favourable. I can say this from my own practical experience of, and direct involvement in, the later stages of the negotiations. I had the privilege of presiding at the meeting of the Council of Ministers of the European Communities in November last at which solutions were reached for the outstanding problems and the final results of the Tokyo Round were accepted on behalf of the Community. The various agreements comprising the results were then formally signed in December.

The basic objective of the MTNs was to achieve the expansion and liberalisation of world trade through, inter alia, the progressive dismantling of obstacles to trade. The extensive series of agreements on both tariffs and non-tariff subjects which forms the final package was concluded with this objective in view. If these agreements are faithfully implemented by the signatories, they will play a major part in discouraging protectionist trends in the difficult and uncertain world trading conditions which lie ahead. Indeed, there is little doubt but the agreements must, already, have played an important role in preventing any concentrated outbreak of protectionist activity.

The results are important for the EEC and for Ireland as a member. We stand to benefit from improved access for our exports to Third World markets. For instance, companies exporting to the US will welcome the provision in the new subsidies agreement which requires proof of injury to domestic industry as a pre-requisite for the imposition of countervailing duties and they will welcome the removal of the uncertainty which applied under the previous arrangement. On the other hand, we succeeded in getting either a partial or total exclusion from the tariff-cutting regime of a number of our most sensitive products. Also we secured a specific derogation enabling export sales relief to continue up to 1981 and permitting all commitments entered into under the scheme to be honoured in full.

These are perhaps the more obvious and immediate benefits we stand to gain. In addition, however, we as an exporting country have a positive interest in a stable world trading system and in the expansion of international trade which these negotiations were intended to achieve. If the necessary goodwill on the part of the signatories is forthcoming in the implementation of the agreement, the successful conclusion of the Tokyo Round may well be seen in the distant future as the instrument which successfully shaped the trading relations of the international Community in the eighties and beyond.

As I said at the outset, I intended to confine myself in this contribution to the activities of our exporters and to the Irish Goods Council and the work that that council are doing on behalf of domestic trade. I would like now to turn to the work of the goods council. The council concentrate mainly on development as well as promotional and marketing problems associated with the selling of Irish goods on the domestic market and they carry out a comprehensive range of strategies aimed at manufacturers, consumers and the distributing sector. This is all in the context of the three-year programme for the promotion of Irish goods which was announced by the Minister in January 1978 and which is now entering into its final year.

With regard to manufacturers under the programme, the council are actively encouraging more professional marketing especially among the smaller firms and to this end the effectiveness of the Guaranteed Irish symbol cannot be overestimated. It has resulted in a considerable consumer demand for Irish-made goods and has also enabled domestic producers to compete with imported branded products. Nearly 1,000 manufacturers who have qualified to join the Guaranteed Irish scheme to reap the benefits of a nation-wide marketing campaign which has included mass consumer advertising. This aspect of the council's work has given manufacturers and consumers alike a real confidence in Irish-made products which has been translated into effective demand. As a result of ongoing evaluation of their activities, the council have decided recently to highlight the "guarantee" element of the GI label and this is providing a strong consumer response, is giving an exclusive advantage to Irish-made products and operating as a successful marketing strategy for Irish industry.

In addition to the public programme the council undertake important promotional and development work on an industry sector basis. This involves encouraging manufacturers to undertake joint promotional activities in vulnerable sectors such as clothing, footwear and furniture. The council organise trade shows, provide market intelligence and co-ordinate joint advertising promotions geared particularly to giving small manufacturers a chance to increase sales on the domestic market.

The work of the council's industrial division is particularly worthwhile. Here the council offer their subcontract sourcing service which helps to find Irish sources for specific requirements of industry and also find new business for industrial suppliers who have spare capacity. Such an import substitution sub-contract service builds up contracts between domestic users and domestic suppliers of industrial components, raw materials and so on, thereby developing vital linkages in the economy.

Recognising the crucial role of the distribution sector, the Irish Goods Council provide a display and merchandising service to retail outlets. To encourage higher stocking levels of Irish products the council introduced a Guaranteed Irish Stockists Scheme in 1979. To qualify for inclusion in the scheme retailers were required to satisfy the council that their stocking levels of Irish goods are higher than the national average. This area of the three-year programme has been very successful.

The council have had a significant effect on all aspects of selling Irish goods on the domestic market. Their activities, which have encouraged linkages in the economy, highlighted import substitution possibilities, stimulated more aggressive marketing of Irish goods at home and created consumer demand for Irish products, have had a real impact on the balance of payments. It might be of interest to the members of the House to translate the type of generalities that I have mentioned about the work of the council into some figures as to performance. For example, the highlights of the 1979 programme of the goods council show that there were nearly 1,300 visits to industry and 325 product research assignments were completed during that 12-month period. There were retail promotions in 4,300 outlets throughout the country and explanatory talks were given in 27 centres to over 1,000 retail sales staff. Participation by manufacturers, distributors and retailers in Guaranteed Irish promotions reached 5,000, which was a new record. The private sector in support of the programme contributed in excess of £470,000 and 370 consumption goods manufacturers participated in 21 trade promotions with buyer attendances at those well over 3,500. Imported industrial components worth £50 million annually and capable of production in Ireland were identified. Of this, £15 million of new business was generated for Irish suppliers. Membership of the GI scheme reached 960.

I give these figures to illustrate to the House the fact that in this three-year programme undertaken by the IGC on behalf of the Government tremendous progress has been made. Unfortunately, our import bill is still rising. However, in a open economy and with our needs for raw materials and fuel, this is going to be a feature that we will have to live with. In conclusion, I take this opportunity to appeal to the Irish people for greater support for our own goods manufactured within our own country. Surely an essential element as we enter into the eighties, this year in particular, is the maintenance of our employment as well as the creation of new jobs.

The statements of both the Minister, Deputy O'Malley, and the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, will not warrant a high rating as an essay on their Department of Industry, Commerce and Tourism. They told us all about the brighter spots in the Department but were very careful to keep the black ones in the dark. There is an obligation on each and every Member of this House to endeavour in any way that he or she possibly can to promote industrial employment because we want jobs in this country. We have so many people out of work and so many young people coming on the labour market year in and year out, all with the hope of getting employment here at home. So far as industrial employment is concerned, we lean heavily on the IDA to provide us with the jobs required. Today I want more information on the activities of the IDA.

Some would say they are a Government agency to publicise the Government in favourable terms relative to job promotions, and so on. Some would go so far as to assert that they engage in a great deal of bluff in doing so at the behest of the Government.

The total money made available this year to the Industrial Development Authority is £145 million for industrial promotion and £10.57 million for administrative costs. That is a total of £155.57 million contributed by the taxpayers. I want a breakdown of how this money is being expended. Are we getting value for it? As a Member of the House I have indicated, again and again, the desirability of prying into the affairs of State-sponsored bodies. Recently a committee was set up to inquire into the activities of some of them, but we require much more detailed information. The Minister said the IDA expect to provide 20,000 jobs this year. In another part of his statement he said there is a prospect that they may provide 34,000 jobs this year.

I asked the Minister recently where the jobs were likely to be located. There was no detailed information or any kind of positive information forthcoming. Having said that it is our desire and our objective to promote industrial development, one is surprised that the Minister, Deputy O'Malley, made only a brief reference and the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, made none to one of the biggest hindrances to industrial development, that is, the question of industrial relations. Is the Minister or the Minister of State afraid to grasp this nettle?

We all know we are living in a competitive world and that other countries are competing for the type of jobs we want to get here. Week in and week out, we learn from the media that there is a dispute here, there or somewhere else. Without going into the merits or demerits of such disputes, there is an obligation on the Government to cope with them and to improve industrial relations. With the escalating increase in the cost of living many people, especially young people paying high mortgages, find it difficult to make ends meet. They want more money, but we must take into account that there is only a certain amount of money available.

In recent years we have been manufacturing money. I do not know how you manufacture it but "manufacture" is not an inappropriate term. Money is becoming valueless. In the not too distant future it will be like confetti if we continue at this rate. I was a Member of the House for nine years while a Deputy's salary was £12 per week. Now it is more than £10,000 per year. For the nine years I was here on £12 per week, my standard of living compared favourably with my present standard. That is an indication of the inflationary trend over the years.

To come back to industrial relations, we have had a system over the years which everybody agrees has been unsuccessful. The Minister said that the NET factory in Cork which was estimated to cost £63.5 million in 1975 actually cost £137 million. That was not a very good guess—you could not call it an estimate—of the cost. We read of a strike which cost, according to the Minister's statement, £5 million to the taxpayers. That is only one of many. All these strikes have created problems, not only for the strikers and their families, but for our economy and the well-being of our citizens.

Members of the House were in the queue for increases in their rates of remuneration, quite justifiably so. Some years ago the Government set up a review body, if not with teeth, at least with a little more teeth than the Labour Court. This review body brought in recommendations for Members of the House and other public employees which were generally acceptable. Why not try that? Why not try something new? Why not be radical in our approach to industrial relations? The Supreme Court are the supreme authority for determining issues that arise. We have other courts to determine lesser issues. It can be said that our judicial system has worked well and, whether or not people are disappointed with decisions, they are generally accepted. We hear little criticism.

Surely we could establish some court to determine the rights and wrongs of disputes, to determine whether or not a person is entitled to an increase. Such a body could do a great deal of good. If we accepted that we have personnel who would arbitrate fairly and in accordance with their terms of reference, whether the disputes are private or public, we would be on the right road. Why not set up such a court? What are the objections? As a Member of the House I have aired this view on a number of occasions. It would be helpful to the small man, the man who has not got the muscle to push himself through the crowd. An independent tribunal, review body, court or whatever it is called would adjudicate fairly on such matters, as the court does. As well as that, in the long term strikes would disappear.

All these matters would appear to come under the Department of Labour.

They have a bearing on industrial development.

I accept that industrial relations certainly have something to do with Industry and Commerce but labour tribunals come under the Department of Labour.

I have only half an hour left and I do not want to use up some of that time in a dispute with the Chair. My understanding tells me that industrial relations play a big part in industrial development. We have had a great deal of bad publicity of late and it is most harmful to our negotiations abroad at all levels. We know that our competitors make full use of such disputes by publicising them, and they certainly do not subtract from them but add to them. In deference to the views of the Chair I will not labour the point beyond saying that we should find a better system for determining industrial disputes than the system obtaining at present which does not work. We all know the number of official stoppages. We know the cost to the country and we are told that unless hardship is suffered by the people concerned a strike is not successful.

A court or tribunal established with properly qualified personnel would not only determine these claims fairly and impartially in accordance with the capacity of the State and of the private individual to pay and in accordance with rates obtaining in other similar employments, but they could have a wide field. They should be given complete independence, as are the Supreme Court and the Judiciary as a body. What are we afraid of? Are we afraid of losing votes? Are we going to continue losing money, losing industries and having our young boys and girls joining the unemployment queues on leaving school? I put the view forward that we should try something new to see is it better than this toothless body we now have, the Labour Court. The Labour Court is supposed to bring people together to amicably solve problems, but it is not producing results. If we could resolve our industrial problems we would be making a great stride forward in relation to employer-employee relations.

I do not want to see the strong muscle man trying to push aside the weaker man in his rush for additional allowances of one kind or another if, by virtue of getting such allowances, the other man will have to do with a smaller share of the national cake than is his entitlement. We were told here by former Ministers that the national cake is only so big and that, if any group gets a slice in excess of what it is entitled to, it follows that other groups will get less than they are entitled to. I do not know whether the former Attorney General would agree with that assessment, but how does one make the cake bigger? We have tried in the past by borrowing excessively, but our borrowing days are nearly at an end.

In west Cork recently we had a visit from the Industrial Development Authority. Both public representatives and people were glad to have them with us because, so far as industrial development is concerned, we are not getting our fair slice of the cake. In Bandon, Clonakilty, Dunmanway, Skibbereen, Bantry, my own area of Mizen Head peninsula and Berehaven peninsula we have got very little industrial development. With all these new jobs being provided in other parts of the country it is about time the IDA looked after places like south-west Cork. I know there are other similar places, possibly in the west. We were told by the director that a number of jobs would be provided and a figure of 1,000 was mentioned. I hope that is correct.

In the past we have been told about all the extra jobs that were to be provided in south-west Cork, but unfortunately they were never provided. On numerous occasions false impressions were created of job growth in my constituency, but the promises were not fulfilled. I hope however that on this occasion we will get a bigger slice of the loaf than we have got in recent times.

The Minister told us about job promotion. He made no mention of redundancies. How many jobs are being lost? We are told about these rescue agencies set up by the State to try to rescue some firms from closure. I would like more information. Possibly I will have to try to get it by way of question but I would like more information on the number of factories facing closure and the number of redundancies in these factories over the years.

Córas Tráchtála have a sizeable sum here. It is about £2 million. I have not the time now to dwell on it but I should like more detailed information about what has happened. As an elected representative to this House, I have the same mandate from the people as has the Minister, the Taoiseach or any other Deputy. Therefore, we should be given more information on all aspects of public expenditure. Instead, we find that this Government will only make available the information that they consider desirable for us to have. We must have more information in regard to all State and semi-State bodies. If one asks a question here about Córas Tráchtála or the IDA, for instance, one is told that the Government do not involve themselves in the day-to-day aspects of such bodies. So far as industrial promotion is concerned and in relation also to improving our industrial relations situation, we should be given more information than is the case.

I shall refer briefly to the question of price increases. In recent times prices have reached a stage where they are out of all proportion to what should be the case. I recall the ructions we had in this House when VAT was introduced at 2½ per cent, but now this tax has been increased in some instances to 25 per cent. The cost of such items as groceries, clothing and furniture has become prohibitive. A shirt now costs about £10 while the minimum price for a suit of clothes is about £70. Is it any wonder, then, that people are short of money? I expect that many of our industrial troubles stem from the marked increases in prices.

In this area of prices the one aspect I should like to emphasise most is that of the great variation in prices as between the different outlets. So far as the Department are concerned, I notice from press reports that charges in respect of overcharging usually relate to Mrs. Murphy who charged an extra ½p on a pound of something or other. It is about time that we forgot about the ½p and concentrated on the gross overcharging in other areas.

The Minister is now in charge of tourism and we are told of the potential of that industry. In my area of southwest Cork tourism is very important and I should like to see it being developed in every way possible. Although there is not reference to administrative expenses in the Vote in this regard, I assume that a sizeable sum of the £14 million is for this purpose. Again, as a Member of this House I want to know how this £14 million is utilised, and I am leaving out the question of grants for development works and so on. Is the money being utilised to the best advantage? I trust that the expenditure of this money will come within the scrutiny of the committee set up to inquire into the affairs of semi-State bodies. Information in regard to the expenditure of such moneys should be forthcoming. If everything is in order there is not anything to fear. In saying this I am not reflecting on any individual board, but the expenses of Bord Fáilte in relation to their promotional work and so on should be detailed for all to see so that we might be in a position to make up our minds whether the money is being spent to the best advantage.

Regarding Bord Fáilte grants to hotels and so on, I spent many years here trying to get information about which hotels get these grants. I was told that the information was confidential. However, that was the kind of argument that could not be sustained indefinitely and eventually we were given some information in this regard. Money should not be paid to any individual out of State funds unless there is a readiness to release the details of such expenditure. In this way we know who is getting the money and to what use it is being put.

Another factor that is disturbing is that the bigger hotels are now out of reach of the Irish people generally in so far as prices are concerned. This means that these establishments must depend on people from outside the country. It might be useful for us to be told the numbers of Irish people who spend their holidays in other countries. We know that it is as easy to spend a holiday abroad as it is to remain at home for holidays as a result of the high prices here. It would seem to be the position that we are spending millions of pounds in efforts to attract tourists to the country while at the same time we are encouraging our own people to go abroad because of holidays here being so expensive in so far as hotels are concerned. Perhaps we are not pushing sufficiently the sort of accommodation that is available in farm guesthouses, for instance, in which establishments prices are reasonable and the fare is very good: indeed, the fare compares favourably with that provided at any first-class hotel.

The main task of the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism is to develop employment and to try to restore harmony in the area of industrial relations. If the Minister succeeds in this respect, he will have my blessing.

On all sides here as well, as in the press and among semi-State bodies, the consensus is that the only way in which we can reach full employment, that is, if such a target is reachable at all, is by way of an expansion in industrial employment. That is a consensus that is supported by some very obvious reflections on the continuing fall in the numbers of people engaged in agriculture as that industry becomes increasingly mechanised and by the apparent ceiling on the number of people who can be absorbed into the public service. What might have been considered at various times to have been a ceiling in so far as the public service was concerned, has been pushed upwards rapidly and repeatedly, and usually for the wrong reasons. Anyone who pretends that the desk economy, so to speak, can be expanded at a rate which the rest of the economy can sustain in such a way as to take up the slack of jobs required by school leavers is not being realistic. The alternative, apart from emigration, is very rapid industrial expansion. There is no dispute between the different sides in this House on that point; and the agency which this party established in 1950, and which in the meantime has been responsible essentially for the rescue of this country from economic collapse and for the creation of enormous numbers of industrial jobs, has done a very fine job and has had the support of all sides here.

Although I have often had very good reason to find fault with the Minister opposite, he, at least, always appears to have given very active and eager support to the IDA and to have lent his authority to their enterprises and taken a very constant interest in what they do. Despite the advantages that the establishment of that agency represents and despite its successes, Irish industry is now labouring, and has been labouring for some time, under a set of very severe handicaps. Some of these cannot be laid at the Government's door, but the fact that some are of an external origin and that we have no control over them only intensifies the necessity for a Government to make sure that it does not make a bad situation worse.

The disadvantages and handicaps under which Irish industry at present labours, and for which it would be impossible to blame any Government, are the financial handicaps represented by the continuous rise in oil prices, the proportion of the inflation rate which is associated with that, the incipient world recession, the depth or duration of which we do not know and, in particular, the recession in the United Kingdom associated in no small part with the Government's policies being pursued there. None of these are things for which a Dublin Government can be blamed and I shall not be so primitive as to pretend that all these difficulties are Deputy O'Malley's fault or the fault of his colleagues. However, the fact that we have these handicaps to face nationally only makes it all the more important to make sure that the Government conduct themselves in their fiscal, their general economic and budgetary policies in such a way as, as far as possible, to alleviate conditions. I am afraid that that cannot be said in favour of the present Government. Even industry itself, even the businessmen themselves are beginning to complain in fairly loud tones, and they represent, I am sorry to say, a sector of society which, with a large number of exceptions, one broadly could say viewed the National Coalition with a good deal of suspicion. They viewed the National Coalition as being vulnerable to suggestions of an ideological and an impracticable kind from the smaller of the two partners in it. They seemed to think that the National Coalition took pleasure in making things difficult for them and it may be that our self-presentation left something to be desired at this level and that we might, purely on a political level, have handled industry better. That may be so, and it may also be so that we made mistakes, but whatever the reason and wherever the responsibility lies, it is certain that when the 1977 Election rolled around, the amount of support in industry for the National Coalition was pretty small. There were a lot of individual exceptions, people who saw and understood our difficulties and had what turned out to be all too well justified apprehension about what might take the National Coalition's place, but, by and large, they tended to be against us. I acknowledge that.

We have come a long way since then and a lot of water has flowed under the bridge and now we find that industrialists are saying things quite specifically about the present Government with a ferocity which I honestly do not recall being used against us. For example, the head of the construction industry said, only in the middle of last month, that the ignorance of the Government in regard to the factors which tended to depress activity in the building industry was incredible. He could not believe that they were so ignorant of the factors which tended to produce a recession in the building industry.

Although in somewhat milder tones, we find now, week after week, in the bulletin of the Confederation of Irish Industry and in the addresses given by the Director General and the Chairman of the Confederation of Irish Industry, more and more critical comments being made about the way affairs here have been conducted in the last three years. It is not simply something which is happening at this moment that they are criticising, because no Government can lay on a change of economic climate overnight. The roots of what is happening in June 1980 lie, I believe, in May and June of 1977, but that is a prejudiced outlook, if you like. At least, they lie a couple of years back, because it must take a couple of years run-up to produce any particular element of an economy. They find now that they are being hampered by a scarcity of credit and very excessive interest rates which a large number of businesses cannot sustain. They find it hard to stay in business and at the same time meet a load of extra taxation which was imposed by this Government in 1980 in the first budget of the Taoiseach, Deputy Haughey. He placed on the shoulders of those who once saw him as a Messiah an extra estimated £50 million or £60 million worth of taxation, just at the time when they are least able to carry that load, just at the time when international trading conditions are so bad, just at the time when credit is scarce —although the scarcity of credit is something for which the Government are also in part responsible, having taken up so much of the available credit themselves in order to finance their current deficit.

They find themselves also very much hampered by the industrial relations scene to which Deputy Murphy referred a few minutes ago, which, in its turn, is aggravated by the inflation level in which the Government, I have to say, have a certain very definite input, to which the Government have made their own contribution. On top of that, they complain week after week about the further burden on them, on their enterprises and, ultimately, on the employment which they represent, of the very backward state of Irish arterial infrastructure. The condition of the roads means that an Irish transport vehicle will take three and a half hours to travel a distance which one of its competitors in any of the other EEC countries will do in two or two and half hours. Sometimes, the disproportion is even grosser that that. They complain about the appalling situation in regard to telephones. They complain naturally, whenever it happens, about the very poor impression created for other countries, for industrial and potential investors and also of the difficulties which it represents for their own businesses when a strike takes place in Aer Lingus or, indeed, any industrial difficulties in any of the transport agencies. In every one of these things the Government have a certain input. While we have never, since the State began, had a Government which got everything right on all fronts, the major reason why all these things are now wrong and why those who used to be the best friends that Mr. Haughey had outside his own party——

The Taoiseach, please.

While even they are now turning around and beginning to say things which once upon a time one thought one would never hear from them, the thing has been done the wrong way round and it is being done the wrong way round measured against the standard of what I always thought was absolutely orthodox economics. I never claimed an expertise, but simply took it as I heard it from others, that you justified borrowing in order to finance heavy State expenditure in order to get an economy out of a slump.

It was on that basis that the National Coalition borrowed very heavily —borrowed far more heavily than we wished to do—in 1976 and 1977, in order to try to float us free of the rocks on which the international recession had left the economy, from the time of the oil crisis of 1973-74 onwards. Those moves were very largely successful, as Deputy O'Donoghue has had the generosity to admit in writing, in print. But the other side of this coin, of this piece of orthodoxy, is that when times are buoyant, when business is booming, when complaints about the state of the economy have fallen to a minimum, when everybody is getting on all right, that is the time to draw in your horns. That is the time not to spend merely to recruit political popularity. That is the time not to be spending unnnecessarily. In fact, it is the time at which, if possible, to budget for a surplus, not for a deficit. It is the time at which to squirrel away a few hundred million pounds, the time to leave something for the rainy day. This Government—I cannot reduce it to simpler terms than this; I hope I am not over-simplifying it, though I read the Central Bank and everybody else who comments on it as taking exactly the same view—have stood that othodoxy on its head. They have done exactly the wrong thing on both sides of that axle. They have lavishly spent money at a time when the economy was already climbing out, in fact had already well climbed out, of the international recession of the mid-1970's. I am not going to go back over the reasons why they did so; we know them. But now, when the time would be appropriate for spending money in order to float us free of the new international recession, the money simply is not there.

In order to give the House some idea of the degree to which industry—also agriculture and also the whole inflation and wage demand scene—is directly prejudiced by the fiscal shortness of the Government, by the fact that they are strapped for money, I will give a couple of examples of what they have had to do in the last few months that will perhaps convey graphically the degree of their financial destitution. I shall wander away. I am not going to make a meal of it, but I shall wander away for a moment, if I may.

I was going to suggest to the Deputy that he is making an excellent budget speech. It is not all that relevant to what is before the House at present. It may be in parts. I am afraid it is a bit like the curate's egg.

The Chair will agree that there is no Estimate which is nearer the central features of Government financial and economic management, with which a budget is concerned, than this one. It is impossible to discuss industry, commerce or tourism—the areas for which the Minister opposite is responsible—without going in a general way into a more general economic background. But I promise, Sir——

The Chair accepts most of that, but not all.

If the Chair will just give me my head for a minute, I will wander away, but I will be back straightaway.

It is bad enough when the Deputy does not warn the Chair that he is going to wander.

I should just like to remind the House of one little item in the general approach of the present Minister for Finance at a time when he was in opposition. For most if not all of that time he was spokesman for Foreign Affairs. If there was one item for which he was willing to sell his soul, politically speaking, if there was one name inscribed on the heart which he wore on his sleeve, it was overseas development aid to the Third world, although he had a bit of a nerve——

The Deputy is certainly wandering if he is going to start on overseas aid.

I want to give an example of the penny-pinching into which this Government have been driven.

The Deputy will have to come back to the Estimate before the House.

If the Chair will allow me just 30 seconds to finish this point. It was the one thing which, no matter what financial constraints or budgetary stringency existed, no Government ever was to let up on—the overseas development aid to the black babies, the yellow babies and the brown babies. It was to go up every year in real-terms, without fail, whatever else came or went. The very first year he sat over there as Minister for Finance, who took the knock? —the black babies, they took the knock.

This Minister has no responsibility for black babies.

I am very well disposed to them.

The Minister may be, but he has absolutely no responsibility for this type of aid.

The Minister over there shares collective responsibility with his 14 colleagues for what every single one of them does.

Agreed, Deputy, but not on this Estimate.

I have said enough about that. I gave it only as an example of how, for the sake of a miserable few £100,000, which would have got this Vote into the area where one could have said there was a real increase on last year's aid to the Third World, Deputy O'Kennedy, the principal apostle of the Third World—although he had a hell of a nerve to hold himself out as such considering there never was overseas development aid in this country until the Coalition got in, never such a thing until we got in—although he was the apostle of this, this was the very thing he did not even have the political muscle to protect from reduction.

I would ask the Deputy to wander back to the Estimate before the House,

I notice, Sir, in going through those dove grey handouts from the Government Information Service that float around every evening, that a little item is being increased in price. Would one believe that the fee charged for citizenship certificates, certificates of naturalisation, are going up by——

I want to assure the House that I do not give out certificates of citizenship.

I do not think the Prices Commission have anything to do with that either.

No, the Prices Commission have nothing to do with it. But it gives one an idea of how desperate they are, running around in circles looking for a halfpenny they can save here or there. Imagine anyone in this situation of economic catastrophe facing us thinking of saving a few quid by putting up the cost of naturalisation certificates. I suppose, if one were to put into this Chamber the number of people who are naturalised as citizens every year, they would not fill the Labour Party benches. But, for the sake of screwing a few pounds out of that small number of people, we put through a statutory order. I mention it only; I am not trying to make a meal of it. I mention it as a simple instance of the financial stringency with which——

I would tell the Deputy that this Minister has responsibility for so many things it is unnecessary to go beyond them.

These things have been cut. I am not making a point of them now; I can do that some other time, I mention them because it is an indication of how short the Government have left themselves of money. They have left themselves short for the wrong reasons, by spending when they ought to have cut back, by lavishing out money in return for votes, when they should have drawn in their reins. Now, at a time when we need spending, need it desperately, they are unable to find the money even to finance a few naturalized citizens without taking an extra £20 from them when they qualify. That has got a very serious implication for industry and commerce. They have now left themselves in the situation in which they are unable to do things which would have a real impact in winding down the inflation rate and, consequently, in facilitating a reasonable wage round at the end of this year, at the next stage of the national understanding, or whatever it is called. It would have made that possible, but they have foreclosed that possibility on themselves.

This would have been the year for a very expansionist budget. Or perhaps in the middle of the year, now when the signs are getting black, would have been the time for a further budget—not to exact more taxation, but to relieve taxation; not to take more money out of the economy, but to put more in. This would have been appropriate. This has not been done. The reason it cannot be done is the consequence of the mismanagement which the last three years have seen and for which every one of the 15 Ministers over there, including Deputy Haughey, must carry responsibility. Any one of them who thought that the Government were going the wrong way about it, any one of them who had suspicions in his heart about the wisdom of turning the Keynesian orthodoxy on its head, should have resigned and got out. Most certainly, if he regarded himself as a national Messiah, he should have resigned and got out. But that was not his form nor the form of some of his colleagues. They saw what was happening, but they did not give a damn. Or, if they did not see what was happening, they are no more qualified to sit in the reconstituted Government than they were in the old one.

Another orthodoxy which I must say I do not in this instance accept is that there is something wrong with subsidies, that food subsidies such as the National Coalition introduced in 1976 are wrong and undesirable or, if one has to introduce them, it should be for the most only in the short-term and that they should be done away with as soon as possible. I cannot see where that orthodoxy comes from. I am in favour of not trying to butter or to flatter our people into misunderstanding the necessity for a situation in which they themselves would carry their own burdens in life—I am not anxious to free people from the responsibility which every individual and family must carry themselves—but if the State is lashing out money in enormous quantities with an expansionary purpose which is not productive, I cannot see why the creation of food subsidies should somehow be in a special category of undesirability.

In 1976 the National Coalition, after incredible sweating—I was watching the Ministers principally involved, Deputies Ryan and O'Leary and a couple of others—at a time when we had many other things on our minds—trying to get a national wage agreement through at a reasonable figure. It was only got through because the National Coalition introduced food subsidies which visibly and immediately knocked a couple of points off the consumer price index. In 1977 those subsidies were maintained. Indeed Deputy O'Donoghue had the generosity to admit, and he was man enough to admit, in the bulletin of the Department of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1978, that the reason why the economy had climbed out of recession was the reasonable rate of the settlement achieved in 1976. Usually the good things that happened when Fianna Fáil were not in office did not happen at all as far as their encyclopaedia is concerned—non-events, non-people, rubbed out of photographs, so to speak, in the way that people no longer welcomed by the communist leadership are rubbed from photographs. However, Deputy O'Donoghue was man enough to write this in print and I am sure it did not do him a bit of good with some of his colleagues; I am sure they regarded him as a white blackbird for behaving with a bit of honesty.

This is a year when industry sees a fall in employment, a fall in order books, when industrialists will run down their stocks because they will be unable to get the necessary credit or are unwilling to take the risk of investing in new plant and machinery. This could have been a time when we could at least try to make sure that our cost competitiveness will not be further undermined and eroded by an unrealistic wage settlement at the end of the year. As the National Coalition did in 1976, we should be seeking to moderate inflation, to induce the unions to accept the kind of 5 per cent people were thinking about in the good days of the Coalition. Talking about 5 per cent nowadays is like referring to the Stone Age, being a Rip Van Winkle. Suppose one could get into a happy dream and get back to the times of the National Coalition and think in terms of a 5 per cent wage round, it might be achieved if the workers were able to see that the increase would be felt in terms of an improved standard of living, a better slice of the cake of which Deputy Murphy spoke some time ago.

However, the Government have closed that opportunity. Not only that, but I suspect they will not get through the rest of the year without a supplementary budget to extract more taxation. They should be trying to find other ways of giving selective assistance to protect employment. I do not know what is being done about that but far more could have been done if the fiscal policy had been conducted along orthodox lines. If the over-riding necessity to recruit votes for that party over there——

The Deputy has four minutes.

I must have spent too much time on overseas development and naturalised citizens——

The Deputy was wandering.

I will conclude by offering a couple of suggestions. When we were in Government in the depth of the recession we naturally got a great deal of criticism, and I remember the then Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Lynch, making a passionate speech in the House in which the only concrete suggestion he had to offer to the embattled Government for which I worked was that we might serve duty-free liquor on the mailboats. That was the best that party could suggest for the conditions of those times. Measured against that standard, I hope anything I say by way of suggestion will not be considered too contemptible. My advice to the Government is that they should act with a little more courage, that they should be willing to take unpopular measures. Though I am not advocating it, I am afraid I mean taxation. I am not to be taken as advocating taxation, but the Government have put themselves into such a situation——

The Minister in the House has not got responsibility for taxation.

They are very unhappy about doing anything unpopular. I have never seen anything like the irresolute irresolution of this Government, even since Deputy Haughey took over, what between the farm levy and the reduction in school buses, measures suggested and then a climb down. It is like "Lanigan's Ball", first they stepped out then they stepped in again, then they stepped out again and then they stepped in again.

The Deputy is certainly wandering in his last two minutes.

I have never seen such an irresolute Government, but they will have to pull themselves together, they will have to face doing unpopular things. They must do something about cutting down the public sector. I do not mean they should make people redundant but they should redeploy, cease recruiting and avail of natural wastage to reduce the public service which at the moment runs away with more than 40 per cent of the national revenue. I am not alone in complaining about that. The CII President made that point at the forefront of what he was saying the other day. One of the reasons why the State has no money to help industry or anything else is that we have to carry on our backs the dead weight of jobs which do not produce wealth but only consume it.

The Deputy is now on overtime.

I hate having to break off in the middle of a theme. I have a great deal to say about tourism but I will have to leave it to another occasion. I would not like to leave the House without wishing the Minister well in his additional tourism brief.

I thank the various Deputies who contributed to this relatively low key debate. I will try to deal with the main points made. Deputy O'Toole devoted some time to an examination of the oil price increases in 1974 and made a comparison of that time with the present situation in relation to oil prices. A mistake has been made not just by Deputy O'Toole but by a great many others when they try to compare percentage increases as they operated in 1974 and in 1979 and in 1980 so far. The increase in 1974 is frequently referred to as 200 per cent or more, and the increase in the last 18 months has been only 140 per cent or thereabouts. This is very false reasoning. While the 1974 situation appeared to be, and was, a serious matter, it was a great deal less serious than the situation we had to face in 1979 and still have to face in 1980. The 1974 increase was of about 6 US dollars for a barrel of crude oil, from roughly $3 to $9. At that time all oil was pegged to the Saudi Arabian market price. The situation in 1979-80 unfortunately is a great deal more serious because the increase from early 1979 to the present was in the basic marker crude price of from $12, as it stood at the beginning of 1979, to $28 at present, an increase of $16 and that $16 is on a much higher base.

The increase in 1974 from $3 to $9 was based on an original figure which was so low that it was really a joke. They were selling oil at little more than the price of water. Even the increase which brought it up to $9 still left it a price level which, as we look back on it now, was extremely cheap by any standard, even at that time. Unhappily the situation is very different now. The increase has been between three and four times as great as the 1974 increase and has been on a much higher base. The consequences of that are a great deal more serious for this and other oil dependent and oil importing economies. That factor has to be taken into account when trying to compare the problems which the 1979-80 oil prices have given rise to, as compared to the very minor problems that existed in 1974 with very minor increases on a ridiculously low price level.

Deputy O'Toole scarcely referred to anywhere except Ireland. He gave me the impression that he considered Ireland to be a universe in itself, not part of the world, and that external factors did not have any bearing on it. In the last few months, we have had a plethora of forecasts from various bodies described in the newspapers as gloomy, catastrophic and so on. We got all the normal clichés today from Deputies. Does anybody who comments on these forecasts ever reflect on the fact that this year this country will be one of the few countries in Europe to show an increase in GNP, in industrial employment and an overall increase in employment?

It may be a consequence of our economic success over the past two and a half years that when we do not have the extraordinary success we had in 1977, 1978 and 1979, but a more moderate level of excess, one more in tune with our large and powerful neighbours, it is described here as a disaster, gloomy, catastrophic and so on. The United States of America would be very glad to have the growth in GNP, employment, investment, exports and output that Ireland will have this year. The United Kingdom would be delirious if they had growth of any kind.

People who continue to try to portray us as being in some unique and exceptional difficulty, with unique and exceptionally bad prospects, would do a much better service to the country if they looked at the rest of the world and realised how much better our prospects are than those of our large and powerful neighbours. It is a measure of the exceptional level of growth and economic success we have enjoyed over the past couple of years that something less than that high level of growth should be regarded in a critical and depressing way.

People like Deputy O'Toole would do well to recall that seeking to give the impression of major fundamental problems in our economy has in itself a detrimental effect on the economy. I notice this particularly in terms of overseas industrial investment. One of the reasons why we have done extraordinarily well in the past few years—we have gone streets ahead of anything ever achieved here before—was the exceptionally optimistic and buoyant mood of the economy from 1977 to 1979. The fact that I could point to a GNP growth rate in real terms of 7 per cent had more influence in bringing in investment than any incentives or grants because people abroad could see this was a growing country in which there was a mood of optimism and buoyancy. This is a very effective tool in attracting people. If we now seek to portray ourselves—because we are no longer the top growth nation in Europe, but rather the second or third—as being in an enormous decline, we will do a lot more damage than we might contemplate.

Unhappily the media are not always very selective in featuring what are described as spokesmen for this, that and the other subjects. If you gather a little group of three or four persons and put a label on them, they are fair game for issuing meaningless statements based on no knowledge, no experience and no facts. Nevertheless they get enormous publicity. I could name, but do not propose to do so, two or three minute organisations who are representative of nobody but who are always available at the end of a telephone for instant comment. When one sees the comments of such people blazoned across the newspapers or on television sets one is concerned that a great many people here and abroad are not aware that these people do not represent anybody and have no knowledge, experience or background.

Let the Minister name them.

There is immediately the difficulty of a cumulative depression of a certain kind. I referred earlier to tourism and the difficulties which arose last year due to strikes and other problems. Forecasts were bandied about of virtual disaster and extinction, but the net result was a very marginal decline on the high levels achieved the previous year. The same will probably be true this year.

I listened with interest and appreciation to Deputy Barry Desmond's speech. In contrast to the Deputy who spoke before him, he exhibited a genuine concern for the difficulties facing this country and for the consequences of those difficulties and addressed himself to trying in some way to analyse the causes of the problems and suggesting some approaches which might be made towards solving them. Some of the things he said needed more courage for him to say than for me or some other Members and for that reason it was very commendable. I was particularly struck by his statement that it has now to be recognised that this year especially there is a direct relationship between the level of income increases and the level of job losses. That fact is easily recognisable in other countries and the economic laws which cause it operate here in precisely the same way.

Deputy Desmond made the interesting point that 50 per cent or more of workers in Limerick vote for me; that is so. They support me with enthusiasm at election time and he pointed out that they will not listen to me when I talk to them about certain matters. That is a valid point and my experience is that privately they will agree with me in many things but the weakness in Limerick and elsewhere is that they will not act on them. In the kinds of situation which, unhappily, exist in County Limerick and other parts of the country the large majority is a very silent one and a handful of militant people are allowed to dictate and dominate the majority, not just of their fellow workers but in many cases the majority of trade unions officials.

Deputies Kelly and Murphy spoke about industrial relations and their effect on industrial development and job maintenance as well as on job creation. Undoubtedly this is a major factor, particularly in regard to job maintenance. This subject could probably be discussed more fully on the Estimate for the Department of Labour. I must, however, agree that it has a real influence on the whole question of industrial development today. When I am abroad with or on behalf of the IDA I estimate that 50 per cent of the questions I am asked deal with industrial relations and other questions relate to matters such as inflation rates, grant levels and taxation. It is very difficult to quantify what we have lost and it is not often that one can point a finger and say that a specific number of jobs have gone. Much of what we lost was at a fairly early stage before it could be quantified. There was a recent instance in Limerick concerning a very valuable industry, not just for Limerick but for the whole country. It involved a particular branch of engineering of which we have no example in this country. Investment by the company would have been in the region of £6 million and they would have employed 250 skilled and semi-skilled men. The loss of this industry is identifiable as a direct result of industrial relations. There must be many more instances which are not so directly identifiable.

This brings us to the proposition that those who are in employment have very little concern about those who are not, in spite of the lip service paid to them. That lip service is paid by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, among many others. I do not deny that their spokesmen may well feel genuinely concerned about those not in employment but their members are not following that line. Until those who are in employment show a greater awareness at the harm they are doing to those who are not we will always have a significant number of unemployed.

Deputy Murphy also spoke at length on industrial relations and put forward a suggestion which he said he had made before regarding a binding form of tribunal to deal with labour or industrial disputes. He asked why such a suggestion could not be implemented. As far as I am concerned it could be implemented in the morning but I think Deputy Murphy would find that many of those who sit close to him would not share his enthusiasm and presumably would do all they could to prevent such a tribunal coming into existence. Undoubtedly such a tribunal would be very successful if there were a willingness to accept it, although a binding tribunal would not be needed if the findings of the Labour Court were accepted and practised by both sides. Let us remember that about 99 per cent of their findings are accepted by one side. The percentage on the other is a great deal less than that. One would prefer to see the Labour Court respected in its findings rather than looked on, as seems to be the case nowadays, as just one more rung on the ladder.

Deputy Desmond inquired about the proposals of the CII regarding a scheme for underwriting exchange risks. I have given a good deal of thought to this in the past month or six weeks. I have tried to devise a scheme that would minimise, if not entirely eliminate, exchange risks and at the same time would have the advantage of making money available to manufacturing industry in Ireland at rates that would be much more in line with EMS rates generally rather than with the artificially high British rates to which our financial institutions seem to be continuously attracted. I hope that in the not too distant future it will be possible to make an announcement in regard to the matter. As Deputy Desmond pointed out, it is an extremely complicated and difficult question, one that is fraught with many problems. As one seems to solve one problem in devising a scheme one creates other problems.

Deputy O'Toole made some references to this matter that were quite at variance with the rather better grasp of the situation shown by Deputy Desmond. Obviously there must be an exchange risk involved. If there was not firms would go away and borrow. I hope the Government will be in a position to make an announcement in a week or so. It is a difficult matter, as has been acknowledged. The kind of proposals I have evolved are not on the lines the CII have been talking about but I think the net effect would be much the same. It is worth reminding the House that the Exchequer is already very heavily exposed on exchange risks. It is only natural that the Minister for Finance would not be enthusiastic about increasing the range of that already very considerable exposure to which the Exchequer is subjected.

Deputy Murphy had queries about how Bord Fáilte spend their money and he wondered which hoteliers get grants. That information is set out in their annual report. He also wanted to know the position regarding all the jobs created last year. We announced that last March. Their total gross industrial job gains for last year were 23,587 and the distribution of the jobs between the regions was set out in a speech I made at an IDA press conference at that time. I am glad to repeat that, for the first time for many years, every region in the country showed a net gain, including Dublin which had been one of the areas most depressed and which had suffered the greatest losses in recent years.

Deputy Cowen spoke about the situation in south and west Offaly. I am well aware of the particular difficulties that exist in that area. Both myself and the Minister of State have met several deputations in the past few months from various organisations in Offaly. I am well aware of the fact that they had a particular problem there and I hope to be able to do something about it in the very near future. The Deputy suggested designation which is an old chestnut for any region that has a problem. Having designated and de-designated a particular area in the past two years I am satisfied that it makes no difference. The help we might be able to give to south and west Offaly would not take the form of designation.

It is worth noting that that area in the past few years has shown a net increase of 100 or 200 jobs in industrial employment. It is probably indicative of the success elsewhere that when a small part of a county such as Offaly has only a net increase of a few hundred jobs it is nowadays almost regarded as a disaster area because other parts of that county have had large increases. I want to assure the Deputy that the relative lack of success in that part of Offaly is well known and we are trying to cope with it.

An area that was not mentioned today but one about which I am concerned because it has not shared in the upsurge of industrial employment throughout the county in the past few years is the Inishowen Peninsula in County Donegal. I am also concerned about many other parts in County Donegal. I hope we will be able to take steps to assist that area because it has special kinds of problems that do not arise in other parts of the country.

Deputy Hegarty dealt with tourism. I agree with many of the points he made but I think it would be more appropriate for the Minister for Finance to deal with other matters. For example, I am not certain that it would be very acceptable that we should implement his suggestion that we give rebates to tourists on petrol, drink and cigarettes. I do not imagine Irish holidaymakers would be too pleased about that. The Deputy made the suggestion—I have already discussed this with the Irish Hotels Federation—of trying to make available to the industry the cheaper rates of money from the ICC under EIB loans. I hope it may be possible to make this more widely available. I regard the tourist industry as of considerable importance to the country. The industry has special problems at the moment and it needs encouragement to get back to a major growth situation. It is very unfortunate that at a time when the tourist industry, through no fault of its own, has problems and when its prospects for 1980 are not as good as one would wish, that it should be afflicted by the present situation in Aer Lingus. I should like to avail of this opportunity to thank the management and the great majority of the staff of Aer Lingus for the particular efforts they are making to keep that airline at least in partial operation. If they were not doing that, the already serious consequences for the tourist industry and for the tens of thousands of people who work in it would be much worse. Unhappily the fact that the tourist industry is afflicted in this way will probably result, if not directly in the loss of several thousand jobs at least in the non-creation of some thousands of jobs that would otherwise have been created this summer. I hope that those who are involved in this dispute realise the consequences for so many people, particularly young people.

I should like to thank the Deputies who have contributed in the debate for their suggestions and the remarks they made.

Vote put and agreed to.
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