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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 1 Nov 1984

Vol. 353 No. 5

Criminal Justice Bill, 1983: From the Seanad (Resumed).

The Dáil went into Committee to resume consideration of amendments from the Seanad.
Seanad Amendment No. 1:
In page 3, between lines 11 and 12, the following inserted:
"(2) An order shall not be made under subsection (1) in respect of any of the following sections namely, sections 4 to 6, 8 to 10, 15, 16, 18 and 19 until provisions relating to the investigation and adjudication of complaints by the public against members of the Garda Síochána not above the rank of chief superintendent have been enacted by the Oireachtas and have come into operation and until regulations under section 7 have been made."
Debate resumed on amendment No. 1 to Seanad amendment No. 1:
In the third line to delete all words after "provisions" and substitute the following:
"have been enacted by the Oireachtas for the investigation and adjudication of complaints from the public against members of the Garda Síochána by or under the direction of an independent Complaints Commission, and until regulations under section 7 have been approved by the Oireachtas".
—(Deputy Woods.)

There is a strong feeling in the House in relation to these two amendments that it is absolutely essential that a complaints tribunal should be fully independent and be seen to be so. I cannot understand why trade unions representing members of the Garda Síochána are so opposed to an independent complaints tribunal. They have never made, or tried to make, a case for their opposition. Their only attitude has been publicly to decry anybody who suggested that the interests of 95 per cent of the gardaí who are doing a decent job would necessitate an independent complaints tribunal. What have the Garda trade unions to worry about? What are they afraid of? I cannot understand it. They are certainly not doing a favour to the vast majority of the members of the Garda Síochána who are doing a decent job. They are not doing what a good trade union should do; they are not representing the fair interests of those members if they do not put their case clearly. It concerns me that there is so much resistance to an independent complaints tribunal. Why should that be? What have they to hide? What is wrong? Surely there can be nothing wrong in trying to get to the truth.

There is very little difference between these two amendments. Most of the debate which took place last evening could more appropriately take place on the full Bill which the Minister has promised and which will create much debate and interest in the House. I hope that in considering the need for this body, who will be set up by other than members of the Garda Síochána, this body's independence will be apparent to all concerned. Perhaps we should think of relating this complaints tribunal to the DPP, or perhaps we should consider extending the powers of the Ombudsman, since we will be considering the Ombudsman Act either later today or sometime next week, I understand, and I believe there are some proposals to change its terms of reference. Perhaps we should consider giving the Ombudsman extended powers to deal with this matter. Whatever way we do it, it is vital, and it is as much in the interests of the Garda Síochána as in the interests of the public, that the complaints tribunal be seen clearly to be independent of the Garda, that their investigation and adjudication powers be derived from an independent source and that they be seen to be totally independent. That must be the thought in the mind of this House in regard to the Bill which the Minister proposes to bring in.

I am pleased to hear Deputy Mitchell speaking in favour of the Fianna Fáil amendment to the amendment from the Seanad. Deputy Mitchell has just said that he would like to see the independent tribunal investigate and adjudicate, and that is exactly what Deputy Woods is seeking to achieve in his amendment. Deputy Mitchell went on to say that he sees very little difference between the two amendments. I have always expressed grave reservations about this Bill and probably I have used rhetoric from time to time, phrases such as, "scrap the Bill, consign it to the legislative waste paper basket" and so on. That was the way I felt about the Bill and that is how I still feel about it.

I must also express my gravest doubt as to whether this Bill will ever see the light of day. Now we are going to be treated to a legislative bouquet of regulations by the Minister. We are going to be treated to other types of legislation related to this legislation and to a large input of bureaucracy to this Bill and this amendment now under discussion. I have expressed these fears and continue to express them.

Deputy Wood's amendment seeks to achieve the complete independence of an independent complaints commission. It seeks to do something to achieve the civil liberty of the individual and the protection of the Garda Síochána in the national interest. It seeks to achieve that balance. In the context of this amendment we on this side of the House could be accused of engaging in Garda bashing. Nothing could be further from the truth. I would prefer not to be engaged in this darn business. I wish this darn Bill was not in front of us but it is and we must deal with it as best we can. What we are trying to achieve is a delicate, sensitive balance. We are here as respresentatives of the people on the one hand and we have also an obligation to the Garda Síochána. Therefore, I say that Deputy Woods's amendment is seeking to achieve a balance between the protection of the individuals's civil liberties on the one hand and in the national interest the protection of the good name of the Garda Síochána. Once more, to clear the air and to adopt the cliché-ridden preamble, I say that we are not engaged in Garda bashing. If I repeat myself this morning and if people bother themselves to go back on what I have said in the past, so be it. I will have to engage in repetition to some small degree, with the indulgence of the Chair of course.

The Deputy should not put the Chair on notice.

Very good. I said "with the indulgence of the Chair". However, we will not get into that. To return to the amendment, the word "independent" has come in for some criticism. The Minister says there may be a possible misinterpretation of the use of the word "independent" in the context of the Fianna Fáil amendment. I went to the trouble of going into the Oireachtas Library this morning and looking up a book which I do not normally refer to early in the morning, and that is the Oxford English Dictionary. It is very interesting to see the definition of the word “independent” in the Oxford English Dictionary. In fact there are a number of definitions such as, “not depending on the authority of another”, “not in a position of subordination or subjection”, “not subject to external control or rule, self-governing, autonomous, free, completely free”. That is what we are seeking to achieve in this amendment. We want an independent complaints tribunal or commission who will be completely free from any suggestion of interference one way or another, political, Garda or whatever. We want them on their own, isolated. On the one hand we want them to investigate and on the other to adjudicate. I do not think that is unreasonable or impossible. There could be a conflict between on the one hand adjudicating and on the other hand investigating. We are seeking to let the Garda free from investigations or complaints against themselves. The amendment is quite simple and its philosophy was very well stated and well set out by Deputy Micheal Woods, Opposition spokesman on Justice, last night. He left the House in no doubt as to how he felt about the amendment. This amendment is about complete independence.

Relating my remarks to the amendment before the House, I said on another occasion that this Bill is one of the most significant pieces of legislation which the House will have to consider during its lifetime. I went on to point out that the history of criminal legislation shows that the topic is only rarely the subject of legislative intervention. Previous Bills on criminal law, apart from special enactments dealing with subversive crimes, are the Courts of Justice Act, 1924, the Criminal Justice Act, 1951 and the Criminal Procedure Act, 1967. It is likely, therefore, that this proposal, if passed, will affect the administration of criminal justice and the liberty of citizens for a considerable period to come. It would, therefore, be wrong if the Bill received anything but the fullest consideration from Deputies.

There were complaints about the length of the contribution by Deputy Woods last evening but in my view the longer we take to consider this Bill the nearer to perfection it will be. Let us be clear about this. We are engaged in considering one of the most significant pieces of legislation the House will have to deal with during the currency of this Dáil. We are lay people, not professional parliamentary draftsmen and we have a huge responsibility in the context of this dreadful piece of legislation, because dreadful it is.

Last week I made a speech in my constituency to a group of young people from whom I got a good response. I would not say they were Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or Labour Party people. They certainly had a point of view but I was not addressing the standard or regulation type political meeting where a Member attends, addresses a few words, sends a script to the newspapers and gets a polite round of applause. The meeting was a genuine one. At that meeting I said that whatever may be the outcome of the Kerry baby inquiry or the Shercock case one thing that was certain was that they were isolated incidents which called for further investigation but did not justify a blanket condemnation of the Garda Síochána.

If the Deputy is quoting he should give an identifiable reference.

I will give the reference: it was a constituency speech by one David Andrews which got some currency in the newspapers on Tuesday last.

I do not wish to try to interfere with the Deputy's contribution but if he is quoting he should give a reference so as to enable any person who may wish to refer to the subject matter he is quoting to do so. If the quotation has been printed in a newspaper the Deputy should give the title and date of the newspaper, for example.

The speech was reported in last Tuesday week's issue of The Irish Times, The Irish Press and Irish Independent. I will put the record right in that regard. I do not have any intention of misleading the House as to the accuracy of my quotation. In fact, the speech was also referred to on a radio programme.

It is simply a question of giving the reference. If the Deputy said that in the course of a speech in his constituency the other day he said so and so and was not purporting to quote, there would not be any problem but if he purports to quote he must give the reference to enable somebody to refer to that quotation.

I give the Chair an undertaking to give the reference for the record of the House. I cannot imagine anybody wanting to have a look at my outpourings but, in the event that somebody may, I will give the reference. In the course of that speech in my constituency I said that we have only one Garda force that has served this country well despite the best efforts of subversives and those with a vested interest in discrediting law and security for their own purpose. I said that the Criminal Justice Bill raised different questions altogether. I pointed out that I had consistently argued that we should provide the Garda with more resources of technology and funds to prove their case and we should never leave the suspected person with the onus of providing his or her own guilt by way of admission or otherwise. That night I said that as things stand it was the Garda and the accused who were put in an invidious position by this legislation and that is exactly what the legislation does. I said that in all the circumstances the Bill had become too contentious and too divisive. I suggested that its passage must be suspended by the Minister indefinitely. Further reform of the law in relation to criminal investigation, I said, should be referred back to the Law Reform Commission, that the Bill was now a dead letter for the people and should be allowed rest in peace.

Rest in peace or rest in pieces, it is a matter of interpretation, but we are now in a position of having to try to do something about a Bill which many Deputies on all sides are genuinely concerned about. In fact, I believe a large minority of Members do not want it at all. I hope that during the course of the debate on this amendment Labour Party Members will support Deputy Woods's amendment. It is disappointing to see there is only one Member of the Labour Party present although he is one of the finest contributors on any legislation that has come before the House. I am referring to Deputy Mervyn Taylor. He is representing his party and I am not making any great point about that but genuine Labour Members should support Deputy Woods's amendment. Deputy Woods seeks to get complete independence from the Garda Síochána in the functioning of a commission that would investigate complaints against them. I find it difficult to understand why the Minister will not accept that amendment. The Minister is present not only in his personal capacity but in his corporate position. While the Minister does not give into pressures he has certain obligations and he has to stick to his amendment. He may be immovable in that regard but Members, like Deputy Mervyn Taylor, and his colleagues in the Labour Party, are not bound by any such constraints. I genuinely ask them to support the Fianna Fáil amendment on the basis that it is the best thing we have. A better thing for the House to do would be to scrap the Bill.

It is just a year since the Bill was published and the debate started on the Second Stage and it is curious to find the House again debating the Bill. It is interesting to look at the Second Stage speeches made by many Members present today. It is also interesting to see the road we have travelled since then and the number of changes made in the Bill. We have to look behind the amendment from the Seanad, the reason we have it before us today and the reason we have amendments from the Minister and Deputy Woods. They are all due to a concern to ensure accountability, to a concern that the detention provisions contained in the Bill, as the Bill stands unamended, will not render that small section of the Garda force who misbehave accountable for their misbehaviour. They are concerned also with protecting the vast numbers of the Garda who perform their duty and, like members of the general public, were shocked by what emerged in the Shercock and Kerry cases. They are concerned with trying to provide some protection for them against rogue members of the force who discredit the force by their behaviour and bring unfair odium on their colleagues who do not want anything else but to perform their duty to the State.

The are also concerned with protecting the general public. There is a concern to ensure that if detention takes place, if the sections providing for detention in the Bill become law, that there will be a means of ensuring that people are not physically assaulted in Garda stations, a means of ensuring that people are not subject to oppressive interrogation which could result in them confessing to the commission of crimes they had not committed and, ultimately, being imprisoned as a result of false confessions. The problem is whether even these amendments yet provide the necessary protection in this area.

I do not wish to appear to be unreasonable with the Deputy but I am anxious to keep the debate on the rails. Anything on the lines of a Second Stage debate would not be in order. Anything purporting to go into detail on the various sections of the Bill which have been accepted by both Houses would not be in order. The Seanad amendment proposes to postpone the coming into operation of certain sections until a complaints procedure is set up. The Minister and Deputy Woods have put down amendments to that. The debate must be related and confined to those amendments. Passing references to the Bill in general are permissible, or to events that have happened, but if we were to approach this debate otherwise we could debate the matter for a very long time.

With respect, a Cheann Comhairle, I do not think I have said anything yet which is outside the terms of this debate. Thus the Ceann Comhairle has now achieved extrasensory perception, knowing in advance what I am going to say. I cannot quite understand why I was interrupted. I tend to travel along the same lines as other Deputies, to try to deal in a slightly different way with some of the problems arising from this amendment.

I was asking if this amendment achieves what is desirable? First, there is in the Bill, and in this amendment, provision for the Minister to make by way of regulations, what could be described as standards of behaviour, or guidelines within which the Garda must operate when detaining somebody. That is contained in section 7. The original Bill, on Second Stage debate, did not have that type of provision. It was something I sought in a speech I delivered in this House on 10 November 1983. I was very pleased when the Minister saw fit to come before the House, amend the Bill, and provide for the type of regulations I believed were necessary.

It was also my view then, as I said, that the Bill should not come into force until we have the regulations brought before this House and approved. I think it is correct to say that the Minister subsequently amended his provision relating to regulations. I think he also undertook to the House — at the completion of the Dáil debate — that the detention provisions would not come into law until the regulations relating to the treatment of people in detention had been approved by this House and made by the Minister.

I welcome the fact that the Minister is now making this part of the Bill, by way of the amendment that has come from the Seanad. I welcome the fact that it will now be statutorily prescribed that the detention sections cannot become law until the regulations have been approved by this House. It is the detention sections about which I am principally concerned in this Bill at this stage. I welcome the fact that those detention sections now cannot become law formally, under the statutory provisions of the Bill — it we accept either the Minister's or Deputy Woods' amendment — until such time as the regulations have been approved by this House.

The problem arising under this Bill always was that the Minister gave undertakings that were important, ones that on all sides of the House we accepted the Minister would adhere to and implement. But a difficulty always arose as to what would happen if there was a different Minister at some stage. What would happen if — as was originally envisaged — this Bill took three or four months to get through this House and which, one might add, 12 months on is still not completed. I do not believe that overnight the regulations will be necessarily dealt with——

If the Chair does not get its way it could be 12 months more.

I have been speaking for approximately five minutes. Deputy Woods spoke for 45 minutes. I did not object, and most of what he said was relevant and important. I fail to understand why——

Deputy Shatter——

I am endeavouring to make a relevant contribution and you are not assisting by constantly interrupting me.

It is not a question of how long a Deputy speaks; that does not matter——

Would you point out to me, a Cheann Comhairle, what I have said to date that is not relevant to the debate?

The Deputy seems to be going back into all the merits or demerits of the whole Bill, which are not at issue here.

What is at issue, a Cheann Comhairle, are the merits or demerits of having detention sections, with or without regulations being approved by this House, with or without a complaints procedure. That is what I am dealing with. That is what Deputy Woods dealt with last evening.

I was listening to Deputy Woods and he was in order. It is now provided that the sections that the Deputy is complaining about will not come into operation until these complaints procedures are brought into operation.

But they have not yet been brought into operation. That will be provided when we pass one of the amendments before this House. That is what I am attempting to deal with.

Yes, but the sections themselves cannot be amended.

That is correct. What I was endeavouring to say before you interrupted me——

If I may say so, it is not a question of interrupting the Deputy. I do not think that debating points of that nature are proper to make to the Chair. The Chair did not interrupt. The Chair drew the Deputy's attention to what is required under Standing Orders.

What I was saying was that I welcome the fact that now there is contained in this Bill the statutory provision that the detention sections cannot become law until the regulations are both approved and made. I think the Minister made a relevant point in the context of Deputy Woods' amendment — in the context of the regulations — in that he clearly made the point that, in his amendment, the provision relating to regulations would require, before the detention sections come into operation, that he made his order, whereas Deputy Woods' amendment only provides that the regulations must be approved by the House. That is a relevant and important point to make.

In that context it is not a question of whether the regulations are approved by the House in the context of the protections and the standards of behaviour that the regulations seek to prescribe. What is relevant, when the detention sections become operative, is that these regulations be in existence. We in this House will have an opportunity at a later stage, because of the provisions of the Bill, to discuss the contents of these regulations. It will be the actual nitty-gritty of the contents of the regulations that will be of major importance in this context.

The second aspect of the proposal is the provision of the complaints tribunal. From an early stage the Minister indicated that a complaints tribunal would be provided, that the Bill, in his view, would not become operative until that had been provided. At the commencement of our debate here a year ago there was posed the question as to whether legislation was necessary or whether that could be done by some sort of administrative provision. It is now accepted that legislation is necessary. I welcome the fact that we are taking this further amendment that copperfastens the Minister's undertaking to this House.

There has been a great deal of debate and discussion about the wording of the different amendments before this House. Effectively, in the context of the complaints tribunal, the concern has been to try to tease out to what extent it will be independent and to what extent that independence will apply either in the context of investigation or adjudication of complaints. It is important that the complaints tribunal be seen to be independent. It is important that it be seen to be independent in determining or adjudicating on complaints. It is important that it be seen to be independent in the manner in which it investigates complaints.

I appreciate that the Minister does not want to set up, in a sense, a second police force. But problems of the nature we have seen in Shercock and in the recent case in Kerry, problems with regard to the manner in which the members of the Garda investigated crime, the manner in which they dealt with people held for questioning in Garda stations — even without these detention provisions being made law — give rise to serious worries. The manner in which investigations have been carried out and the ultimate results achieved in the context of court proceedings, in particular in the context of the Shercock case, give rise to considerable worries. In that context, and particularly in the context of the Minister's amendment, it is worth reverting — as we have done many times in the course of this debate — to the Ó Briain report. That report, in dealing with the question of detention and the general problems arising from Garda questioning people in Garda stations sought to deal with the problem of whether the Garda should have independent powers, whether a complaints tribunal should be established, whether it should have independent powers of investigation or of adjudication. That report outlined the problems arising in this area very well.

Paragraphs 36 and 37 of the Ó Briain report deal, first of all, with the nature of the problem. At a later stage that report goes on to deal with the question of whether a tribunal should be independent in the context of its operation. Paragraph 36 states:

In a situation where nine thousand Gardaí exercise police powers daily in our community, it is inevitable that complaints will be made by members of the public against members of the Garda Síochána. At present, investigation of complaints is carried out by a senior officer of the Garda Síochána. Where the complaint involves merely a breach of discipline it will be dealt with by the Garda Commissioner. If a breach of the criminal law is disclosed, the matter will be passed on to the Director of Public Prosecutions, who will decide whether or not to prosecute the offending Garda. Criticism of the present system made to us suggested that it was slow, that it tended to deter most complainants, and that it was manifestly unfair in that it depended on investigation carried out by members of the force who might be less than willing to find fault in the behaviour of a colleague. On the other hand it was argued that most other professional bodies investigate complaints against their own members, that the Garda Síochána was better equipped than any other body to carry out the necessary investigation, and that if improved machinery was required for the investigation of complaints it could be created within the force....

At the end of that paragraph the report referred to the fact that the committee had considered the operation of complaints review bodies in other countries and other police areas.

Paragraph 37 of the Ó Briain report states:

We understand that it is a general complaint that where accusations are made against individual members of police forces, there is a tendency on the part of policemen not to co-operate. This may be due to an understandable reluctance to becoming involved as a witness against a colleague. The "wall of silence" which meets the investigating officers may well make any proper inquiry abortive. There may also arise the added difficulty of cases where the identity of the officer against whom it is sought to make complaint is unknown and unascertainable by the complaining member of the public. If the public has any ground to suspect that there is a "cover-up", it is inevitable that a loss of public confidence in the force will ensue.

In the context of the amendment before the House what is important is to ensure that we are seen by the general public to recognise the necessity, particularly in the light of recent events, for an independent complaints tribunal. I feel that the events in Shercock are still a matter about which other steps may be taken so I fully accept that that is not something we can discuss today in any detail. However, the manner of investigation and the results achieved in that case give rise to and copperfasten the worries expressed in those paragraphs in the Ó Briain report. At paragraph 59 the Ó Briain report states:

The investigation of complaints by members of the public against the Garda Síochána should be brought into line with more enlightened practice in Western Europe. A Complaints Tribunal with a strong independent element should be set up.

They go on to say that they do not feel called upon to spell out how its membership should be composed. That matter would be more properly dealt with in this House during the debate on the complaints tribunal.

The Ó Briain report goes on to state:

Whatever its composition, the membership should be clearly so impartial and above any suggestion of bias that it would earn the respect and co-operation of both Garda Síochána and public. We cannot emphasise too strongly our belief that any such Tribunal must have the wholehearted support of the Gardaí if it is to function effectively...

The two recent cases which have got so much publicity and a number of cases in the past have given rise to a great deal of public concern, as well as concern within the Garda force. The latter point needs to be emphasised. The vast majority of gardaí, who want nothing other than to do their duty and go about their business, are as concerned as any Member of this House about recent events. I have no doubt that they would welcome the establishment of an independent complaints tribunal. There is a need for an independent investigative mechanism.

The Minister indicated that in real terms there was no great difference between the concept envisaged by him and what Deputy Woods envisaged in his amendment. He has indicated the problems he believes could arise with the word "independent" in the context of litigation and the prosecutions which could arise when the detention sections become law if it were suggested that in some way the tribunal accepted by this House was not entirely independent. Obviously there will have to be some level of co-operation between a complaints tribunal and the Garda in the context of investigation. I do not see why there cannot be seconded to a complaints tribunal a number of members of the Garda together with the necessary members of officer rank who will specialise in dealing with complaints. One of the problems at present is not simply the matter of colleagues investigating themselves but that there is not generally an identifiable body of people within the Garda who are recognised not merely as having the commitment to deal with these problems but as having the necessary expertise to be on the scene if tragedies such as the Shercock incident arise, so as to ensure a thorough and proper investigation on the scene immediately in order that persons involved, be they members of the Garda or otherwise, can be brought to book in the courts.

Deputy Woods and Deputy Andrews are suggesting that the Minister is looking for something less independent than I am describing. I would hope that is not the case. It is absolutely essential that whatever tribunal is established is seen to be impartial in its investigative mechanisms and separate from the Garda in adjudicating on complaints. There is also an interaction between the regulations for an independent complaints tribunal as provided for in this amendment in that I have no doubt that it may ultimately be necessary to change the initial regulations as a result of the experience of an independent complaints tribunal. There is an overriding concern to provide all the checks and balances needed to protect members of the general public and gardaí from the type of incidents that occurred recently and to ensure proper accountability.

Some of us who at a very early stage of this Bill indicated our worries and concern would probably like to stray further than the Chair would allow in dealing with the details of the complaints tribunal, but I accept that we cannot do so. I would urge the Minister when framing the regulations to take into account those aspects of the Ó Briain Report which we have not adequately dealt with in this Bill and without which we will not be in a position to provide these protections.

In the context of the independent complaints procedure providing the protection and the detention section not coming into force until it is set up, I do not believe an independent complaints procedure will be able to provide this type of protection unless at the time people are in Garda custody there is an absolute requirement that any questioning which takes place will be videod or taped. I know an amendment has been ruled out on this issue, so I will say no more about it. I think that is absolutely essential and it is something to which the Minister adverted——

The difficulty is that we are confined to the Seanad amendment and to the amendments thereto. Deputies cannot discuss amending some sections of the Bill or trying to improve others, because these points have been dealt with in both Houses.

I appreciate that. The idea that we may start experimenting to tape or video record when the detention sections come into operation——

If I allow the Deputy to continue along those lines Deputy De Rossa will rightly claim that I am——

I will say no more about that issue. The point needs to be made over and over again that the type of amendment we are dealing with here and the issues we will be dealing with in the complaints tribunal, and in the context of the provision of regulations, will be designed, and must be designed, to provide all the protection needed in this area. I hope we will not divide on the semantics of these amendments because the principles contained in the amendment provide for all the worries of each Deputy.

Detention sections cannot become law until the complaints tribunal is established. The statutory mechanism of that tribunal must be brought before this House and we will have an opportunity to amend it. If the Criminal Justice Bill is not passed these detention sections cannot become operative. If we reject the regulations dealing with the treatment of people in custody, the Minister will have to withdraw them and produce new regulations. Until such time as those matters are dealt with satisfactorily, the detention sections cannot become law.

In the context of Deputy Andrews remarks, I do not think concern about this Bill is the monopoly of an individual Member or political parties. I do not think it is the monopoly of the Labour Party, be they socialist or not, or of certain Members of the Fianna Fáil Party. Every person in this House is concerned about this Bill. As democrats we are concerned with civil liberties, ensuring the protection of the individual and ultimately with ensuring that, no matter who commits a crime, be it a member of the Garda Síochána or a member of the general public, full and proper investigations are carried out which do not infringe on an individual's personal liberty. If people are assaulted or interrogated in Garda stations in a way that produces untrue confessions, there must be a mechanism in existing legislation to ensure that those responsible are brought to book.

If I may speak for Deputy Andrews, I do not think he claimed anybody was trying to establish a monopoly in their concern for this Bill. He said the people who professed to hold certain beliefs should do more than talk about them; they should vote with their feet.

I share Deputy Andrews reservations about this Bill. We have a crime problem, nobody can deny that. People are driven to crime by the social and economic problems which beset the country. In my view, this Government will not solve these problems. In their publication, Building on Reality, they faced reality and admitted that they cannot solve the unemployment problem, that the present unacceptable level of unemployment will be the same in three years time.

You are moving outside the amendments.

I am prefacing my remarks. In the Irish Independent of 27 October 1984 the Minister said:

I would submit that, when the Bill is in operation together with the new complaints procedure and the statutory regulations for the treatment of persons in custody, we will have a system of criminal law and procedure that will for the first time not only give the police adequate powers to investigate serious crime — questioning, forensic testing and so on — but also provide firm guarantees that they will be fully accountable for the welfare of persons in custody.

The point has been made on a number of occasions in this House, but I do not think it has come home to the Minister yet, that the real problem in containing crime is not that the Garda do not have sufficient powers to investigate a crime, or that people are walking away from Garda stations or courts on a mere technality, but the inadequate training of the police force, and failure to provide——

The Deputy is moving away from the amendments.

Only very slightly because what I am saying is relevant and I will demonstrate its relevance as I go along. The difficulties in controlling crime relate to matters such as the inadequate training of the police force, the insufficient resources and technology for the police force, and the disgraceful problem of lack of prison accommodation.

You are moving completely away from the amendment.

I find it somewhat embarrassing that we are debating this provision today because we are trying to solve problems that do not exist while ignoring the problems that do exist.

We are debating an amendment from the Seanad, an amendment from Deputy Woods and an amendment from the Minister. The Deputy's contribution must be strictly relevant.

I will defer to your ruling. The Minister's amendment seeks to establish a complaints tribunal composed of people other than the Garda. The Minister told us that the detention provisions in the legislation will not come into operation until such time as this independent complaints tribunal has been established and until regulations for the treatment of persons in custody have been brought before this House and passed. It is meaningless to say that certain sections of the Bill will not operate until certain things are passed because we do not know what they are. We do not know what safeguards will be provided. In his amendment the Minister says the complaints tribunal will be a body other than the Garda. Deputy Woods demonstrated clearly last night that that means very little in practice. Would a committee of five Garda officers set up as a complaints tribunal be a body other than the Garda? It is at least arguable that it is, because in their capacity as a tribunal they would be acting independently of the Garda to a certain extent. They would not be representing the Garda and therefore they would be a body other than the Garda. A tribunal which consisted almost entirely of Garda officers and had at least one lay person would, I argue, be a body other than the Garda. The term in the amendment "body other than the Garda Síochána" in practice is meaningless. I would have expected something more concrete from the Minister.

The Minister said our amendment does not achieve what he thinks Deputy Woods wishes, but I argue that it goes a great deal further than the amendment the Minister brought back from the Seanad. What we want to know is: will this independent complaints tribunal include gardaí? Will it be composed wholly or partly of gardaí? Will gardaí constitute the majority of the membership of the complaints tribunal? Will the Minister spell out clearly what he means by the term "a body other than the Garda Síochána"? That term is indecipherable to me and I have heard nothing from this side of the House, the other side or from the Minister in his contribution last night that explains it to me with any degree of clarity.

The other aspect of the amendment is, who will carry out the investigation? The amendment introduces the interesting concept of a division between the investigation of a complaint and the adjudication on the complaint. The House owes a great debt of gratitude to Deputy Woods for his exhaustive research which discovered where this came from. It comes as no surprise to me to learn it has come from the Garda.

The Minister's amendment is seeking to achieve that the raw material on which this so-called independent complaints tribunal will adjudicate will be collated and got by the Garda. In other words, it will be up to them to collect and present the evidence and to forward that part of the evidence they wish to the so-called independent complaints tribunal. It will be up to them to hold back whatever part of the evidence they wish and to present it to the tribunal with whatever slant they wish. If that is an independent complaints tribunal my understanding of the English language is seriously deficient.

The Minister should know that there is a very important principle of natural and constitutional justice which has been upheld by the courts on several occasions. There are numerous such cases but I did not bring a record of them with me. However, I am sure the Department will be able to supply the Minister with the details if he wishes. That principle of justice is expressed by the Latin phrase, Nemo iuda in sua causa— nobody should be a judge in his own case.

If we leave aside the question of the independence or the non-dependence of the complaints tribunal, because of the fact that it will be up to the Garda to investigate a complaint, to collect the evidence and to present it in whatever way they wish, the concept of the independence of the investigation and the independence of the mechanism by which complaints against the Garda will be investigated disappears entirely.

We want to know what is meant by the term "a body other than Garda Síochána". I would argue that that could consist wholly or partly of Garda officers. Secondly, will the Minister relent and accept the arguments from this side of the House and the arguments that will be made outside the House by concerned persons when the full meaning of this is brought home to them, that to separate the adjudication and the investigation of complaints against the Garda is a facile and meaningless exercise that will totally destroy the independence of the tribunal the Minister is seeking to establish.

There is no body or organisation that would accept a situation where a so-called committee would investigate complaints against members and where it was up to the members themselves to present the raw material for investigation to that committee. That is not independence. If the Minister seeks to press this to a vote, I hope the people on the other side who have expressed their concern will agree that there is no independence in what the Minister proposes and that they will vote accordingly.

As has been pointed out quite rightly, we are not engaged in discussing on this occasion the merits or demerits of the Criminal Justice Bill which has been passed in this House. I contributed in that debate. I expressed my reservations about many of the aspects of the Bill and I still have those reservations. However, we are concerned today with how the complaints procedure will operate. Great care is required on this issue.

It is a fact that for any police force to operate with any degree of success they require the confidence and support of the overwhelming bulk of the population. Without that confidence and support a police force cannot operate. It is a fact that in recent times there have been events here that to a substantial degree have shaken the confidence of the public generally in the Garda force. That is something to be regretted. As legislators we must apply our minds to ensure that there will be a degree of public confidence and support for the Garda that will enable them to do the urgent and pressing tasks that are upon them in these difficult times. We must do nothing that will sap the morale of the Garda force in the execution of the tasks assigned to them. It is regrettable that some of the Deputies have sought to introduce a partisan note into a matter of this kind. That kind of contribution is contrived, uncalled-for and rather unreal. A complaints procedure has to be set up and details of who will staff it and how it will be set up will come before the House. It will be open for discussion here and for a vote. The debate on this amendment as to how that will operate is, to say the least, premature.

To a great extent the amendments put down by the Minister and Deputy Woods are semantics. Quite frankly, I think the original amendment that came to us from the Seanad would have been reasonable and adequate and perhaps was the preferable of the three amendments to meet the situation. I do not think the amendments of the Minister or Deputy Woods helped to an appreciable extent. Both introduced a new dimension. The amendment of Deputy Woods referred to an independent complaints commission which, without definition, could give rise to difficulties. I take the point made by the Minister in that connection. Likewise, his own description of "a body other than the Garda Síochána" is open to somewhat similar criticism.

I am concerned to know what is meant by the term "adjudication" which is in all three amendments. Does it mean that the complaints tribunal, whatever its composition, would have power to make decisions as, for example, suspending a member of the Garda Síochána? Does "adjudication" mean they would have power to dismiss a member of the Garda Síochána and, if so, on what terms? Would they simply make a recommendation and to whom would they make it? Questions will have to be raised with regard to an appeals procedure from the complaints tribunal. I do not think we would have a situation in which decisions of the complaints tribunal would be final. There would have to be some form of appeals procedure. Perhaps reference should be made to that aspect also at this stage.

The events that took place in Shercock particularly have highlighted the issue before the House. We are setting about introducing yet another tribunal. Already we have the courts of justice, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions and the Office of the Ombudsman. The net result of the combination of those forces in respect of the Shercock case has led to two members of the Garda being acquitted in the courts of justice of any offences, having been prosecuted at the instance of the Director of Public Prosecutions, but finding themselves now under suspension from the force at the instance of the Garda Commissioner. That type of situation detracts from credibility. We must ensure that the new procedure will be credible, that it will be seen to be credible and that we do not have arising such contradiction as the one I have outlined. I hope that the procedure will be in a simplified form. It should contain provision for the complainant to be present at the hearing. There will arise the question of whether those hearings should be public.

The Deputy is anticipating the terms of the tribunal and that question has not been debated here yet. Perhaps he will await the introduction of the Bill in that regard.

I accept that but we are talking about adjudication and investigation, matters that are germane to the tribunal proposal. In addition, those words appear in the amendments. The question of the composition of the complaints body has been referred to. The amendment in the name of Deputy Woods refers to that body being independent while the Minister's amendment refers to the body being one other than the Garda. I will make only one comment on the question of the composition of the tribunal and that is that we must ensure that people of an independent nature who are already at the disposal of the State are used in the administration and the staffing of the tribunal. Perhaps district justices and circuit court judges would have a role to play in this regard; also the Ombudsman. Lawyers must have a role. Obviously the Law Society and the Bar Council should have some involvement and also the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.

In addition the Garda must have some role in this regard since the matter concerns the administration of the force. The force as a unit are concerned that they be seen to be operating in a fair and just manner.

As has been pointed out, it would be a grievous error to condemn the force because of one or two bad apples in the barrel. To an overwhelming extent the Garda do a fine job, given the constraints and limitations under which they operate. They should not be excluded entirely from the operation of the complaints procedure. They must have some role at central level provided that that role does not detract from or influence in any way the independent decisions which clearly will have to be made by the complaints body.

I may be somewhat different from other speakers to this Bill in that I have expressed very few reservations about it. What we are discussing now was heralded somewhat by the Minister when he informed the House that it was his intention to set up a complaints tribunal.

I have no hesitation in saying that of the amendments before us, the one in the name of Deputy Woods expresses better than either of the others what would be desired. Consequently, I support that amendment.

I take this opportunity of expressing the hope that our concentration on the amendments before us will not in any way detract from the importance of the legislation itself. If we were to place too much emphasis on the amendments we might be allowing for a situation in which the whole purpose of and the need for the legislation would escape us. I have heard speakers saying that in calling for the tribunal they are not in any way reflecting on the Garda. In the past year or two in dealing with matters outside what is commonly called law and order, I have been repeatedly frustrated, in that when I go to a Garda station on behalf of someone seeking the protection of his civil rights I am told that under the existing regulations and legislation the Garda are precluded from doing what is essential and what the man in the street wants them to do. After all the public are paying for the Garda just as they are paying for us and they would not wish us to delay too long in treating of an aspect that is very important but which is not in any way as important as the need for the implementation of legislation to protect the rights of the vast majority of our people.

Though what I will call the Mac Giolla amendment has not been moved, I take it that I will not be out of order in making reference to it.

It is completely out of order.

It is an indication of the dangerous line we have reached when Members of this House would advocate that everything said by anyone employed in this country and who might have a secret would be recorded for use possibly in evidence against him. Let us apply that criterion to our own profession, to the medical profession or to teaching or to any other profession.

I am allowing the Deputy only a passing reference to that amendment.

What was ruled out of order in respect of that amendment is not too far away from the spirit and thoughts of other people about what we might be doing. I have no hesitation in saying that I have the height of respect for and confidence in members of the Garda. Over my years in politics there have been times when I had to go directly to a member of the Garda and tell him that what he had done was not correct. That often applied to matters apart from the discharging of his duties and other interests he had in the area in which he served, which I regarded as not being in his interest or in the interests of the force. We do not want a lazy member of the Garda, so to speak, to be given an additional reason for not doing what he should be doing. We would all be the poorer for that. My experience does not necessarily have to be the experience of everybody in the House. I live and serve in an area where we have much need for the implementation of law and order. Members of the Garda cannot convince me that in respect of the discharge of their duties their hands are tied. That is the famous expression.

I was a civil servant for some years and my frustration arose from the fact that I discovered that the more work you did the greater likelihood there was that you would make a mistake, and be judged solely on mistakes. Do we want that to percolate down to our Garda force, and guarantee their salary whether or not they do anything? Are we to create a new fear in their minds that in the pursuit of their responsibilities — if The Workers' Party have their way — everything they say will be recorded by electronic devices, every time they have a conversation with a known convict, in the interests of the accused, everything must be recorded.

An amendment was ruled out of order. A passing reference to it is allowed, but the Deputy is continuing to refer to it.

I am referring to it superficially and I am entitled to refer to it in so far as it gives an insight into what could happen and the point to which we might be moving. I am asking everybody here would they like that in their own profession? Do we want to have it in all the professions? At our clinics we listen to people complaining that a social worker is not doing what he or she should be doing, that CIE are not doing what they should be doing, that some doctor has been negligent in his duty, that they met some chancey lawyer who took money from them and did not do what he should have done for them. All these things are affecting the lives of the people very seriously.

I appreciate the Deputy's concern about those aspects, but he is moving away from the three amendments. The parameters of the debate are very limited, as was indicated by the Ceann Comhairle. I appeal to the Deputy as a former Leas-Cheann Comhairle to confine himself to the amendments.

It is not often that I have to be remainded of the rules and regulations which govern this House. I have been on my feet for about five minutes.

I appreciate that.

I have listened to other people and I know the liberty which was given to them. We are discussing a complaints procedure which has been heralded by the Minister and which has been referred to ad nauseam by other speakers. We are now discussing amendments which relate to the style of the tribunal. It is perfectly in order for any Member of the House to be concerned that we should not spend all our time discussing them and give the impression that they are more important than the legislation to which they refer. That is a very fair presentation.

The debate is very limited. I am doing my utmost to confine it to the amendments.

I accept that in a Committee Stage debate one is confined to the words and the spirit of the words before the House. That decides the limit of the debate.

The Deputy's spirit has extended a little beyond the amendments.

The Chair may put that interpretation on it. If I thought so I would not have expressed myself in the fashion I have expressed myself in and intend to continue for a short time. It is extremely important that we get this legislation through as quickly as possible. It is an urgent need of the times. Unfortunately in recent times we have had ample evidence of the need for it. There are some men and women who will misinterpret their duties. This could lead to tragedy or to discomfort for other people. We should not assume that because of that insignificant minority we must set up a means by which every member of the Garda will have to watched in the same way as an astronomer would watch a star. We could not accept the need for that. If we did we should pack up.

There is a need for this tribunal, but I hope people will not be traipsing to the tribunal every hour of the day with complaints about the Garda. I hate to think what our clinics would be like if that were to happen. I want it to go out from this House that we hope the tribunal will be used as little as possible. There is no doubt that the amendment in the name of Deputy Woods is the one that must be accepted. I hope the tribunal will be a mechanism which will be used very seldom. We live in dissenting and critical times. Everybody is criticised.

If the time has arrived when we must record the spoken word, I suppose the next thing will be to take photographs of the actions of any professional person. That thought sends a shudder down my spine. We have no doubt about the capacity of most people to discharge their duties. I hope we will achieve a sensible, forthright mechanism through which we can discover the person who is failing in his or her duty and have him or her removed forthwith, not just for the sake of the community but for the sake of the profession. What I am endeavouring to do is to speak for the 99 per cent of the members of the Garda Síochána who, having read all that has been said here and elsewhere, will naturally begin to assume that they are all being castigated. The day that they accept that and that everything they do will be monitored and that they are likely to be called to explain every hand's turn and every word spoken, is the day when we can start thinking about changing Templemore into an establishment which might be more appropriate to one of the Eastern countries.

Already some of the people who consistently spoke on each section and on each Stage of this Bill have made perfectly clear their reasons for so doing. Deputy Gay Mitchell referred yesterday to exactly the same question as that raised by Deputy Tunney when he referred to maturity in the House. I hope that there is a level of maturity and reasonableness on the part of all parties co-operating in this debate which, for once, will commend this Legislature to the electorate. What Deputy Gay Mitchell referred to and I also do now is a lack of maturity within our society and certainly among certain Members of this House which leads them to believe that when we raise the level of the debate to rational discussion we are attacking the very foundations of society itself. In fact, all our efforts are towards the protection of society. If Deputy Tunney had spent more time in the House during the debate he would have shared enough with the rest of us Members not to make the remarks he did. I do not think that it should go forward from this House that anybody who constructively criticises——

I am sorry, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, but on a point of order, the Deputy flatters herself if she assumes that I was referring to her. I made no reference at all to her. I have listened to every word spoken in this debate.

That is not a point of order.

I do not have to be in the presence of everybody to hear what they have to say. Let me assure the Deputy that she was the last Deputy in my mind, as was Deputy Gay Mitchell.

Deputy Barnes, to continue.

I shall not even comment. What Deputy Tunney has just said bears out exactly what I have been saying up to now. There are just a few issues which we are now discussing because an amendment has been brought back from the Seanad. There is one area in which I agree with Deputy Tunney. That is his hope that this amendment would not obscure the totality of what we have been talking about before this. However, I accept the ruling that we are now only to speak on this amendment. I wish I could share Deputy Tunney's belief that this Bill will prove to be the panacea which he imagines it will be.

I hope that I am not going to be ruled out of order when I say that this amendment should not obscure the reason for our concern about not alone the wording of the amendment but its implementation through the commission which it will bring forward. Such concern arises from our fears about the supervision of questioning, particularly under section 4, within detention. This is the only amendment to which we can now address ourselves but our concern arises from the fact that there will be reference to another section and to the supervision of such questioning and powers allowed within that section. Members on all sides of the House before finally disposing of this amendment and quickly proceeding to the debate on the independent tribunal and on the regulations, want to be sure at this stage of their interpretation and understanding in the matter. Again and again, Members on both sides of the House have shown the need for the independence of such a tribunal.

We are not just talking about a tribunal that will be open and accessible to people who having been taken into custody may feel that they have cause for complaint. This commission also must be seen as one of the greatest protections for the Garda force on two levels. First, they would also be able, with regard to false accusations made against them, to have the powers of investigation and adjudication applied to their rights, their jobs and their behaviour. We must not lose sight of that. This is for balance on both sides and for the protection of all involved. That is why there must be an impartial and independent tribunal which will get the respect and trust of all sides. There is no fundamental division in this House. We are all concerned with obtaining the same understanding of what the amendments before us are about. No matter what the wording is, we are asking for a tribunal that will have the element of independence, will get trust and confidence and will have expertise and resources. I am not going to pre-empt what I shall say with regard to that in the future. We must have the resources and the accessibility so that people will know that it is there as a protection. Let us hope that the commission will go a long way towards repairing the abuses that we feel they will have to deal with.

This commission, welcome as it is, will depend for its effectiveness on the action taken afterwards. The abuses that have taken place or are alleged to have taken place and that give cause for concern not only to Members of this House but to the public outside have a seriousness which cannot be over-estimated. We are hoping that from the implementation of the amendment and the independence and expertise of the tribunal will come not alone the protection of peoples' rights and the public and open aspects of that but also the knowledge among some of the Garda — and I do not think that anybody must be forced to say that it is only a small number and that they do greater damage to the Garda Síochána than anybody else — that there is no way that the behaviour in which they have indulged in the past will be allowed again. We are endeavouring to get a few simple answers. Within the wording of the Minister's amendment there is merely "adjudication". I ask him if the body set up will also have investigative powers. I join with Deputy Taylor in asking what are the powers of such adjudication within that tribunal.

It is essential that the meaning is spelled out properly and that we do not become involved in semantics and useless debate when both sides of the House are working towards exactly the same kind of tribunal, particularly considering the lack of confidence and the confusion among people at the moment because of the sad and shocking cases recently and some cases long outstanding. Whilst all the public may be confused and concerned at the moment about certain events and would welcome the safeguards we are talking about in this House this morning, I do not exaggerate when I say that there is the beginning of an alienation and isolation of our young people from the Garda force who should be their support and protection in the community. The serious implications of that cannot be exaggerated. We as legislators elected to represent the people must take all that into consideration, remembering the high number of our young population, in the debate on this Bill. We are not here in the House in isolation from the electorate and their concerns, anxieties and fears. Therefore, this debate carries an even greater urgency than the debate on the Bill before it left us and went to the Seanad.

I welcome the fact that the Minister accepted an amendment from the Seanad. Perhaps some of us in this House would have welcomed a number of amendments which did not come through. We are asking this morning for the spelling out in plain language of the independence of the tribunal, the trust and confidence that must be in that tribunal and the adjudication and investigative powers of that tribunal. If that is all spelled out — and I hope there will be no division across the House — we can proceed quickly to accept the commitment of the Minister and his interpretation and then ask him urgently to introduce the Bill itself so that we can go on to that.

Mr. Cowen

Unfortunately, I am not long enough in the House to have discussed the Bill from day one, but I can say that these three amendments are vital in terms of allaying public concern outside this House regarding the performance of our Garda force. Deputy Woods's amendment encapsulates or best provides for a totally independent tribunal to deal with, investigate and adjudicate on complaints which will be forwarded to that tribunal from the public or, as Deputy Barnes said, to right any wrongs which may be done to the Garda within the force by allowing them to bring those matters to the tribunal themselves.

Deputy Taylor said that both the Minister's amendment and Deputy Woods's amendment were really a matter of semantics and that he was more interested in how this tribunal was going to work and who were to compose this tribunal. In our amendment we are not in any way excluding any member of the Garda force from investigating by this independent tribunal. I do not see why members from the rank of chief superintendent upwards should be allowed to be excluded from the work of any tribunal of inquiry. I am not saying that to cast aspersions on any rank of the Garda. I am quite sure that chief superintendents, assistant commissioners and commissioners of the Garda are all upstanding gentlemen who have given long, dedicated service. They would not be there unless they had that sort of record, but by the same token that should not allow a limited number of people to be excluded from investigation by any tribunal who may be set up as a result of these amendments, if passed.

As Deputy O'Dea said, a principle is involved that no person should be a judge of his own cause. That includes all members of the Garda force from the most junior to the most senior. That should be there in fairness to the most junior as well as to the most senior garda. This has assumed importance recently because of the unfortunate events in Shercock and Tralee. Deputy Taylor said that he was afraid that an independent tribunal would be used perhaps overmuch. Other speakers said this also. In other words, this was the floodgates argument. Whatever the composition of this tribunal, presumably a de minimis rule is involved here as in a court of law that only allegations of substance will be dealt with. If on the face of it those allegations have no substance, presumably they will be thrown out. It is essential that the independence of this tribunal be established by the passing of the best of these three amendments in this House. Then people will see that in no way are the Garda involved in investigating serious allegations involving themselves.

It is clear that this Criminal Justice Bill when enacted will increase the percentage of convictions as a result of confession in this jurisdiction. As has been pointed out by speakers on both sides of the House during the course of this debate, this Bill does not tackle the real problems involved in the administration of our criminal law. However, I understand that is outside the parameters of our discussion here today. The point is that whatever tribunal is set up must be independent. I find it amazing that the major party in Government when in Opposition spoke with great concern about setting up when they would come into Government an independent police authority, let alone an independent tribunal such as we are discussing now to investigate allegations of the Garda force. That party when in Opposition issued some sort of policy statement that they were prepared to set up an independent authority who would look into the whole running of the Garda. Now we have a problem in getting through an amendment here today from our side of the House and from the Seanad which will allow for the setting up of an independent tribunal to look into a small part of the working of the Garda Síochána. I do not know if there was a reversal of policy at any subsequent Fine Gael Ard Fheis but if that party is not prepared to allow the setting up of an independent tribunal to investigate serious allegations it appears that they are not agreeable to any type of independence whatever. It seems to me that we are asking for something very small of a party whose policy appears to be that they are agreeable to an overall independent authority running the Garda.

We are not looking for a major change. It is wrong to think that we are looking for something that is unreasonable. We are trying to allay public concern. While, as Deputy Taylor stated, we have courts of justice where a person can seek a remedy, in this instance we are dealing with people who are the law enforcers. They are more than private citizens. It is their duty to enforce the laws passed by the Oireachtas. As a result of recent events there is serious public concern as to the proper processing of allegations. I am not casting aspersions on the Judiciary in any case. The Judiciary make their decision on the facts presented to them but the essential difference here is that people who are enforcing the law should not be seen in any way to be involved in a process set up to investigate any allegations of misconduct in enforcing the law. It is fair of any democratic society to demand that such an investigative body be totally independent. Serious allegations that have substance should be investigated independent of any member of the Garda Síochána, be he a trainee in Templemore or the Commissioner in Dublin.

A tribunal should be established with qualified personnel to ensure that justice is seen to be done. The general public want to be assured that justice is seen to be done whether it is a case of a false allegation against a member of the Garda Síochána or an allegation of misconduct. It should be unnecessary for any Member to have to preface remarks here with a comment to the effect that he or she is not casting aspersions on the Garda. We are trying to ensure that private citizens have a remedy if they have complaints through an independent tribunal which will not be tainted with any allegation of a connection with the member of the force under investigation. That request is reasonable particularly in view of the fact that we are passing a most draconian piece of legislation which will give considerable powers to the law enforcement agency, particularly in relation to detention and interrogation. If the Government intend handling the crime position in this way we request that they establish an independent tribunal without Garda involvement. As Deputy O'Dea stated, a provision to the effect that it will be a body other than the Garda Síochána is meaningless because it does not state what the constitution of the body will be, whether it will involve the Garda or not. We request that an independent tribunal be established to investigate serious allegations. That tribunal is necessary in view of the type of legislation about to be enacted by the Government.

The amendment before us refers to sections 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 16, 18 and 19, the most reprehensible sections in the Bill. It proposes that the provisions of those sections should not come into force until a statutory complaints procedure and treatment regulations are in force. I should like to refer to how we managed to have this amendment before us today when we failed to achieve our objective when we were discussing the Bill on Second Stage. I should like to quote from Volume 105, column 499 of the Seanad Official Report of 25 September 1984, where the Minister in discussing the amendment said:

Initially, I am surprised that they were put down. I have given a commitment on behalf of the Government that certain sections of this Bill will not be made law by me under the terms of section 1 until a complaints procedure is operating. That was done willingly when the Bill was published. It is not just a personal commitment. It is a commitment given by me to every legislator in the Oireachtas on behalf of the Government.

The Minister went on to say that this administration were committed to bringing in statutory regulations to control the treatment of people in custody. He said he was prepared to do that and had said in the Dáil, on behalf of the Government, that he was not going to bring in certain provisions of the Bill until the Dáil and Seanad had agreed the legislation necessary to set up the complaints procedure. He said:

I have also said that I am not going to implement certain sections of this Bill until the Dáil and Seanad, by positive motion, have a chance to debate the statutory regulations about which I have been talking.

The commitments that I have given on behalf of the Government are binding on me.

On Report Stage, as reported at columns 1010 and 1011 of the Seanad Official Report of 2 October 1984, the Minister admitted:

... the complaints procedure is concerned that is a Government undertaking and it is not affected by a change of Minister. ... A Government cannot be bound either by the previous Government's commitment or by anything provided in legislation. They can simply bring in amending legislation and repeal such a provision.

He said he had agreed to put down this amendment in the hope that it would achieve a greater consensus. The real reason this amendment was accepted by the Minister was the persuasive and forceful argument put forward by Senators, particularly Senators Robinson, M. Higgins, Brendan Ryan, Eoin Ryan and Brian Hillery.

It is not usual to discuss the Seanad in detail and either to endorse or repudiate it. I should like the Deputy to come to the amendment.

It is necessary for me to refer to what happened in the Seanad because it forms the basis of some of my argument. I think it is in order to do that.

It is in order for the Deputy to quote the Minister as he has done. I did not intervene. It is obviously not in order to have a rehash of the Seanad debate and to agree or disagree with Senators. That has not been the practice and in the Chair's opinion it would be an undesirable practice.

Would it not make for better debate if Deputy Skelly were allowed to pursue his line of argument?

As part of the introduction to this matter, which formed the basis of a very heated debate in this House over a period of eight months, it is necessary to mention why the Minister came round to putting down this amendment. All of us are very glad to see at least one amendment from the Seanad.

It was the Seanad as a body which made the amendment before us.

It was actually the Minister.

No, the Minister does not make an amendment. Seanad Éireann made the amendment, otherwise it would not be back here with us.

Can we not——

Deputy Andrews, please keep out of this.

On a point of order——

If you have a point of order the Chair will hear it.

We are discussing an amendment from the Seanad. Surely in those circumstances we can argue and debate how that amendment was arrived at.

The Chair does not think that is relevant. We discussed the amendment.

I do not want to get into a wrangle with the Chair.

The Minister made a statement in this House as to the reason he accepted this amendment. I was going to show that this was not the reason he accepted it and the only way I could do that was by referring to the discussion which took place.

You can give your own views on it. It has never been the practice to take up a Seanad debate here.

Following this debate we will implement one of these amendments and later we will establish a complaints procedure. This will have a fundamental effect on how these sections will be implemented and supervised and it will affect the population at large.

The Chair does not wish to be unreasonable or to appear unreasonable. A number of Deputies made contributions to this debate which were 100 per cent in order. Before the House at present is an amendment made by Seanad Éireann which, under the Constitution, must come to this House for consideration and two amendments which have been put down to that amendment. I earnestly invite the Deputy to deal with those amendments.

I would urge Members with an interest in the happenings in the House to read the Seanad debate in Volume 105, No. 6, particularly columns 502-505. The Minister seems to have accepted that there was nothing of a legally binding nature in what he put forward in this House and in the Seanad. There were strong reasons why the amendment put forward should be incorporated in the Bill, reasons which were rejected in this House. Apart from the legality or otherwise, one of the main reasons was the pressure which would have been put on the Minister later on if we had accepted the Bill without these amendments. An undertaking by the Minister is not legally binding.

I would commend and thank the Members of the Seanad on their success in persuading the Minister to accept this amendment and enabling us now to discuss it. They succeeded where we failed. Maybe they succeeded in softening up the Minister. Would that the Garda were so patient.

Would the Deputy please avail of the opportunity given to him to discuss the amendment?

The Minister gave a point in his speech to the Seanad on 25 September when he stated that the Garda when consulted said they had—

no reluctance in accepting a complaints procedure. As a matter of fact they have stated it on several occasions. The particular formulation of the complaints procedure that has been discussed with them in various consultations that have taken place has been accepted in principle. I hope that the consultations will be finalised very shortly.

I took part in a television programme last Sunday with Sergeant Michael Murray of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors and this point was put to him. He elaborated on what form the complaints tribunal would take and made two points. He agreed that they would accept an independent complaints tribunal provided it was totally independent. We have had the benefit of hearing the Oxford dictionary definition of "independent" from Deputy Andrews. He also said that the Garda would insist that they would carry out the investigations. That is what concerns me, as much in relation to the amendment put forward by Deputy Woods as in relation to the Minister's amendment. I would take it that under Deputy Woods' amendment an investigation could be carried out under the direction of an independent complaints commission, but while it might be under their direction it might be left to the Garda to investigate the matter. That would not be a satisfactory arrangement. I will refer to it later on. I would remind the Minister of the experience of Senator Robb when he said——

I am certainly not going to listen to something in the nature of a point of order concerning something that happened in the Seanad. That is outrageous.

It was not a point of order by Senator Robb. I will ask the Minister to remember when considering the tribunal the terrible mess that people in Northern Ireland got into because there was not a sufficiently independent body to scrutinise any irregularities in the conduct of law and order, particularly in a society where there is a feeling that justice and equal opportunity do not abound. That applies as much to this society as to our neighbours. I hope that point is taken into consideration. I cannot see how the Chair could rule that out of order, unless I am to stay quiet altogether. I will try to stay in order in accordance with the rulings of the Chair and Standing Orders. I understand from the rulings of the Chair that I can discuss the sections in so far as they are affected by the amendment and I am trying to do so.

For the Deputy's guidance——

I will not be referring to the Seanad again.

——the sections have been passed by this House and by the Seanad and the only question now is when they come into operation. The Seanad amendment provides that they come into operation in certain circumstances. Deputy Woods has put down an amendment altering the conditions somewhat. The Minister has put down another amendment altering them somewhat. That is what is before the House and that is what I am sure Deputy Skelly will do his best to discuss.

Thank you. We can also discuss the amendment. I would thank Senators for their modicum of success, the saving grace of this opportunity to copperfasten a promised safeguard. Senator Brendan Ryan was "mystified as to why the Minister was reluctant to do something which he is committed to doing." Unfortunately for everybody concerned with and affected by this Bill the day is not won yet and the form of the independent complaints tribunal has to be worked out. We merely have here a stay of execution on the innocent members of the public who may never be charged but will be affected by these sections when they become law. This is really a holding operation but nevertheless it is valuable in that it gives a breathing space to us as legislators and to the increasing numbers of exhausted, downtrodden and deprived sons and daughters of this poor city who are awaiting the outcome of the debate here and the final legislation. While very few people are happy with it, unless they are sadists, most people are completely dependent on our ability to put together safeguards in this proposed complaints tribunal and form of regulations the Minister will introduce.

Unfortunately I must contend that still leaves the causes of crime unaddressed. The Minister would seem still to be playing a waiting game because, as Deputy Woods pointed out yesterday, over a period of eight months this complaints tribunal was almost ready or promised six, seven or eight times. It appears to me anyhow that the Minister really is waiting for this amendment to be passed and the Bill to become law before the complaints procedure is brought before the House. That is an unfortunate and unnecessary tactic.

In view of Members' contributions here over the past year it is somewhat unfair that we were unable to achieve even this amendment which has come back to us. I have to say that most of the contributions made were not listened to, were not accepted, that there was a certain amount of forcing of these sections on us by the Minister, that really it is a one-man Bill in that respect. There is a whip there to back it up. We do not know how much time the Government spent discussing the Bill or these sections. We may be able to ascertain that in the future as the result of publication of Cabinet papers and so on——

The Deputy will have to wait 30 years to discover that. I hope we make some progress on this Bill in the meantime. I would invite the Deputy to confine himself to the amendments.

I did not think we few could have held out for a year, seeing that tomorrow marks the anniversary of the introduction of this Bill into this House. This amendment has the effect of ensuring that legislation must be enacted prior to the implementation or operation of the sections. The sections constitute the most reprehensible part of the Bill to be enacted. It has been said by none other than Professor Boyle, Dean of the Faculty of Law at UCG, that, in his opinion, these sections, if adopted, will mean that we will have the distinction of having the most oppressive pre-trial system of criminal procedure of any democratic country of which he is aware.

If at all possible I want to avoid getting into what might be described as a wrangle with the Deputy. The merits of the sections are not before the House. The sections have been passed. The only question is when do they come into operation? Everybody agrees that they have been accepted by both Houses of the Oireachtas. The only question remaining is when do they come into operation? The amendments before the House deal with that and the Deputy must confine himself to those amendments.

We are dealing with the merits of the different amendments also.

Certainly the Deputy can deal with the merits of the amendments.

Deputy Shatter earlier mentioned the desirability of having a consensus on both sides of the House in choosing one of these amendments, or in agreeing on these amendments——

Of course it is in order to discuss the amendments.

Unfortunately, I do not think we can rely on that kind of consensus because of a thing called the whip in here which the Minister is holding at present——

The Chair is not concerned with whips.

But we are concerned with the amendments and I cannot deal with them in one word phrases — he is holding it comfortably in his back pocket — because we are in the position in which the regulations have to be passed by the House also. Of course, the Bill will become law minus these sections, after these amendments have been voted on. But we have no indication as to the acceptability to the Garda of the proposed regulations mentioned in the amendments. I shall not exacerbate the Chair by talking about what the regulations should contain. We shall leave that to another day.

The opponents of these sections, of whom I am unashamedly one, are now at a decided disadvantage. This amendment still only protects us from the implementation of the provisions of the Bill in their entirety, that is after the complaints tribunal and regulations have been brought before the House and discussed. It is unfortunate to see that happen because of the unfounded premises, the weighted crime statistics, the exaggerated victimisation profiles, and the television/media bombardment which have been called into play to put pressure on the Minister and the Government to enact them. This may well have been the tactic adopted by the Minister and I believe that to be the case. If it is, then it is unfair on the countless, innocent people who will be affected by these sections when they come into force. These sections will be inflicted on the innocent members of society——

The merits of the section are not before the House.

When referring to Deputy Woods' amendment, Deputy Andrews said it was——

A passing reference is in order and the Chair has never denied anyone the right to make a passing reference but I detect that the Deputy intends to make much more than a passing reference; he intends going back on certain sections and having, at least, a Committee Stage debate on them, if not a Second Stage debate. I am telling Deputy Skelly that that is not in order and the Chair will not allow it.

I am discussing the amendment from the Seanad, Deputy Woods' amendment and the Minister's amendment. I am not completely satisfied that Deputy Woods' amendment allows for a totally independent complaints tribunal to investigate any complaints. That would not be satisfactory. We can allow for the total independence of the tribunal if we make a separate definition of the composition of the tribunal. The Minister may be worried about using the word "independence" but I think that is covered adequately in the British Police Evidence Act where they define the roles and qualifications and standards of the members of that tribunal, and state that the tribunal itself can be independent. If that is so, I ask the Minister to consider it and if possible incorporate it in this Bill.

I accept the distinction the Minister made in relation to the regulations. In Deputy Woods's amendment the regulations can be approved by the Oireachtas and under the Minister's amendment they can be put into effect since they are made by him. I would argue along the same lines as Deputy Mitchell and others in asking for a totally independent complaints tribunal. The public will not be satisfied unless we have a totally independent complaints tribunal. That is the least we can salvage out of this Bill. The events of the past few months have been so revolting and frightening that Deputies very reluctantly even refer to them but I do not intend to go into them in depth.

People are almost afraid to say anything about the Garda in case they are thought of as being anti-Garda, but the force simply cannot interrogate and beat up people. It must be shown that there is control. I do not know what percentage of the Garda are involved, and neither do other Deputies. It could be 1 per cent, 5 per cent, 10 per cent or 20 per cent. We must have total control and we must get co-operation from the Garda when they are investigating complaints. The Ó Briain report suggested that often there is not this co-operation, and that could be the first point for whoever is in control of the force to correct. Get them out of the force in the same way they carry out their investigations — with a 12 inch boot — and do it quickly. The force should be purged of that type of heavy-armed tactics before the motto "brute force and ignorance" sticks. There is no excuse for inflicting violence on innocent people when they are brought to Garda stations.

I hope most Deputies will insist on independence and impartiality and that they will not be afraid to do their public duty and speak out if they see the Garda are meeting out injustice. I know from my experience as a public representative that the present complaints procedure is grossly unsatisfactory. Nobody could be satisfied with the way complaints are investigated, the length of time taken and so on. It can be very embarrassing for the complainant because quite often the complaint is sent to the local Garda station. In this way the local gardaí know a complaint has been made against them and it is probable that they also know the individual who made the complaint. We cannot have gardaí investigating themselves. I would like to see a totally independent complaints tribunal which could investigate every member of the Garda Síochána up to the Commissioner. In this way the public can be assured that nothing secret will be done behind their backs.

During the Second Stage debate in this House the Commissioner instructed a superintendent from the Castle to call me out from a ten hour Dáil session to ask me about things I said. I think that was an outrageous interference by a civil servant. Because of my known position on this Bill, the Commissioner considered he had the right to call me out from a Dáil debate and question me about my views. It is necessary for me to say this in this House because it did happen. Other Deputies have given examples of the unsatisfactory procedure when complaints are made——

(Limerick East): On a point of order——

I want to emphasise that we cannot have gardaí investigating themselves.

(Limerick East): I believe the Deputy is misinforming the House.

That is not a point of order.

(Limerick East): The Deputy made an allegation——

That is not a point of order.

The Chair will decide whether it is a point of order. The Chair does not consider it to be a point of order.

(Limerick East): In his contribution the Deputy made a particular allegation. The Commissioner tried to investigate——

Is the Minister now——

The Minister is on his feet making a point of order.

(Limerick East): The Commissioner tried to get the details of that allegation from the Deputy. That is all that happened.

The Chair is satisfied that is not a point of order. The Minister will have an opportunity of dealing with it later.

I wish to dispute what the Minister has said. He has the facts wrong. If the Commissioner communicated with the Minister the Minister did not communicate with the Deputy. I have taken a stance on the Bill and this has been well known. The Commissioner has interfered——

We would be interested to hear about the Deputy's stance on the amendments before the House.

I am talking about the amendments and the complaints tribunal in relation to the Garda. I mention this point because it is important. In a democracy there should not be interference by the Garda with public representatives who are elected by the people. If the Commissioner wishes to go before the people and get elected he can do the same as I am doing. I am not going to shirk my responsibility in saying what I have to say about this Bill. Quite unashamedly I have taken a stance on the Bill.

(Limerick East): The Deputy should say that outside the House.

I have told the Commissioner I will give all my complaints to the independent complaints tribunal when it is set up but I will not give any complaints to a tribunal that is not totally independent and free of any members of the Garda Síochána. The British Act states that no member of the tribunal can be or ever have been a member of the police and I do not see why we have to be any different. People are not happy with what is going on here in relation to the Garda and the investigations. Many people have complained about it. They were intimidated and they are now afraid and are not satisfied. The Kerry case and the Cavan case show the total breakdown of the system. In this country we do not seem to react until the system breaks down completely. Innumerable small incidents have taken place over the years but we have ignored them. We ignored them to the extent that now someone was killed unlawfully during a period of illegal detention in a Garda station. Last Saturday the Minister stated——

Certain rules of decorum and what is right and wrong apply in this House. The Deputy has spoken about certain illegal happenings in Garda stations. If those incidents or happenings are not sub judice— and it may be that they are not — certainly they are the subject of inquiries on which the jobs of people who have been acquitted are dependent. I think it is less than proper to raise it and deal with it as the Deputy has done. I ask him to think about that.

I have thought about it. I do not think it is sub judice. We are talking here about detention and that is not yet in force.

The Deputy referred to specific instances that are fresh in the minds of people and which, according to the newspapers, are being inquired into with the view either to removing people from their jobs or retaining them. It should be left alone.

I feel very strongly about those incidents. I am sorry the situation has deteriorated to such an extent that even here people are afraid to mention the matter or to talk about it. They are not facing up to what is a calamitous situation and one that must be tackled head-on because of the disquiet among the public. It is essential that we have a totally independent complaints tribunal and I urge the Minister to do this.

The Minister referred to the constructive, non-party spirit of the debate in relation to the Bill in last Saturday's Irish Independent article. It was rather unfair to mention that. We were not listened to very carefully during the debate and things we said with sincerity and conviction were often taken apart. The Minister picked 30 words out of a 3,000 word speech to dishonour one of the most honourable Members of this House who made a most important contribution.

The article which I read in Saturday's Irish Independent and which the Minister has not mentioned here is a public relations exercise in regard to the Bill. There seems to be an ambivalence towards people being ill-treated in Garda stations. People have closed their eyes to this in the past. I hope it will not happen in the future. I hope a person of rank will be chosen in each station to be responsible for the carrying out of the regulations that will be brought in.

As an ordinary layman I should like to deal with a few points. Many of my colleagues on all sides of the House have more legal experience and they have gone into the matter in fine detail. I am rather worried about the complaints procedure. I should like to see that body being completely independent. The Minister has said that provisions will be brought in but that could mean anything. What will happen is another matter.

The public are anxious to have this complaints board completely independent, with no member of the Garda Síochána. If there is a garda on the board it will be treated with suspicion by the public. This is the first time I have spoken on a Bill dealing with law-making since I became a Member of this House many years ago. At the moment there is a certain suspicion regarding another organisation namely, the Incorporated Law Society who look after the legal people. Rightly or wrongly, the public treat that body with a certain amount of suspicion but I do not want to get involved with that now. If there is a member of the Garda on the board the public will treat it with grave reservations. I am not above the law. I never was and I never will be. The law applies to us here as it applies to anyone else. That is why I am asking the Minister if the Commissioner and the Assistant Commissioners are to be considered also as persons who could be investigated by the board. There is no case to be made for their not being investigated should the necessity to do so arise. To exclude them would lead to suspicions on the part of the public. I am a great believer in the upholding of the law. We here are responsible for the drafting of legislation but recent events have not helped us. However, I hope that these matters will sort themselves out quickly so that we can proceed to do what is necessary in so far as the best interests of the public are concerned.

I trust that before the Bill is passed we will be told what the likely composition of the complaints board is to be. As I have emphasised, it must not include members of the Garda. In saying that, I wish to make it clear that I bear no ill-will against them. They have served us well since the foundation of the State. We must not provide for a situation in which it could be said that the board set up to investigate complaints against the Garda included some members of that body. In saying that the Commissioner and the Assistant Commissioners should be subject, like all other members of the force, to the investigation procedure I am not singling out the present holders of those offices. I am referring also to all future Commissioners and Assistant Commissioners.

The measures we are taking will go a long way towards reassuring the public generally but the powers we are giving to the Garda are very great. I contend that the problems we are experiencing are not due to any lack of legislation but to the way in which the legislation we have is used. I will not refer in any detail to what I have in mind because to do so would be to refer to the Judiciary. I will only say that I have certain reservations in regard to the performance of the Judiciary. I have reservations, too, in regard to the far-reaching powers of detention as outlined in the Bill.

A great deal will hinge on the appeals board being independent. There will be some who will take another view but it is for us as legislators to ensure that we enact what we regard as the best legislation possible.

We have been debating the Criminal Justice Bill for some time. It has evoked a great deal of interest outside the House also with the result that the ordinary man is paying a good deal of attention to our approach to the Bill. We on this side of the House are anxious that at the end of the day the legislation will be the best that can be brought forward but to that end we must proceed in a way in which the public can have confidence in what we are doing. If we are to combat crime the Garda must have the co-operation of the public but they, in undertaking their duties, must be seen to be fair. I am glad that the Bill will not come into operation until the legislation to set up the complaints board has been before the House. We must be careful that we include the appropriate representation when we are talking of setting up the appeals tribunal.

The Minister has been coming along slowly but surely in meeting us on this legislation but he can go even further. People on both sides of the House have been making the case for an independent tribunal. There must be no question of anything other than that. This is an important legal Bill. I am speaking as an ordinary man with ordinary views. If any member of the Garda is involved in the complaints procedure the Minister might as well stay at home with it because the people will treat it with contempt. They will spurn it. They will treat it with suspicion.

I cannot understand why the Commissioner of the Garda and the Assistant Commissioners cannot also be investigated. The Commissioner is responsible for the work of the Garda. I do not want to be taken out of context. I am not referring to the present Commissioner but the Commissioner of the day whoever he may be, and the Assistant Commissioners. Why should they not be investigated by the tribunal? The Commissioner is responsible to the people, the Minister and the Oireachtas. I want to warn the Minister that if he does not come all the way on this tribunal it will be treated with suspicion and it will not have the respect of the ordinary man and woman. They will say the tribunal has not got teeth, that people are in the wings who cannot be investigated. I should like to see an independent complaints procedure so that everybody in the force can be investigated.

I should like to contribute briefly to the discussion on these amendments. I am slightly surprised that these amendments are before the House because of the fact that some sections of the Bill will not become law until the setting up of an independent complaints procedure. On several occasions in these Houses and outside the Minister gave categoric assurances to that effect. We all took them in good faith and accepted his word that until a complaints procedure had been brought before the House, discussed and approved, those sections would not become law. Like most Members of the House I accept the Minister's commitment and promise. In the same way if somebody on the other side of the House gave such a commitment we would accept it.

There was a debate in the Seanad and an amendment was proposed. The Bill was discussed at length in the Seanad and they wanted to copperfasten it. Possibly an amendment will strengthen the Bill but, in real terms, the difference will be minimal. It is important that we have the complaints procedure and regulations before the House as soon as possible and that they are discussed adequately and thoroughly. When we are all satisfied with the content of the Bill, this will become part of our law and these sections will be implemented. There was a delay. From the Minister's contribution yesterday it would appear that the proposals are well advanced.

Most Members of the House are in general agreement on what the procedures should be and what the public want. If a member of the public has a complaint to make against the Garda there should be a system to have those complaints investigated. If false allegations are made, members of the Garda can be cleared. Complaints will be thoroughly investigated and adjudicated upon. If any member of the force is in serious breach of the regulations or discipline this should be investigated. There are minor matters of discipline which may not need to be investigated. Mainly we are talking about serious allegations and if they are well-founded the gardaí should be dismissed forthwith.

Recently we read about two bad cases of misconduct, but I hope they are isolated incidents. There may be others. If any Member of this House has had cases reported to him, he should report them to the Commissioner, or the Minister, or the new complaints procedure when it is set up. The public should have ready access to the complaints tribunal. Obviously the complaints will be on different levels. There could be minor complaints by people who thought they were not treated with courtesy by gardaí.

Constituents tell us that when a house has been broken into, they report it to the Garda and then they hear nothing further about it. There should be an investigative unit or a publicity unit of the Garda to call back to people. People say they rang the Garda who came along, took fingerprints and asked the usual questions, but nothing further happened. That area has to be looked into and, as the Garda know, it can be improved upon. Of course more serious complaints and allegations have been made. We know about recent cases. Without wanting to comment on them, I hope they will be fully investigated and that eventually the Minister will report on them.

I do not want to dwell unduly on the amendments. They are very close together. Deputy Woods's amendment may bind something which has not yet been set up. His amendment on Committee Stage recommended:

On the establishment day there shall be established a body to be known as the Garda Síochána Complaints Commission which shall bear the subsidiary title An Independent Commission for Supervising and Investigating Complaints against the Garda Síochána and related Criminal or Disciplinary charges.

How exactly this whole complaints procedure is to be set up must be discussed and it will be discussed fully when the legislation comes into this House. There must be a certain level of totally independent involvement in the tribunal. That said, if allegations are made against members of the Garda Síochána they will be asked at some level to respond, to give their evidence of what happened. By strictly adhering to Deputy Woods's amendment, we could be pre-empting the regulations on the complaints procedures which will be brought before this House.

At that stage we will have an opportunity to discuss and thrash out the legislation line by line as we have done with this Bill. If this or the other House are not happy with the complaints procedure or the regulations they can be rejected, amended, or altered at that stage. Without seeing these regulations we do not have to say at this stage exactly what we want. The Minister and Deputy Woods have done more work on this aspect of the legislation than many Members of this House. The public must be confident that if they have a minor or a major complaint they can go to this body and have their complaint heard, investigated and adjudicated upon. They must be satisfied that if their complaint is valid it will be dealt with authoritatively by a body which will include certain sections independent of the Garda Síochána. It is important that this be mentioned.

The Minister gave assurances in relation to these sections. We can be sure that those sections will not come into operation until the complaints procedure has been discussed in this House and approved. If any Member of this House is not satisfied he or she can voice such opinion and Members may feel that certain items should have been excluded or included. We all hope that these regulations will be brought forward as soon as possible. I was more than happy with the Minister's assurances all along, as I believe the vast majority of the Members of this House were. We may be copper-fastening the case today and if so, so be it. The public must be satisfied that they have easy access for the making of a major or minor complaint.

Like most of my colleagues, I am delighted to have an opportunity in this House to express my grave reservations about this Bill. We are in a very difficult position, but that has been made slightly easier by the highlighting recently of two events, one in Shercock and one in Kerry. Events of that kind have been highlighted over the past number of years by some investigative journalists but it is only when they reach the sensational level of being banner headlines in the newspapers that they cause such public disquiet.

Articles have been written particularly in Magill magazine over the last number of years and I referred on Second Stage to some of the cases. I wonder what investigation took place in those cases. I referred in particular to a case in my own constituency, namely, the Amanda McShane case, where it clearly came out in the proceedings in the Special Criminal Court that a garda had invented a statement. I do not know what investigation has taken place in relation to that case. There have been many such cases that have been highlighted over the years and very little, if anything, has been done about them. I was quite worried about that aspect. For that, if for no other reason, I am glad that the two recent events, distressing as they were, have brought some people around to the view that things do go wrong with regard to people in custody and in the charge of members of the Garda Síochána. Sometimes it appears that the Garda are investigating other cases, but I do not think that they are. Many who have not believed that such things occur have been forced to see that they do occur and they are very distressing. We must ensure that the proper safeguards are introduced into the legislation which we initiate and pass in this House.

Deputy Gay Mitchell and Deputy Barnes — and my colleague Deputy Tunney in a different way — referred to the attitude of some people that if you are seen to advocate the protection of civil liberties you are attacking the Garda Síochána. I believe that one must go to extraordinary lengths to ensure that the civil liberties of our citizens are protected. There seems an attitude among such people that in some way one does not want the enforcement of law and order.

On Second and Committee Stages the Minister spoke of striking a balance, getting the balance right. There should be no question of getting the balance right. There is no conflict between the protection of civil liberties of an individual on the one hand and the enforcement of law and order on the other. If the proper safeguards are contained in our legislation there should be no conflict whatsoever. We should not be afraid, as Deputy Skelly and others have said, to question the members of our Garda force who have not in the past — as I emphasise — come up to the expectations which the public have of them in the enforcement of law and order. In some cases in the course of administering the law and questioning suspects, unfortunately they have not behaved in a responsible manner. The recent cases and others which have not received the same amount of public attention have led in my constituency and in many others to the growing disillusionment of many people with the Garda force. It is frightening to see that they are losing the respect and support of so many members of the public. I cannot say often enough that we are playing into the hands of those groups in our society who want to see this and other states subverted. It is very sad that it takes sensational headlines and the good work of some investigative journalists to get us, as legislators, to honour our responsibilities and introduce the safeguards which are so necessary.

I want to ensure that the complaints tribunal is as independent as possible. The Minister referred to this, as did Deputy Taylor. You can play around with words. The word "independent" can mean a number of different things to different people. Much will depend on who appoints the tribunal. Will they be appointed by Government, by the Judiciary, by the Chief Justice or whoever? A great deal will depend upon who will serve on the board. Will members of the Garda force be on it? Will former members of the Garda force be on it? Like other speakers, I would like to think that the board would be totally free of any Garda representative whatsoever or even an ex-Garda member, as in the new legislation in Britain.

Much play was made here this morning of the adjudication of the complaints and who will decide what is to happen to the garda who may have misbehaved. The most important element in all of this is the investigation. I do not like to think that colleagues will have to investigate colleagues. I say this not only in the context of the Garda. I have advocated in this House an independent complaints tribunal in relation to the legal profession. It is absolutely ridiculous that members of certain professional bodies — doctors, solicitors, accountants, gardaí and so on — should investigate themselves. In this case we are referring to the Garda, and this is particularly important if the Garda are to restore the situation on the ground that we had some years ago when law and order was not such a problem in this country.

It should not be the problem that it is in other countries because we are a small nation, an open economy. We are very much an open, small country and we should not have the same crime rate as other parts of the world have. We tend to compare ourselves sometimes with bigger nations and say that we are doing well because crime is not as serious here as it is there. The fact is that we have the largest force in Western Europe in terms of gardaí per head of the population. Despite that, we still have an exceptionally serious crime rate. Why? Every time there is a problem with law and order the answer from Government and from politicians seems to be, "Let us have more gardaí and give them more power and in some way we will solve the problem." That is not the answer or the correct approach. I agree with the Senators referred to in this debate who advocated a commission, a White Paper or some such thing to investigate the whole response, reason, cause or whatever in relation to law and order. Such a provision is badly needed and should have come in advance of this Bill.

The Minister has given us assurances — and I do not distrust him — that certain sections of this Bill would not be implemented until the independent complaints tribunal was established. However, Governments and Ministers change. Legislation seems to take a long time, much longer than one might think. It is approximately a year since I first spoke on Second Stage of this Bill and I did not think then that I would still be talking about the same Bill a year from then. Perhaps a year from now we will still be waiting for the independent complaints tribunal because the legislative process in this country seems to be exceptionally slow. As Deputy Andrews said on another occasion, I would wish that this Bill would be put on the legislative scrap heap. Of course, that will not happen, but I would have preferred if the Minister had put this Bill in cold storage for the moment until he brought before the House his independent complaints procedure.

I see no reason for rushing the Bill. It is not going to be implemented anyway but it seems that we are using it as a carrot. "The Bill has been passed. Now we will have the complaints tribunal. I have given you the Bill; now you give me the complaints tribunal." I hope I am wrong and that the Minister will assure me that I am wrong, but I cannot understand the urgency in having this Bill passed through all Stages when, as he said, we are not going to implement the certain relevant, more controversial, serious sections until we have the tribunal. We are putting the cart before the horse. I would prefer that we had the tribunal first and then put the Bill through all Stages.

I do not like taking up points made by colleagues. I am conscious that the Ceann Comhairle and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle are being very cautious in ensuring that we do not repeat what was said on other Stages of the Bill. However, it is important that if people make points with which we disagree we should voice our disagreement and make our views known. I want to do that in relation to the comments of a colleague in my own party, Deputy Tunney. He said that everybody makes mistakes and the harder you work the more likely you are to make mistakes. I agree with that. We all make plenty of mistakes and the harder one works and the greater the volume of work, then obviously then the greater the likelihood of making a mistake.

We are not talking about mistakes in relation to recent events that have been highlighted. We are talking about where people clearly broke the law. If that mistake has led, as seems to be the case, to the death of a person, then that mistake could lead to somebody being locked up for life. We are not talking about just an ordinary mistake. We are talking about something very serious, very fundamental in any democracy. We are talking about the protection of somebody's rights on the one hand and the enforcement of the law by those people who are charged with enforcing it on the other hand. That is more than a simple mistake. I know the amendment is ruled out of order on this occasion but I support the sentiments expressed in The Workers' Party's amendment, as do most people on this side of the House. We support the idea of having electronic recording——

Deputy, you are still out of order.

Thank you. I am simply referring to something that my colleague said and I want to clarify something. We support the idea of having electronic recording of what happens when people are in custody and being interrogated by members of the Garda force. We are told that it cannot be very practical in most Garda stations to have that kind of facility. I do not accept that. I think it is quite easy to have it and if our Garda stations are not capable of having those facilities then are they capable at all of having people held in them for such long periods? I feel that this is an excuse for not going ahead and having those regulations implemented as soon as possible and before this legislation goes into practice. I see no reason why that whole procedure of electronic recording cannot be expedited. It does not mean that secret meetings will be recorded. It means that, in so far as interrogation of suspects and so on in Garda stations is of such fundamental importance in subsequent court proceedings and the punishment subsequently meted out to a person can have such a serious effect on somebody's whole life, it is especially important that we have a very detailed account not just of who said what or a garda's word against a suspect's word, but by the process of electronic recording a very detailed record of what happens. I know there are difficulties in that.

I want to refer to the investigation of complaints procedure, the people carrying out the investigation and the manner in which complaints will be lodged with the tribunal. I deal with cases where people have cause to complain against members of the Garda. I have had occasion to ring superintendents and so on and I have always got the utmost co-operation and support from them and the matter has always been clarified and investigated. In my work as a public representative I have no cause for complaint about the matters I have brought before individual members of the force or their superiors. However, I realise that many people do not like to go to the Garda station and lodge a complaint because they worry about subsequent recriminations. Many people who come to me with complaints ask me to ensure that their names are not used in any subsequent inquiries which I may make. That is a problem because the people who are vulnerable under this kind of legislation are fearful of going to a Garda station and lodging complaints. Very many of them would consider doing it only under very severe and exceptional circumstances, as in the two cases currently in public comment, the Shercock and Kerry cases, which are exceptional. In cases not so exceptional people would worry and be fearful about going to the Garda with a complaint for fear of recrimination. For that reason the complaints should be received not necessarily at the Garda station but directly by the complaints commission. They should have the right to call before them any member of the force or any other people they may consider necessary in order to carry out a proper investigation. That tribunal should carry out the investigation, not the Garda. It is unreasonable to expect two or three gardaí who work together in close circumstances daily to investigate their colleagues. That could lead from their own work point of view to a difficulty.

In the recent court proceedings we saw that different evidence was presented by the people involved and people seemed to have been protecting each other. The gardaí who stand by and watch other members of the force commit these offences are as guilty as the person who does the damage. Asking gardaí to investigate other members of the force for the purpose of a complaints tribunal where very serious action may follow is most unreasonable and very unfair. Given that many of our gardaí work together in small groups, particularly in rural areas where stations are small, such an investigation would be very difficult.

Last night Deputy De Rossa referred to two cases he had complained about to the Commissioner, or some member of the force of that rank. He expressed the hope that the complaints were being investigated. One of the cases was of a pregnant woman who was kicked. It is a very serious thing if that happened. I was appalled to hear that it may have happened. I have heard that such occurrences took place but I do not know how true those allegations were. I hope the complaints are investigated because in the long run it is the Garda force that suffers when such allegations are made in the House. We can make comments here under privilege that may do untold damage to the Garda force unless they are investigated subsequently and action is taken if the allegations are found to be true. The kicking of a pregnant 18-year old could lead to a miscarriage and that is a serious matter. I hope that case is dealt with properly.

With regard to the Kerry case, I understand that a ban-gharda was not involved at a high level in the investigation. In any case where a young woman who has had a baby is involved, and where she must go through this terrible interrogation while in a difficult emotional state, such questioning should not take place unless at least one ban-gharda is present. While that statement is not relevant to the amendment it is important that I highlight this because it happens time and again due to the fact that there are not sufficient ban-ghardaí, particularly in rural Ireland. For instance, in Tallaght we do not have the facilities to have even one ban-gharda in the station, which accommodates more than 70 members of the force. If such an investigation takes place again it is important that a ban-gharda is present at all times.

I allowed the Deputy to refer to the Kerry case but not to Tallaght.

Unlike the last speaker I do not see the complaints tribunal being used by the Minister as a carrot to get the Bill passed. We are giving extra powers to the Garda and, as legislators, we want to ensure that there will not be any abuses. That principle was established here long before the two sad cases referred to occurred. Many of us who sat through the long Second Stage and Committee Stage debates on the Bill had certain reservations but they were substantially removed — I am not saying that they were completely removed — by the commitment given by the Minister to bring in the regulations, which will be given the force of primary law, and also to establish a complaints tribunal. The Minister also gave us a commitment that certain sections of the Bill will lie in limbo until the legislation to give effect to the regulations and complaints tribunal have been debated in the House.

In his amendment the Minister is writing into the Bill the commitments he has already given to the House, no more and no less. In my view the wording is immaterial. The fact that it will be written into the Bill that we will introduce such legislation is most important.

Deputy O'Dea, referring to the Minister's amendment, said that it could be taken from it that a body other than the Garda Síochána could consist of a number of gardaí in their private capacity. If that is the type of independent tribunal to be proposed, I can tell Deputy O'Dea it will not have my support and I doubt if it will have the support of the majority of Members. The tribunal has to be independent. I am glad we are having this debate because although it may be a rehash of the Second Stage and Committee Stage debate it is giving us an opportunity to put our views in regard to the composition of the tribunal. The tribunal should be independent and have a small investigating team, similar to the team the Ombudsman has. If we had the regulations in operation and the complaints tribunal working, those in detention would be better protected.

It is with some reluctance that I contribute to this debate because I believe the Bill should never have been extended to the point where it would have gone to the Seanad through this House against the background of making a virtue out of law and order against an overall background that terrorism is something we have to grapple with and, therefore, anything goes. I congratulate the Seanad. If they do not do anything more useful for the rest of their term they will have justified their existence by sending this Bill back to this House for further ventilation, particularly in the wake of Kerry and Shercock. I should like to mention Letterkenny. That may evoke some thoughts in the minds of some Members. That was a case about abuse in a station in Letterkenny and an independent tribunal of inquiry could usefully have been brought into operation to deal with it. That took place before the terms of the Bill were outlined, terms which are the most draconian in the Western world. We will live to regret what we are doing. The merit of the amendment from the Seanad is that it has brought about further ventilation and an opportunity for Members to further indicate their disquiet at the handing over of more powers to a police force which has in recent times not enhanced the great reputation which it built up over the years, because of task forces and heavy gangs and, in many cases, the application of the "heaviness" of those gangs and task forces without the knowledge of the superintendent in whose areas they were operating.

I have heard of such operations from constituents and friends in other constituencies. On inquiry at the local station, or the divisional headquarters, I was given to understand that the boys from up the country, Dublin or wherever they came from, were in charge and that the superintendent, as far as they were concerned, was merely a messenger boy. On querying the Minister I was told that this was not true, but in practice that was the way it operated. I suggest to the Minister, even at this late stage, that it might be well, having had this pause brought about by the action of the Seanad, that further thought and consideration be given to the whole concept of this Bill unless and until the provisions of the Emergency Powers Act — introduced in the so-called Emergency back in 1939 — have been repealed or abolished, or those of the Criminal Law (Jurisdiction) Act, in regard to which we had so much disputation in this House by the then Opposition, who are now the Opposition and who expressed the total abhorrence of it. Yet, since then they have been in Government and did nothing about it. I should like to ask them now, if they become a Government in the near future, will they repeal what may become the Criminal Justice Act about which we are talking here today? This would give the public an assurance that we are not merely talking from the opposite side of the House in diverse tongues, that when we get on to the Government side of the House we will not behave as do the Government, whom we criticise when we are here.

Getting to the actual terms of the amendments I am sorry that the further amendment of The Workers' Party had to be ruled out of order in accordance with the rules of this House. But, in the quest for a delay in implementing the most obnoxious sections of the Bill — as it was passed through this House by the feet of its Members through the lobbies, before going to the Seanad — the Seanad amendment asks, not without great reason and justice, that these sections do not come into operation unless and until the regulations have been made and have been afforded an opportunity of being discussed and ventilated in this House in all their aspects.

Fianna Fáil, in their amendment to that amendment, go further, with which I also agree, that is that any complaints tribunal should be totally independent. I agree with Deputy Connolly that there is no point in having any tribunal of inquiry or complaints procedure if the people about whom one is complaining from the top are not themselves to be subjected to investigation by that same tribunal. Deputy Connolly mentioned the law society. That is not the only professional body that controls its own affairs and complaints lodged against it by the public—God knows they are many—but they amount to no more than in many other professions that have no body whatsoever through whom such complaints may be ventilated. I have had much experience of such complaints being made, being received kindly, with understanding, and nothing whatever happening about them thereafter. If we are to enact this Bill, is this the sort of procedure that Members of this House wish to have? Is this the sort of assurance that the public outside, already very disquieted by the performance of the heavy gangs and task forces, will be given through this type of proposed complaints procedure which the Minister, no doubt in all good faith, is putting before this House? Above all other times there is now a need for assurances to be given the public in order to restore their confidence in the Garda force which has been and is being eroded by the actions of the few who are misbehaving, abusing their authority under the laws we have had, not to mention what may happen on the implementation of the provisions of this Bill.

If either of these amendments is passed at least it will allow us a breathing space until such time as we have had an opportunity of discussing here the terms, the mode of operation and composition of membership of the proposed complaints tribunal, complaints procedure or whatever it is to be called. But is that sufficient? Are we not making this a police State? Are we so engrossed in our great efforts, in conjunction and in collaboration with the authorities above the Border to seize all terrorists while not dealing with the cause that brings about such terrorists that we have become totally blind? We are so blinded by our virtuosity that we do not seem to want to believe that there is a cause for the problems and the troubles that I contend, without question, shapes the opinion of every Member of this House, making him or her believe today that the terms of this Bill are such that we could contemplate passing it, enacting it and having its provisions implemented. I do not believe we could have even contemplated doing so 20 years ago. But we are now so blinded by our prejudices, wishful thinking — that the rooting out of terrorism is the answer to our problems instead of tackling the cause, which is to get rid of the occupiers and cease collaborating with them.

Perhaps the Deputy would confine himself to the three amendments being debated.

I shall revert to the amendments. They have a little merit, one more than the other. The Seanad amendment, to which the Minister would be agreeable, is such that there would be entailed some delay, an opportunity for further ventilation in various ways in this House as to what might, could or should be done, and what should not be done. Perhaps emanating from that further discussion and deliberation we might be afforded an opportunity of improving this Bill in some way because I believe this House will live to regret it if this Bill is passed in its present form, with or without either of the two amendments or a combination of the two, as the case may be.

The Fianna Fáil amendment — which as I read it is an amendment to the amendment — has a great deal to commend it. However, I do know that the Minister has gone on record, since this amendment was proposed, indicating that, due to the lack of specific or definitive wording, there was a weakness in it. In other words, it appeared that he himself was pointing out — perhaps because he has taken trouble to point it out publicly, if the amendment should be accepted by this House — that perhaps he will amend the intention contained in it, which is undoubtedly that if we are to have such a draconian measure, then we should have a complaints procedure that is totally independent, that does not have on that body any member of the Garda force who is to be investigated, in order to protect the public, who, remember, do not have any other protection.

It is all right to talk about the law protecting the individual. I have had the minor experiences of the law in a personal way and never again unless I am dragged there will I ever go before a court of law where the Garda are the prosecutors. I will not dwell on that because it is only slightly connected with what I am talking about.

That there should be any inclusion of any member of the force surely takes away immediately any merit anybody could see in any of the amendments and the setting up of the tribunal. The Minister must surely be aware from his own profession, apart from his present high office, that there are rotten apples in a force of this size. Very often they are concealed by the loyalty of the good apples and in the interests of keeping the good name of the force. It once had revered name but that is no longer the case, especially in my area. That is not without good reason. Let us have a totally independent tribunal. Let it not be said by any member of the public that the buck will be passed upwards until it gets to the stage where the person concerned is of such high office that he is excluded from further examination. That would completely undermine the Minister's intentions, the express wish of the Seanad and what I take to be the general view of this House. Of course when a vote is called people will be whipped into line so that the Government may not fall. I wish there were a free vote on this.

The Minister in his overall operations has been doing a very good job and I wish that all those associated with the administration of law were as attentive as he is to the pleas made to him by Members of this House on behalf of their constituents. I only wish that others further down the line, including members of the Garda, were as attentive in investigating such things. The Minister has been very attentive and concerned to do his job to the best of his ability. Whatever about my reservations and those of others about the totally uncalled for draconian measures included in the Bill, I would make a plea to the Minister not to stand in the way of what would appear to be the free wish of this House that there should be the widest possible and most independent complaints tribunal to which every member of the force would be accountable, from raw recruit to Commissioner level. For the time this measure may be in operation there will at least be some assurance to the public who are most unsettled about the behaviour and abuse of the public whom they are supposed to protect.

It is amazing that we should have so many hours discussion today about the need for a complaints procedure to protect the public from the force which is supposed to be there to protect them. If the laws were right and if the force were right there would be no need for a complaints procedure of any kind. The fact that we are discussing whether it should be independent and whether it should include every member of the force right up to the top is surely a condemnation of the very situation which this measure is supposed to cure. I predict that, far from curing it, it will exacerbate the whole situation and lessen the goodwill of the public towards the Garda.

I appeal to the Minister even at this stage to take the opportunity of the time that has been given to him as a result of this debate to think about the whole concept of what he is doing against the background of the Criminal Law (Jurisdiction) Act, the Emergency Powers Act and the abuses which have been perpetrated under them. Does he believe that the measures contained there can be alleviated in any real and meaningful way by any sort of complaints tribunal, whether independent or otherwise?

That Deputy Blaney does not see the need for the Criminal Justice Bill will not occasion much surprise among many people on my side of the House or in the country in general. His disparaging remarks about the forces of law and order symbolise his ambiguous thinking and I can only describe some of his comments as those of a one-stroke banjo player, a piranha fish who feeds on the tragic division of this country. I support the Criminal Justice Bill and the need for it and I would congratulate the Minister on having the guts to bring before the House a Bill which lay on the desk of six previous Ministers for Justice.

Perhaps Deputy Blaney's comments about the task force are conditioned because it was designed to fight against subversives, the real enemies of this country. His remarks about having no faith in any Irish court are tragic. Perhaps he would have more regard for kangaroo courts.

On a point of order, I would draw the Chair's attention to the fact that I did not say I had no belief in any court. I said I had no belief in any court in which gardaí were prosecuting. There is quite a distinction.

I share the concern about recent tragic events in Shercock and Kerry but a lot of hysteria has been engendered and this debate has been coloured by these unhappy events. I wonder why a complaints tribunal was not set up many years ago. I do not believe any complaints body has ever been set up here which did not have on it a representative of the body being investigated to state their case. I accept that there should be a complaints tribunal but I believe a representative of the Garda should be there to give a balanced input, not to have a controlling interest. I would ask the Minister to ensure that the Garda would have such a representative.

Can the Minister even at this late stage help the House in relation to his interpretation of his amendment? It would help people like myself who have expressed grave reservations about this legislation. Perhaps he would spell out in clear language what his amendment proposes.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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