Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 27 Feb 1985

Vol. 356 No. 5

Financial Resolutions, 1985. - Financial Resolution No. 9: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Finance.)

Roimh am lóin bhí mé ag cur síos ar na Meastacháin mar a bhain siad le Roinn na Gaeltachta agus na deontais atá dá bhfáil ag Roinn na Gaeltachta. Is cúis bhróin agus díomá do mhuintir na Gaeltachta go bhfuil na deontais a bhí le fáil acu le fada an lá, deontais do bhóithre áise, imithe i mbliana agus nach bhfuil aon fhigiúr sna Meastacháin ach £5,020 leis na bóithre atá dá ndeisiú a chríochnú

Mar atá a fhios ag an saol mór tá fadhbanna ag na Gaeltachtaí uilig maidir le cúrsaí bóthair, cúrsaí taistil, agus rinne na scéimeanna seo go leor maitheasa do chaidhreamh agus do shaol mhuintir na Gaeltachta i gcoitinne. Is é an trua é nach raibh an tAire in ann a chur ina luí ar an Rialtas agus ar an Aire Airgeadais go raibh tábhacht mhór ag baint leis na bóithre seo agus go mba cheart go leanfaí ar aghaidh leis an deontas fial a bhíodh le fáil sna blianta atá caite. Ní amháin i gcúrsaí eacnamaíochta ach i gcúrsaí cultúrtha chomh maith tá cosúlacht ann nach bhfuil aon tsuim ag an Rialtas seo sna cúrsaí a bhaineann len ár gcultúr agus len ár gcultúr a chosaint. Tá sé sin fíor, go mór mhór maidir leis na Meastacháin agus na figiúirí atá le fáil ag Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann.

Tá ceist an chomhaltais faoi chaibidil go minic agus is ait an rud é go bhfeicimid cúrsaí sa chaoi go bhfuil an comhaltas i gCiarraí ag iarraidh aitheantas a fháil don obair iontach atá ar siúl acu ar mhaithe len ár gcultúr a chosaint agus a chaomhnú. Níl dabht ar bith agam ach go mbeadh an ceol agus an cultúr imithe ar fad mura mbeadh an ghluaiseacht a cuireadh ar bun agus ar chuir an comhaltas tús leis le ceol Gaelach agus le cultúr Gaelach a chosaint agus a chur chun cinn. Ní amháin go bhfuil tábhacht leis an gceol féin agus leis an gcultúr ach tugann sé aitheantas ar leith dúinn féin mar náisiún. Má thagann turasóirí anseo ón Eoraip, ó Mheiriceá agus áiteacha eile, tá sé le feiceáil acu go bhfuil ár gcultúr féin againn agus gur náisiún dá gcuid féin muid agus go dtig linn bheith bródúil as na traidisiúin atá againn agus a bunaíodh na céadta bliana ó shin. Ní ceart go mbeadh gá don chomhaltas brú a chur orainn mar Theachtaí Dála agus bheith ag iarraidh go dtabharfadh an Rialtas cabhair dóibh san obair atá ar siúl acu.

Rud a bhain turasóirí an-taitneamh astu ná na seisiúin a bhí ar siúl ag an gcomhaltas ar fud na tíre gach samhradh. Na daoine a bhios ag togáil páirt sna seisiúin seo, ní daoine iad a bhfuil an obair seo mar shlí bheatha acu. Faigheann siad aitheantas beag ó na tithe ósta ach is beag é. Tá siad ag déanamh na hoibre seo toisc go bhfuil meas acu ar na traidisiúin go bhfuil siad ag plé leo. Nuair a thagann na turasóirí go dtí na tithe ósta bíonn siad ag súil leis an ceol seo agus baineann siad an-sásamh as. An bhliain seo chugainn agus i mbliana ní bheidh an deontas a bhí le fáil ag an gcomhaltas le fáil feasta acu. Is mór an náire go dtarlódh a leithéid agus ní thuigim cén fáth go bhfuil gearradh siar mar seo á dhéanamh ar an gcomhaltas. Ní amháin go bhfuil siad ag plé le cúrsaí ceoil ach tá siad ag plé le cúrsaí teangan. Tá ranganna Gaeilge ar siúl acu i ngach áit ar fud na tíre agus buntáiste agus tairbhe iontach á bhaint as na ranganna sin ag na daoine atá ag iarraidh an teanga a fhoghlaim. Ní thuigim cén fath nach bhfuil aitheantas ceart á thabhairt dóibh i ngeall ar na himeachtaí atá ar siúl acu.

San chlár atá leagtha amach ag an gcomhaltas i gcóir na bliana seo agus na bliana seo caite tá cur síos ar na himeachtaí ar fad a bhíonn ar siúl acu, agus sílim gur cheart dúinn anseo mar Bhaill den Dáil, mar dhaoine go mba cheart treoir a bheith á tabhairt do na cúrsaí seo, lántacaíocht a thabhairt dóibh. Níl mise sásta go bhfuil an t-aitheantas sin á thabhairt ag an Dáil. Beimid ag déanamh agóide anseo ag iarraidh a chur ina luí ar an Rialtas gur cheart dóibh níos mó tacaíochta a thabhairt sna Meastacháin feasta do na himeachtaí seo ar fad. Tá argóint ann go bhfuair siad suim mhaith airgid le feabhas a chur ar an áras atá acu anseo i mBaile Átha Claith. Tá sé sin fíor agus táimid sásta leis sin, ach tá mise ag caint ar chostais reatha, na costais a bhíonn acu le rúdaí a choinneáil ar siúl ó lá go lá. Is náireach an rud é go bhfuil an stiúrthóir gan phá le tamall maith agus nach bhfuil tacaíocht airgid le fáil aige leis an obair iontach atá faoin a chúram a chur ar aghaidh. Ba cheart go dtuigfeadh an Rialtas agus daoine eile é sin. Ní ceart go dtarlódh a leithéid.

Ó thaobh saol eacnamaíochta na Gaeltachta, bhí obair an-mhaith á déanamh ag na comharchumainn, ach arís tá gearradh siar ar dheontais dóibh. Tá gearradh siar ar a gcuid oibre sa Ghaeltacht agus sin de bharr polasaíthe an Rialtais arís. Chuir mise ceist anseo ar an Aire tamall ó shin faoi na comharchumainn a bhí ag fáil deontas ó Roinn na Gaeltachta agus bhí iontas orm a laghad comharchumann atá anois ag obair sna Gaeltachtaí. Duine ar bith a bhfuil eolas aige ar shaol na Gaeltachta agus an dul chun cinn atá déanta acu le scór bliana anuas, sílim go gcaithfidh siad a rá go ndearna na comharchumainn níos mó ná a gcion féin le muinín muintir na tíre a chothú agus go mór mhór muintir na Gaeltachta a chothú, agus thug sé misneach dóibh dul i mbun oibre ar mhaithe leo féin agus ar mhaithe le saol eacnamaíochta na Gaeltachta a fheabhsú.

Tá aiféala orm arís nach bhfuil an tacaíocht atá tuillte acu a fháil ag Bord na Gaeilge. Níl airgead le fáil acu sna Meastacháin leis an chuid eile den phlean atá leagtha amach acu maidir le dul chun cinn na Gaeilge a láidriú. Cé go ndeireann Aire na Gaeltachta agus an Rialtas go bhfuil siad i bhfabhar na hoibre atá á déanamh ag an mBord, is beag i bhfad na briathra: mar a deir an seanfhocal, ní chothaíonn na briathra na bráithre. Is beag dul chun cinn atá in ann don bhord féin mura bhfaighidh siad lán tacaíocht ón Aire agus ón Rialtas ins an obair atá leagtha amach acu.

Ó thaobh an pháipéir úir atá tagtha amach anois agus atá á dháileadh ar fud na Gaeltachta, caithfidh mé a rá go bhfuil dáileadh maith ar an bpáipéar, i bhfad i bhfad níos fearr ná mar a bhí ar an bháipéar a thainig roimhe, Inniu. Tá sé á dhíol mar nuachtán agus iarracht an-mhaith á dhéanamh ach sílim go bhfuil easpaí ábhar liteartha ins an pháipéar, rud a bhí san iris Inniu agus rud a chuidigh go mór le scoláirí agus le lucht léinn. Ba mhaith liom go ndíreodh an páipéar aghaidh ar na cúrsaí sin, agus aris, má tá gá le breis airgid le cuidiú leis na daoine atá i mbun Anois go mbeadh an t-airgead sin le fáil ón Rialtas.

Chualamar caint chomh maith le tamall anuas ar thelefís Gaeltachta agus cé go bhfuil daoine ag rá go bhfuil an Rialtas báúil go gcuirfí a leithéid ar bun, ní fheicimid go bhfuil aon airgead le fáil sna Meastacháin leis an eagraíocht a chur ar bun. Arís nuair a fheicimid an dul chun chinn iontach a rinne Radio na Gaeltachta agus an buntáiste atá ann don Ghaeltacht agus le muintir na Gaeltachta a thabhairt le chéile, sílim ón méid atá feicthe againn, dá mbeadh teilifís Gaeltachta ann go bhféadfadh sé leanúint ar aghaidh leis an méid atá cothaithe ag Raidio na Gaeltachta ar mhaithe le muintir na Gaeltachta.

Anois nuair a bunaíodh RTE 2 thuig daoine ag an am go mbeadh seirbhísí breise le fáil ag muintir na Gaeltachta ó thaobh cláracha a bhain leis an Ghaeltacht agus ó thaobh na Gaeltachta ar fad agus go mbeadh deis i bhfad níos mó ag muintir na Gaeltachta cláracha a bhain leo féin a fheiceáil. Faraor, níor tharla sé sin agus níl cosúlacht ar bith go dtarlóidh sé. Ní fheicimse leigheas ar bith ar an scéal ach go gcuirfí teilifís Ghaeltachta ar bun chomh luath agus is féidir é. Tá sé ráite ag teicneoirí de chuid RTE nach mbeadh se ró-chostasach an tseirbhís sin a chur ar fáil. Ba mhaith liom iarraidh ar an Aire go n-iarrfadh sé ar an Rialtas airgead a sholáthar lé seirbhís teilifís don Ghaeltachta a chur ar bun chomh luath agus is féidir é.

Níl tada eile le rá agam ó thaobh na Meastachán don Ghaeltacht ach amháin go bhfuilimid an mhíshásta agus go bhfuil dearmad á dhéanamh ar phrionsabal a bhí bunaithe le fada an la ó thaobh deontas do na Gaeltachtaí, agus tá mise ar cur an lochta ar an Aire mar gheall ar na cúrsaí sin. Tuigim go rí-mhaith mar iar-Aire mé féin nuaír a bhíonn na Meastacháin á bplé agus airgead ag teastáil go gcaithfidh an tAire dul isteach agus a chion féin a throid le buntáistí a fháil don Roinn a bhfuil sé ina cheann uirthi. Tá faitíos orm nach bhfuil an tAire seo ag déanamh a chion féin maidir le seasamh leis an phrionsabal atá bunaithe le fada an lá, is é sin go dtabharfaí aitheantas faoi leith don Ghaeltacht agus do na seirbhísí a bheadh le fáil ag muintir na Gaeltachta.

On the question of the budget in general, we must accept that at the time of its introduction, the publicity campaign which was conducted very effectively by the Government gave the impression that the budget would be worthwhile for the nation as a whole but when the first items were teased out we found this was not the case. The recent debate in the House on another matter was introduced for the purpose of directing publicity away from the facts of the budget, facts that were being highlighted and which were gradually nullifying the great publicity the Government had given to the budget. For instance, in the area of agriculture we find that schemes, such as the farm modernisation scheme, the western drainage package, the lime subsidy scheme and AI subsidies have been ignored. The result of this is that in the areas in which there are predominantly small farmers and in the disadvantaged areas the structures that were being provided were removed and this in turn has led to a gradual talking away from the standard of living that has been achieved by our people since our accession to the EC.

For a number of years ACOT advisers have been advising small farmers to engage in milk production on the basis that this was an area in which a steady income could be provided for small farmers. Many of the western counties were slow in making progress in this area by comparison with, say, Kerry or other western areas. Many were merely at the point of embarking on this development when the milk levy was imposed and they are now in the position of not knowing what the future holds for them in terms of agriculture. They had incurred considerable expense in developing their farms, in the purchase of milking machines and so on. The confidence trick played on the farmers by way of the abandonment of the farm modernisation scheme has created many problems. The people concerned were caught doubly, so to speak. They were informed first that the scheme was being suspended but because the word "suspended" was used, they were under the impression that they were free to go ahead with their development work and that after a period the grants would become available again. However, they now find that the schemes are not being continued. We must always appreciate that agriculture is one of our main industries, an industry which helps to keep families together on the land. As a result of the policies of the Government in the matter of all these agricultural grants we find an uncertainty which we have not experienced since the fifties in relation to these people. Unfortunately, we are back to a stage where with the way social welfare is being assessed many of these people see no way out at the moment but to emigrate.

It is well to explain exactly what happened in relation to the small farmer's dole, as it is called, or the social welfare payments which were being made to small farmers since 1965. As a result of representations at that time the Minister of the day decided that a farmer would be assessed on his land valuation. That meant that no other means were calculated against a farmer except the farmer who might have money on deposit in a bank. A farmer was free to produce without being hindered in any way. As a result of going back to the position we now have, if two farmers are side by side and one decides to produce and get the most out of his land he will be penalised because the social welfare officer will say to him "You have X cows, therefore your social welfare payments will be cut". His neighbour who decides to sit back and do nothing will get the maximum benefit in social welfare payments.

People like Father McDyer in the late fifties and early sixties campaigned for the introduction of the small farmer's dole using the basis that was in operation until the present Minister for Social Welfare decided to abolish it in the 1983 budget. I am sure many Deputies from the western area will agree with me entirely when I say that small farmers are being harassed out of existence at present by the Department of Social Welfare and are finding it extremely difficult to live because their social welfare payments are being cut. The people who are really penalised are those who tried to do something for themselves, who tried to improve their land, who availed of the western drainage package and the lime subsidy, who tried to get a few extra acres and a few extra cows, who increased their production. A number of these people are beginning to ask themselves "Why should I be a fool? I will do as my neighbour does who is doing nothing; I will draw social welfare".

Let us consider a person on a small farm of 15 or 16 acres who was in receipt of, say, £40 per week and the social welfare officer tells him that he will not get it any more. He has that small income every week. Many people never regarded it as a social welfare payment. It was regarded as a small farm supplement to help the small farmer stay on his land. Such a farmer may have a young family of four or five children. He sends them out to school on the school bus. He must clothe them and they need pocket money. In some instances the medical card has been taken away along with the social welfare payments which mean that he must pay bus fares. He must pay examination fees.

As an example, recently a widow came to see me. She has three children doing the public examinations this year and she must pay £70 for these examinations. That is a terrible penalty on a widow. I have a letter here from the Minister for Education relating to the representations that I made for that woman and I will read a paragraph or two of it:

The Minister is aware that payment of fees can cause hardship for some families and for this reason she recently announced a scheme whereby half of the fees must be paid by 1 December with the remainder being paid by 15 February. Up to now all of the fees had to be paid by 1 December.

That is a great consolation for that poor widow. She still has to pay her £70. The Minister's letter continues:

The Minister has also decided that the scheme which she introduced last year whereby concessions could be made in cases of hardship, subject to a maximum total amount in the case of each school or vocational education committee, will apply again this year. Under this scheme an necessitous pupil is defined as a child from a home where genuine hardship exists because of unemployment, long illness of a parent, a large family with inadequate means, a one-parent family or other circumstances of domestic or financial hardship.

That is fine. That reads beautifully, but who is the person who must arbitrate in this? It is the principal of the school. Here again is a most unfair situation. He is in an impossible position when he makes a case for a parent and another parent says to him, "You did it for so and so. Why is my child not getting that concession?" The whole thing is ludicrous and is creating terrible problems for parents, for pupils and for the principals of schools. It all adds up to what I said earlier, that with all of these, the cutbacks, the various impositions that have been introduced since this Government took office, the security that people felt, particularly on small holdings in the west, and which they had since 1965 is gone by the wayside. Parents are very worried at present.

In my part of the country we were well accustomed to emigration in the past but it had stopped completely and the only people emigrating were a few who were maybe over 60 years of age and wanted to fill in the last few years in order to get their pensions at 65. No young people were going away. Now the people who have to go away have nowhere to go when they reach England. Twenty years ago they could go to any town in England, Manchester, Birmingham, Nottingham, London, and everywhere they went they could find an Irish community and people accepted them with open arms. That does not apply now. Irish people who have lived in England over the period and reared their families there are integrated into British society and they do not want to see people coming from Ireland. The recognised lodging and boarding houses that were there up to 1965 are no longer there, and because of recent events in England people coming fresh from Ireland are not welcome. The people who go away from here have no recognised call, so to speak, as they had in the past. They have nowhere to go where they feel really safe and confident, and the people who are already there have no welcome for them.

I meant to say something about some developments in education about which I am not entirely happy, but I will dispense with that because I am sure Deputy O'Rourke will deal adequately with that matter.

There is a big question mark over the issue of land development and the future of small farmers because of the abolition of the Land Commission. It is rather a pity no money has been provided for them at least to do some of the work they have sought to do during the years. I receive many representations regarding turbary rights. It is sad to think that where families live in the midst of acres of bogland that they do not have the right to divide that bog and to cut turf for themselves. When representations are made to the Land Commission they say they no longer have money to do this kind of work. The re-arrangement of holdings and the provision of relief for congests has gone by the board. The Land Commission had a special role in relation to protecting small farmers from the businessmen and the people who could buy land easily. However, that protection no longer exists and it is a further worry for small farmers when the occasional holding of land becomes available.

It is obvious there is no liaison whatever between the various Departments with regard to land development and the provision of turbary rights. In my constituency thousands of acres of bogland are being bought by the forestry division of the Department. While that in itself is good and there is some work provided in respect of forestry development, the other side of the story is that a group of village people cannot get the turbary rights they are seeking. There is no way they will get such rights in the future because of the schemes now being followed.

In view of the skills of small farmers and the knowledge regarding deep ploughing and so on, I sometimes wonder if it would be better economics to have some of the land drained, seeded and limed and extra acreage provided for the small farmers rather than planting trees. I do not know the answer. I should like to see a cost-benefit analysis carried out in relation to this matter to decide which course would be the best advantage of an area where there is bogland. My opinion is that the interests of the community in such an area would be better served by using the knowledge we have and the machinery that can be used and make more land available for small farmers rather than the blanket planting of trees. On that point I question the work of the forestry division when they are planting trees in that they do a blanket planting rather than following the tradition on the Continent. There trees are planted in belts and in between the belts there is an area that can be grazed. The fallen leaves fertilise the land and there is also shelter for the animals grazing the land. I wonder if we are following the right policy in that connection. With the benefits to be gained from the EC, some pilot schemes could be introduced to help in this kind of work. At the moment we seem to be carrying on in the old humdrum way, without using our imagination, to deal with developments of this kind.

We talk a lot about importing vegetables but that is all we do, both here and outside the House. We never get down to doing anything worthwhile and we do nothing to initiate programmes to encourage the farming community. The budget has not provided any money to help in this matter. We do not do anything worthwhile to stimulate interest in the growing of vegetables and the same applies to the presentation of our products. We just talk and talk about it, but do nothing. Questions are put to the Minister and we are given the usual reply setting out the value of potato imports and so on, but we do nothing to redress the situation and this at a time when we could provide extra jobs.

During a by-election in west Galway I visited an area where there were many small farmers, with farms of 35 acres or 40 acres. In that area, Abbeyknockmoy, I noticed that every farmer seemed to have a vegetable garden, something which was not part of the country scene. If ACOT were to introduce a scheme encouraging some farmers in that area to grow vegetables, even students, a co-operative could handle the vegetables, have them washed, cleaned and properly presented and the towns of Tuam and Galway could be serviced. We have to think along those lines. We must do something positive rather than just talking about the problem in the Dáil.

Last summer a young man in my constituency grew vegetables and sold them to the local shops. He earned about £600. He was a better young man for having done that. Had he gone to England or America to earn a few pounds his efforts would have been lauded. In my view, he should be encouraged for the example he set. We must encourage our young people to do things like that.

Various AnCO schemes are being run by the Department of Labour. It is great to see young people engaged in something worthwhile, but the problem I see with many of the AnCO schemes is that they do not lead to anything. A young man does one of these courses for six months, but what is there for him at the end of the day? A great deal of money is spent on these schemes. Various community halls have been built under the AnCO training schemes and I commend AnCO for that, but we should broaden our horizons and ensure that the courses will lead to something worthwhile. I am not sure that is being done at the moment and I am not sure that the money provided from the social fund is being spent to the best advantage.

One hears a great many complaints about the link training programmes. Young people who apply for these programmes must have been signing for unemployment assistance for six months before they are eligible. Young people complain when they see married women on these courses because these women are there merely to collect the £70 a week for five or six months. Young people cannot understand why they cannot go on these courses. I hope the Minister will look at this problem and see if something could be done to change the present position because people are going on these courses without anything worthwhile coming out from them. Some of these people are friends and supporters of mine but we have to be honest because these programmes are not of any great advantage to the young people, and they are the people we should be looking after.

Fisheries and fishery development are subjects I could discuss for a long time. The fishing industry has been a hit or miss operation down the years. Even though we had Bord Iascaigh Mhara their brief was too limited. They are nothing more than a lending agency who select suitable fishermen for loans to purchase boats. If a new harbour is to be provided BIM have no say in it. They were not involved in the training of young fishermen until a few years ago. I should like BIM's brief to be broadened so that they could coordinate the various strands of the fishing industry. We should try to run this industry successfully.

Each year the situation is getting more difficult for our fishermen. It is well known that the only people making money are those with 120 foot and bigger boats. They can fish anywhere. Some fishermen have been fishing north of Scotland recently and some are facing terrible problems at the moment. They are not able to make their repayments on their boats which cost a tremendous amount of money. The investment by the State has been substantial and it has been unfortunate that we have arrived at this situation.

One area we have neglected down the years is fisheries research. We never provided worthwhile sums for research, and this budget has not provided any money for this area either. Compare us with Iceland. They have 200 people employed full time on research. When the cod war with England broke out they had stacks of evidence which would stand up in any international court of law to prove they were right. We are talking about the Spaniards and the Portuguese fishing in our waters but we do not have one shred of scientific evidence to put on the table and say this is the position in relation to stocks of herring, cod and other species. We just go to Brussels to talk.

Not alone should we ensure that our stocks of fish are protected but we should direct our fishermen to use the fish stocks available to the best advantage. At a time when job creation is so important this natural resource should be tackled in an imaginative rather than a slipshod way. We see fishermen who started with small boats now have larger boats, they are prepared to spend millions to get into fishing in a big way. That should be an eye opener for everyone, particularly the State. There should be a co-ordinated effort in the provision of boats and the development of harbours and processing. This would ensure continuity of supply and would create many more jobs on land.

We do not think anything of the money we give to the IDA when they introduce a large company into this country. That is the accepted thing but here is a natural resource where we could spend many more millions of pounds to the advantage of the country, expanding our fisheries, providing more jobs and so on. We are not geared to gain the greatest advantage from Europe. Being classed as one of the poorer countries of the EC we could use the Regional Fund and the various agricultural funds to better effect.

A Fianna Fáil MEP suggested recently that we should pull out.

He remarked that we should take a look at our position in relation to the EC. He was referring to the fact that we do not get the most advantage out of our membership. As regards the Social Fund, the Regional Fund and the various agricultural funds, we should have a reappraisal of the position and ask ourselves if we are gaining the greatest advantage for the country from these grants. I do not think we are.

In relation to tourism a great deal of noise has been made about the reduction of VAT on bedrooms. I wonder will it make hotel bedrooms cheaper? I doubt it. Any advantage that is to be gained will be offset by the increase in the cost of food, petrol and all the other increases that have come as a result of this budget.

Some beginnings were made in this budget. We asked for imagination and creativity. In doing that we realised that there were paramaters beyond which our imagination and our creativity could not go. We are in a stranglehold in that we are held back by the repayments on our debts. The latest mad ascent of the American dollar is not doing us much good and we hope that situation will be settled pretty fast. It shows how incredibly open we are to the buffetings of the stronger economies. This makes it all the more important to use our resources to the best of our ability. Being smaller we have to try harder. This budget made an honest attempt at doing that within the boundaries.

All our planning must concentrate on job creation. I am not the first to say this nor will I be the last. The tax reforms that will continue over the next year or two will hopefully go a long way towards giving incentives to both employers and employees. I would ask the Minister to concentrate on making sure that there are tax incentives to encourage people not just to cream off the profits but to reinvest. We have a highly trained intelligent and generous workforce when it has the motivation to be so. Given the right encouragement we have a workforce second to none.

There are a few areas of taxation which could be singled out for more generous treatment perhaps next year. For instance, we could do something with the area of tax allowances to give mortgage relief for single parent families. We have a far higher number of single parent families than we have had heretofore and the old traditional way of seeing families as two parents and so many children inside four walls in idyllic bliss is not the norm any longer. We have many different variations in family units. Single parent families, particularly those buying their own houses, need every bit of encouragement and need as many tax allowances as couples. Single parent families do not want to be seen as victims, as people looking for handouts. They are hardworking contributors to society and all they want is the recognition that they need tax allowances so that they will not have over one-third of their salary swallowed up in a mortgage. To date we have not looked at the idea of bringing in legislation to regulate the renting of accommodation. We have the traditional idea of people owning their own homes. People are forced into only seeing security within a mortgage for most of their lives, within a crushing mortgage for the early years when the salary is at its lowest. We should plan towards far greater security and status in the renting of accommodation, and even tax allowances against rent. We are forcing people to high risk, high mortgage situations when the answer for many family units would be a statutory recognition in relation to renting accommodation. Because there is no tax allowance for rent there is a tremendous disincentive to consider renting.

I welcome the rationalisation of the tax bands. I am glad that the lower bands have been widened to the extent that people, particularly single people are not immediately rushed into the high tax bands although they are on comparatively low incomes having regard to the cost of living today. By and large the tax system has been a disincentive to work harder to produce more and to work longer hours. However, more seriously some of our highest qualified people are emigrating. We need all our highly qualified and technically skilled people. We cannot afford that kind of brain drain and our tax system will have to take that into consideration.

We should also look seriously at giving a tax allowance against the employment of household help. This would be an area of job creation and it would help couples who particularly in their earlier years wish and need to work. There is great pressure on such people to try to safeguard their homes and to look after the upbringing of their children, but no practical recognition has been given for doing that.

Many single people, particularly women, probably midway through their careers, either have to get out of their work altogether or sacrifice promotion or training to look after elderly relatives. If they were allowed to continue with their careers and got relatives' tax allowance they could engage somebody else to help in the house, allowing them to continue with their careers. Such an allowance would begin to recognise the status of the housekeeper. This work has been done in a voluntary way by women for many years but it has not been unacknowledged from an economic point of view.

I welcome the reduction of VAT on newspapers. Particularly because of the type of newspaper we import from Britain it is important that we maintain and support our traditional Irish newspapers. Our newspapers have been struggling and this should not be so because we should be fighting for freedom of print as well as freedom of speech. Therefore, I suggest that we might go even further to reduce VAT on newspapers.

Many thousands now depend on social welfare benefits. They are people who cannot go in and ask their employers for increased wages or for better pension rights. They are dependent nearly entirely on the political will of the Government of the day to get incomes that will allow them to live, and not in ghettos or lower levels of survival. Knowing the low standard of living of the social welfare classes I am glad we kept social welfare benefits in line with inflation this year. Perhaps, through buoyancy in the economy and a job creation programme which will send many young people to work, we will be able to revise our social welfare payments. Many people now on social welfare benefits are on the breadline or below it. They have no choice and cannot enjoy luxuries. Theirs is an incredibly grinding kind of life to live, particularly if their unemployment is long term. They are locked into a system and cannot operate outside it.

I welcome the family income supplement. However, I would add a caveat, that employers would not use the family income supplement to allow them to get away with paying low wages — in other words, ripping off their employees and making the State subsidise them. That is now how the family income supplement should work. We all welcome the arrangements being made to channel many social benefits, which are now being wastefully implemented in a hit and miss fashion, into a system to be centrally administered. It will mean that the benefits will be payable directly to the parents in the home. Heretofore we have taken the rearing of children for granted, never having given it the importance it should have been given. There has even been a lack of self-esteem shown by those engaged in child rearing. The new arrangement will be recognition of the work of child raising and it will redistribute more efficiently and less wastefully the resources available to the lower income groups. I hope we can build on that initiative.

We must ensure that we will not become fossilised in our system of social welfare payments. They must be seen as something to which people are entitled; and I welcome very much the reforms being introduced by the Minister for the Public Service regarding the training of officers who man our offices involved in the payment of social welfare benefits. In this way recipients will not be humiliated or made to feel they are spongers living off the State. They must be made to feel part of the community and that they are getting only their rights.

I cannot leave the subject of social welfare without referring to the dental and optical benefits for women in the home. Last week when speaking here Deputy O'Malley referred to the mother and child scheme of 30 years ago. Home treatment, particularly for pregnant women, was one of the provisions in that scheme, but it has taken us all this time to begin to give this treatment. I hope this will be one of the main items in the 1986 budget of Deputy Dukes. Dental and optical benefits should be made available to all women in their homes from the insurance of their husbands. We all know it is not only when she is pregnant that a woman needs dental treatment. We all know that a vulnerable time for women is when they have had three or four children and have to bear the expense of dental and optical treatment, with middle age catching up on them and a consequent failure of eyesight and weakening of teeth. This is when they need the back-up of free dental and optical treatment. If we value and recognise their work, rather than just giving it lip service, we must introduce this and introduce it fully.

I should like to see a concentration on those who act as a back-up in the community, affording housekeeping facilities. We should also recognise those who look after our elderly in their community. At the moment there are very many women looking after the elderly in the community, but the social welfare payment is not paid directly to them but to the eligible relative.

If we are serious about cutting out the waste — and there is huge waste with regard to hospitalising people rather than treating them as fully as possible within the community — we must start a very positive programme. Not only will that save a great deal on our health budget, but it will take away a great amount of pressure from those who are not in any way supported in the community. I was at a recent women's group meeting where this matter came up for discussion. One woman said that because her mother needs continuous care and has been living with her for some years, they have never been able to take a holiday as a family. It is not that anybody cares less for the mother or grandmother, as the case may be, but naturally the circumstances lead to tensions and conflicts within the household. Some kind of back-up service should be available to enable those looking after people in full-time care, day after day, night after night, to have a holiday rest. In Britain, for instance, there is a six weeks in and six weeks out scheme, meaning that people are hospitalised for six weeks and then, if their health permits, taken out into the community for the next six weeks and so on. This gives flexibility and efficiency. We are looking into this idea, but it has not yet been translated into action.

One of the positive results from this budget — and I am very glad that the Opposition spokesperson for Education is present — about which all of us can feel good is that we can speak about potential without hypocrisy. Particularly because of the research and monitoring done by the Youth Employment Agency, it has been discovered that there is quite a connection between education and employment. This should alert us to quite a few things. We can be quite proud of the level of education being attained by our young people, leading to a potential in the workforce. We should also be warned that for those who leave school at primary level, at least half are jobless a year later. For those who leave at intermediate certificate or group certificate level the proportion is about one-third, for those who carry on to complete their secondary studies, it is one-fifth and over nine out of ten of those with higher education get jobs within a year of completing their studies. In all our future budgets we must constantly be aware of the privilege and opportunity tied in with the different levels of education. Our budgets must always take into consideration cases where there is lack of opportunity at the lower levels of education.

We must recognise that looking at education as being finished at 18 or 23 years of age is totally outdated. Education must proceed and be supported as a lifelong continuing process. Not alone does this apply to our students of today but very much more to those who probably felt that they had finished with school and education but then found themselves redundant or unemployed. They know that in their forties and fifties they will not have an oportunity of returning to the traditional jobs of their teens and twenties. I welcome the news that AnCO are setting up a series of training courses called alternance. This will not alone look at the retraining of people into new areas but also at the psychological damage, fears, anxieties and lack of confidence being built up in people left redundant and unemployed. Never before have we been so aware of the effect of this, particularly on men whose whole concept of themselves and their self-esteem is tied to their jobs. They must not be allowed to feel that their life is over and their individual and personal importance finished just because their job is finished. All the planning of the future must take this into consideration because we are moving into new concepts of work, our structures are changing and continuing to change.

I am sorry that Deputy Gallagher is not present, but I should like to reply to his viewpoint of seeing it as an unsatisfactory arrangement, to say the least, that married women are getting a chance to come back on training courses and programmes after having reared their children and given up voluntarily their own independence, spending perhaps up to 20 years looking after other people. We cannot any longer, under the Employment Equality Act of 1977 deny equality of opportunity to women, but I should like the spirit of that law also to be recognised, at least in this House. It really disappoints me that eight years after the passing of this legislation people speak as if it were some perk or privilege to allow married women the same opportunities in training or availability of jobs as others. They have given of themselves to society, have performed what was considered a most important task without which the common good cannot be achieved and so forth. Yet, having performed that task well, when they ask for an opportunity to come back into the workforce and contribute of their talents and experience, which are important to remember, it is felt that they should not be allowed to do so until all our young people are employed. We must give the lie to that. Within this House we must strive to create a society and resources which will give everybody a job, without making scapegoats of one section in order to employ the other.

I would enter another caveat on behalf of women. At European level the new concepts of work are taken very seriously with regard to household income. Instead of having one breadwinner working continually and perhaps placing the entire family unit at risk if his job collapses, there would be a change by which both partners within the home would work, part of the time outside and part inside, giving them a household income at least comparable with one regular salary but giving both the leisure and opportunity to carry out their domestic responsibilities equally and also share in the very rewarding task of child rearing. This was the whole concept of job sharing as I gathered it to be and as it was drawn up in Europe. However, it is worrying that in this country, while we have within the public service and in the semi-State companies a job sharing concept, it has been turned into a handy little way of getting two or three women to share one job. There is no equality of opportunity for women if the men continue to work full-time, taking all kinds of opportunities with regard to training and promotion, and we channel women into the part-time jobs without giving them the same training and promotion opportunities. If it is only the women who will leave the workforce and the men stay on full-time there will not be any opportunity for women to further their career. It will still leave the traditional attitude that the domestic and child rearing responsibilities lie totally with the wife and mother.

Time will overtake us if we do not take this matter seriously and ensure that the concept works. It is my belief that the pressures on women will be such that they may think seriously about having children at all. That may sound very radical and threatening, particularly to men, but in other countries where women were penalised in the domestic area and in the responsibility of child rearing they chose not to have children. Those countries now find themselves in grave difficulty with regard to low birth rates. I never talk about economic planning without demanding that it be accompanied by social planning. All our budgetary attacks and job sharing concepts must include the concept of equal participation of women outside as well as inside the home.

I do not think we have realised the great potential we have here. I welcome the incentives to people to lease land, especially land that is not productive or is being held by elderly people who do not have the energy or incentive to work it. In a country with agriculture as its first resource we cannot allow one-third of our land not to be used productively. That does not make sense economically or any other way. We must concentrate on ensuring that the land passes on to energetic and skilled young people with a proper reward for those who pass it on.

Another area we have overlooked is the question of afforestation. I do not agree with Deputy Gallagher who was worried about large phalanxes of trees and forests throughout the country. Although our land is very suitable for afforestation the area planted is the lowest in Europe. I understand that more than one million acres of our land is suitable for afforestation. In this regard we should bear in mind that we can get 85 per cent funding from the EC and that banks and financial institutions have a great interest in such medium and long term investment. We hear a lot of talk about a lack of finance for projects but there is no problem in regard to obtaining finance for afforestation. We can also feel good about the growth prospects here. We must take into consideration the fact that in the EC there is a scarcity of timber. We have every opportunity to export. Our land can grow trees very quickly and we should not allow any more time to pass without making a massive investment in afforestation. The downstream industries from afforestation are predominantly labour intensive. Less capital is required to create jobs in that industry than in most other. A heady export market is available for that product.

I welcome the reduction in taxes to help the tourism industry but no matter how we reduce our taxes if we do not give good service and value to people there is little point in our talking about a tourism industry. We have a great opportunity to boost tourism because of our God given gift of a beautiful country which up to now, thankfully, has been unspoilt to a great extent. However, I have heard some hair-raising stories from local people who holidayed in different parts of the country. Some have said that a visitor takes his life in his hands if he stays in a hotel in winter. I have heard of people having to wear their overcoats in bed because the beds were so damp and the rooms so cold. That occurred in hotels classified as Grade B and high class. We are all aware of the lack of hygiene, and we must do something about it, but there is an incredible lack of inflexibility in regard to our service to tourists. If one goes to almost any hotel between 2 p.m. and 6 p.m. one cannot get a pot of tea. There appears to be a lack of realisation that hotels are for people and not to be opened for certain hours by the people who run them. A tax reduction will not do much to help that industry until a proper service is provided. If tourists get proper service and the flexibility I am talking about their visit will be a most memorable experience. I have no doubt that they will return time and time again.

I should like to ask Bord Fáilte to refuse to give concessions to hotels and tourist centres if is it found that their standards embarrass us. We must remember that a dissatisfied tourist will tell his friends when he returns to his home country and that will have the effect of discouraging other people from visiting here. We have the resources and the potential but we need the motivation and the discipline to get our act together. The budget was a start in that direction and I hope next year's budget will go a long way down the road to complete that.

I enjoyed the contribution of the last speaker. I wish all of us were as forthcoming in debates. As I came into the House today I asked myself: What is it all about? This day four weeks the budget was introduced in the House. When I entered this House two years ago the first debate in that January was one on Dáil reform when we all expressed pious aspiriations on how we would wish to see procedures in the House changed. Essentially a budget debate is one about the state of the nation financially and socially, as people perceive us and how we contribute to the national scene. Over the last two years we have not made the strides in Dáil reform we had set out for ourselves. If somebody from another country were to sit in the Public Gallery and look down into the Chamber, seeing three or four Deputies all very interested in their subject matters, well able to put over their point of view, one wonders what they would think. One wonders what impact such a debate will have on matters in 1985 or 1986, or do we all each year — and here I point the finger at myself as well — get a type of vicarious pleasure out of hearing our point of view expressed without it having any relevance to what goes on in the world outside?

One day the week before last in the course of the budget debate I had a party of senior pupils in from a second level school, aged 16, 17 and two of voting age. We went to the restaurant afterwards when I asked them what they really thought of the proceedings. They were polite, they were nice about it — after all I was their hostess for the afternoon — but they did not really think very much of what had been going on. They did not see its relevance to their daily lives, to the lives of their mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers. They spoke of things like crime — in fact two or three of them spoke very feelingly on that subject — they spoke about education, about social affairs, matters like that but professed that they could still not see the relevance of what they had heard in the course of that budget debate.

I question the prolongation of budget debates, and here I stress I am not pointing the finger at everybody else. I question the relevance of Deputy after Deputy riding his or her hobby horse, feeling pleased that he or she had contributed well. Deputies go away and there is nothing whatever done about their suggestions, nothing appearing to have any input into any additional policy formation or whatever. The budget debate, as it has evolved over the years, has assumed a massive irrelevance to real life. This led me to think of the Dáil reform programme outlined two years ago to the House by the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism when he enthusiastically outlined what he hoped to do in that direction. Sadly, two years later, it has not happened. I hope I am not being irrelevant because this would come within the ambit of the Minister for the Public Service and moneys apportioned by him to the Dáil committee which would have an input here.

At that time two years ago there were established 12 Joint Committees composed of Deputies and Senators representing all major parties in both Houses. The idea was they would meet at regular intervals, would invite experts in various fields to talk to them on, say, financial matters, social matters, crime, lawlessness and vandalism, small businesses or whatever. It was hoped a consensus would be reached on various matters of importance, that their reports would be introduced in the House when action would be taken on what would be regarded as their most salient points. That has not happened. I question today the pace and momentum of that Dáil reform. I fear it has faltered very much. I am sad because when I became a Deputy this was something about which I was enthusiastic, and I was appointed to the committee——

When the Deputy was talking in general terms about the benefit or otherwise of a long budget debate she was probably in order, but if she goes into the workings of the committee system that becomes a departmental matter more appropriate to the Estimates.

If I speak on general Dáil reform within the ambit of the Minister for the Public Service——

No, that is a departmental matter and will arise on the debate on his Estimate.

In regard to general Dáil reform nothing has happened various reports of the 12 committees to which I referred, and in which some very earnest, dutiful and responsible people have partaken. They have not seen any fruits of their work to date. I want to ensure that that becomes an essential part of Dáil procedure. Perhaps the Minister would make a definitive statement now, two years later, on what has been happening such reports, are they to pile up gathering dust, with the members of those committees never seeing any of the fruits of their work?

I want to talk also about improved Dáil query procedure which we were promised some time ago.

No, Deputy, I do not think that is in order. All of this is a departmental matter for which individual Ministers are responsible and which can properly be raised on the Estimates for their respective Departments.

With respect, a Cheann Comhairle, Deputy Gallagher spoke at length about afforestation which would be the prerogative of the Minister for Fisheries and Forestry and, with respect to Deputy Barnes, she spoke about social welfare which would come within the ambit——

I will not make any remark on that.

I wish to speak about matters coming within the ambit of the Minister for the Public Service and that of the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism and his responsibility for Dáil reform——

What is in order on the budget debate is taxation and financial policy arising from taxation.

Financial policy with regard to the commitment of money for the implementation of Dáil reform is inadequate. The Minister with responsibility did not have a commitment or he would have allocated much more substantial financial——

Possibly much more money should be made available.

Thank you very much. There should have been greater Government financial commitment to the implementation of this reform. Each of the committees——

The Deputy is going into detail.

A Cheann Comhairle, you are being very nasty now.

I would not like to be nasty with Deputy O'Rourke.

You are not being nasty but you are pulling me up every minute. I am to talk about finance.

And that more money should be made available in that direction.

Certainly more money should be channelled in that direction. I question also the commitment to the broadcasting of the Dáil proceedings as, I understand, a direct financial contribution has not been allocated. We were given an estimated figure of £100,000 to do so and it was questioned whether it would be worthwhile. That is another matter altogether but it was contained within the commitment to Dáil reform, that procedures would be broadcast and two years later that has not happened.

I question also the relevance of this House to the job, crime situation, social conditions, to housing and to education. Not sufficient time is given to debating these important issues.

Or possibly not sufficient money provided.

Nor is the money being provided. I think I shall keep the Minister of State beside me continuously. Not sufficient money is provided to allow adequate debate on these issues. I am not satisfied with the proposed working of the new employment scheme——

I wish to read a short paragraph from Standing Orders for Deputy O'Rourke's benefit: "While the debate is on the broadest lines, matters of administration and details appropriate to be raised on Estimates are not relevant." I know, Deputy, that you will clearly follow that.

If that is the case, then the matters on which Deputies have spoken for the last few weeks are highly irrelevant. The Members to whom I listened have been speaking on their respective hobby horses, which is usually an item of Government expenditure or the responsibility of a particular Minister. I am not allowed to talk about the Minister for the Public Service, the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism or the workings of their Departments. I now wish to talk about the financial allocation to the Department of Labour to carry out their social employment scheme and I do not know if you are going to pull me up on that. I note that a sum of £57 million, spread over three years, was allocated. It has taken four weeks for the details of this scheme to be announced and it is appropriate that the Minister of State, Deputy Pattison, is here now as we had a shindig with him last December because the details of this scheme had not been announced.

The details of this scheme are very paltry, especially when we had been led to believe that there would be a great job creation programme. It has been announced that a sum of £70 will be paid for a two and a half day working week. I welcomed this when I first heard about it because I thought it would provide a measure of employment for the long term unemployed who found themselves trapped in a cycle of not working. However, the scheme falls very short of our expectations. I await the further elaboration of the scheme and hope it will fulfil some of its promises.

Another matter to which I wish to refer, with your permission, is education. Other speakers were given full rein and I am particularly interested in the formation of a national parents' council which is part of the Minister's commitment to education.

Precedent ordains that the spokesperson on a particular Department is given some latitude. As you are the spokesperson on Education, you will have a little——

Away I go.

Well, I would not say without a bridle but the reins will be a little bit looser.

Thank you. When the Minister for Education announced her plan and Building on Reality stated that there would be a parents' council at primary and secondary level which would provide an umbrella organisation for parents to come together to discuss matters of mutual interest in regard to their children's education, I welcomed these proposals. Moves for the formation of this council are already afoot at primary level and, to date, local elections have been held. Most of the regions have held elections and, next Wednesday week, the national election will be held for an umbrella body of 15 elected parents on a national parents' council for primary education. I am deeply committed to the concept of parents' involvement in the workings of children's education and I could never understand why some teachers had an inbuilt aversion to this and regarded interested parents as meddling in education. I always felt that, if you had a problem with a child, a meeting with parents very often gave a deeper insight into the child and what was causing the problem. At any rate, I do not believe there are problem children although their environment often makes them baulky and difficult.

Parents from outside Dublin have pointed out to me that while there will be 15 elected parents on the national council, there is no inbuilt distinction which will give it a regional character. There are 56 inspectorate areas at primary school level; local elections were grouped in inspectorate areas and then they went on to regional and national elections. Within the Dublin area, there are 25 inspectorate areas and, therefore, a little less than half of the votes at the final election will come from the Dublin areas. With respect to Dublin Deputies, although one-third of the population lives within the Dublin area, the character and flavour of the national parents' council should embrace the country as a whole so that aspirations and viewpoints could be discussed. Of course, we do not want a bias towards any sector but regions should have a voice.

I should like to discuss this matter with the Minister within the next few days. At present there is only a council for parents at national school level but the secondary school council is now under way and the vocational, comprehensive and community councils are reaching their local stages of election and will soon reach the final stages. I hope all these councils will have representative voices. I knew all along that parents are interested in education and they are doing all this on a voluntary basis. Something in the region of 109 parents will be gathering in Dublin next Wednesday week to have their final elections. I hope, by then, that some system will have been worked out whereby the voices of the regions will be heard as well as those from urban areas.

Parents will be asked to advise on and make an input into the curriculum. I spoke about the irrelevance of much of what happens in the Dáil to the outside world but much of what happens in classrooms is also irrelevant. I am not suggesting that we throw out everything. We all need reading, writing and arithmetic and the various strands of history and culture which go to make up a broad education. However, we must be open to new technology, new subjects, different ways of teaching and to a more relaxed way of imparting knowledge, perhaps through open contact with experts, making visits to places where people will be able to expand on different areas of education and so on.

The importance of agriculture in education has been overlooked. The previous speaker said that one-third of our land was not cultivated. Only a tiny number of students take agriculture as a subject at second level. That cannot be right in a country which is dependent on agriculture. It would benefit both rural and city students if they had a knowledge of agriculture. I do not mean that they should open a book and learn how to sow crops but to have a practical knowledge of it.

I become annoyed when parents say they would not know anything about the curriculum and would not be in a position to make any changes in it. They say the teachers are there for that. That is true but no one knows as much about education as someone who has reared a child. He or she has brought that child through the various stages of real education, which is life. I hope the parents' council will have worked out, before election day, an equitable system of regional representation on the board. It is an important step in education and is to be welcomed. We must get the formula right and not find that we are lumbered with an unrepresentative body.

I hope the Whips will be able to arrange shortly a full scale debate on the developments within the interim curriculum board which ends its deliberations at the end of this year and which will have a statutory board basis in January 1986.

There was no provision in the budget for extra money to employ teachers to teach continental languages. The cutbacks two years ago meant that if a teacher died, changed job or retired the vacancy could not be filled. That did not have any repercussions in the first year but now, because of natural wastage and so on, it is begining to have an effect on schools. French is taught in most schools but the other continental languages are assuming less importance. I was at a dinner recently where I heard the head of the CII make this aspect of education the major thrust of his speech. He questioned our commitment to Europe in view of the fact that second level students have no more than a nodding acquaintance with one continental language. The figures he cited for the teaching of German were particularly low. Young people who seek experience and work in Europe find themselves at a disadvantage because they cannot speak German. Germany is the major trading country in Europe. I ask the Minister to look at this aspect of education in a commercial way. Perhaps extra funds could be made available to enable teachers of continental languages to be employed.

I thank the Chair for putting me on the right path.

I was very interested in some of the remarks made by Deputy O'Rourke in relation to Dáil reform. We could spend some money on improving things in the Chamber, for example, we could ask the Minister to provide money to improve the acoustics. At times I find it very difficult to hear contributions made by speakers, basically because of the very bad amplification we have. In the general area of Dáil reform a number of the proposals that will be made will cost money. In that connection I suggest that Deputy Bruton has made a bigger impact than any previous Minister. It would be wrong to leave any criticism of him on the record in that regard. I am sure Deputy O'Rourke did not mean that. As members of the Committee on Procedure and Privileges, the Chair and I are well aware of the contribution made by the Minister in that regard.

I listened to the debate following the introduction of the budget. Unfortunately it coincided with the closure of Clarks in Dundalk. My colleagues on the far side of the House who are present will be interested in this subject. The impression was given that the application of VAT on footwear was in some way responsible for the closure of Clarks and the problems of the footwear industry. Anyone who suggests that does not know anything about the footwear industry. Footwear was an item which was zero-rated for a number of years and this is the first time any form of VAT was imposed on it. That will not have any bearing on what is left of the Irish footwear industry. It was not responsible for the closure of Clarks in any way. Clarks used to be the major employer not only in the town of Dundalk but in the Country of Louth. At one stage the company employed over 1,000 workers. The closure now pending will mean a loss of 270 jobs but since I came to the Dáil over 800 jobs have been lost. At one stage in County Louth there were over 2,000 people employed in this industry and that does not include those in allied industries or services such as the leather industry.

The downfall of the footwear industry started long before this budget. It started with the Anglo-Irish trade agreement. The then Irish Shoe Leather Workers Union, of which I was general secretary, warned the Government of the problems that would be created. We warned them and opposed EC entry on the basis that the agreement did not provide sufficient protection for the industry. That was over 12 years ago. As general secretary I organised a one day work stoppage which was supported by employers as well. They came and demonstrated in Dublin. We demonstrated because we foresaw that the policies of successive Governments would cause the closure of the footwear industry. We put a black coffin into the Liffey during that parade 12 years ago. We said then that that was a symbol of the footwear industry going down the river and we have been proved right. People who speak here about the footwear industry do not seem to realise that 90 per cent or nine of every ten shoes worn by Irish people are imported. When one considers that more than 80 per cent of the Members of the House are wearing imported shoes, it is ludicrous for them to talk about the level of shoe imports. It is not possible to buy Irish made shoes in many shops. Indeed, we are fast reaching the stage when we will not be able to find an Irish made garment in the shops because the textile industry has suffered the same fate as the footwear industry — it has virtually disappeared.

There is no justification for blaming Members of the Labour Party for the problems in the country. Fianna Fáil were in power when the country joined the EC and they were supported in the referendum campaign in that regard by Fine Gael but opposed by Labour and the ICTU. Unfortunately for our people, all the warnings that were issued by the trade unions in relation to native industry have been found to be justified. It would be grossly wrong for any Members of the Opposition to allege that in the past two years the Government have been in any way responsible for the state of the footwear industry. We have argued with successive Ministers for Industry and Commerce and at the European Parliament that unless protection was given to native industry in global European terms so as to allow member countries to retain a percentage of their home markets, such industries could not survive. However, Governments of the member states did not act collectively to ensure the necessary safeguards for these industries. That is an accepted fact now in Brussels among the employer organisations, the trade unions and the politicians. It was a case of closing the stable door after the horse had bolted. History will show that politicians collectively are responsible for that situation. My trade union colleagues, who fought so hard in Brussels and elsewhere on this issue, will confirm what I am saying.

It is a disgrace that Clarks Shoes should have treated their workers so badly. The company secured a very good deal in this country. In the past ten to 15 years they secured a tax free concession on more than one million pairs of shoes exported to Street in Somerset. Then they were allowed to import more than one million pairs of shoes, again tax free. In other words, if a retailer in Dundalk, Drogheda or Kilkenny, wishes to order Clarks shoes, he submitted an order to the company. The shoes were transported from Dundalk to Somerset via Rosslare and were then transported back to Rosslare and distributed to the retailers. That point has not been made publicly, but the concession was continued by successive Ministers. It was made in the interest of retaining employment in Dundalk, Kilkenny and Clonmel.

The company have "ratted" on all the concessions they have been given. They have "ratted" on the many thousands of workers who have given such loyal service to the company. Clarks have left a void in Dundalk that will be impossible to fill; but they are to be allowed continue to import more than one million pairs of shoes without payment of any tax, without any wages being involved and, consequently, in the absence of any return to the Exchequer. This is being done on the back of Irish workers. It is sad for me personally as former general secretary of the Irish Shoe and Leather Workers' Union and also as national group secretary of the Irish Transport Union with responsibility for that industry to see what is happening. Surely we should be considering ways and means of dealing with that type of company.

Last week I tabled a question in relation to an aspect of this company's affairs but for whatever reason it was ruled out of order by the Ceann Comhairle. However, I assume I am entitled to raise the matter now. My question relates to the manner in which the affairs of the company were conducted. This is an area that should be investigated by the Revenue and by other sections of that department.

There are a number of points I wish to make in respect of the direct provisions in the budget. Before the budget we had heard a good deal about public service pay. Together with colleagues in the Parliamentary Labour Party, I said that we would not support any proposal which would involve our fellow workers in the public service receiving the level of increases that were being proposed. I made it clear that if the proposal should be implemented I would have no hesitation in setting about organising a campaign with my colleagues in the Labour Party even if that meant the defeat of the Government. It was my opinion that it would be better to defeat the Government on what was a bread and butter issue than to defeat them on, for example, the Family Planning Bill, which will not put bread into anyone's mouth nor resolve the problems of the working class. I am pleased that, together with my colleagues in the party, I played at least a small part in the Government's change of heart and that the public service will secure at least the same level of increases, small though they may be, as any other sector. I do not consider the public sector pay increase to be anything to write home about.

In the past two weeks I have had occasion to meet with a number of corporation and other local authority workers and I noted the details on their wage slips. One workers who had a wife and one child had a net take home pay of £84.45 out of which he paid back to the local authority about £10 rent. That left him with £74.45. People talk to me, they talk publicly and in the media about how well off the public service are, the TDs with their £16,000, the secretaries with their £26,000 and whatever, but they forget about the fellow who is working for the local authority who is also a public servant, who goes around on Monday or Friday and collects their refuse, deals with sewerage when they are asleep, sees that they get water through the taps, sweeps the streets or looks after the libraries and carries on very menial but important tasks in the public service area. These people are paid between £85 and £95 per week net take-home pay. If I were to give my wife that total sum — we have five children — I would be told where to go.

In relation to the public service I would like to refer to the consistent sniping about the salaries and conditions of TDs. I have said here as a trade union official that I do not think that by any stretch of the imagination TDs are overpaid. The corporation worker is underpaid and I would have no objection if he were to get £16,000 per year, because he probably earns that. However, very often the people who write the stories about TDs and add to the constant criticism are better paid than our TDs. It is grossly unfair. I heard some national commentators making nasty comments about TDs' pay. TDs are part of the public service who give a public service, who represent the public and who in many cases work seven days per week for very long hours and at very high expenses, and all that will happen from now on is that TDs and Senators will get the same increase as will their fellow workers in the public service. I see nothing wrong with that. We should not have to justify it and and the matter should be put away. If I were working outside the Dáil I would receive quite an amount more than I get for working inside. I want that to go on the record. I say as a trade union official that many trade union officials who have criticised Members of the Dáil are much better off than are the Members of the Dáil. For the service that TDs and Senators provide, the work they do and the hours they work, they earn every penny they get, and more.

In the context of employment I want to talk about the Border area. Like Deputy Leonard, I represent a Border constituency. The Ceann Comhairle will remember that when I came in here one thing that annoyed me in the first budget, and particularly the second budget, was what those budgets would do to the Border areas. The Ceann Comhairle, as a Deputy from a Border area, must agree that it was as a result of those financial policies that the Border area on the Southern side has become an industrial wilderness. It took two and a half years for the Cabinet and the Minister for Finance to understand that. I appreciated what was happening and came to the conclusion that really Ministers do not know what is going on in the country in the sense that they listen far too much to their own senior advisers and civil servants.

A blind man could have seen what was going to happen in Counties Louth, Monaghan, Cavan and Donegal. We got up here in debate after debate and question after question and told the Cabinet what was happening. It was not until the media took up the matter and the stories were printed and RTE programmes were coming across that people began to say that these fellows were not just talking nonsense, they were right, and to ask what we were going to do about it. Then it was decided to reduce duty on spirits. Of course, that was a welcome development and we appreciated it, but I could not understand why duty on spirits could be reduced thereby making that commodity more competitive while the price of beer was left unchanged.

A number of things indicated why people would go North to purchase and clearly and collectively we indentified them. That was the only time since I came into the Dáil when Opposition and Government spokesmen, particularly backbenchers, agreed unanimously on what the items should be. They were very simple — beer, spirits, petrol and electrical goods. People did not go up to buy food in the North. They may have bought certain items of food there, but the prices of the items I have mentioned were the main reason why they went, and I am sure Deputy Leonard will agree on that. They came back with bags full of groceries and so on because women went up to get their petrol, beer and spirits and while they were there, naturally they did the other part of their shopping and bought food. The fact that there is no VAT on food, low VAT rating on clothing and no VAT rating on footwear meant that the vast bulk of those people did not buy those items there, they concentrated on the other items I have referred to. This also gave rise to wholesale smuggling. People have made millions on the Border in the smuggling game. People talk about a united Ireland. I hazard a guess that if there were to be a referendum tomorrow morning on a united Ireland many people in the Border area would not vote for it because it would cost them a great deal of money.

The saga continues. We still have a substantial differential in petrol and beer prices and in other areas, but mainly in those. If that gap could be closed I hazard a guess that it would at least equalise commercial activity. We do not want the North to be an industrial wasteland. We are prepared to share with our Northern brethern all that is going and good in Ireland, but we cannot do so at the expense of jobs in the south. Therefore, commercial activity along the Border should have at least an equal chance of survival. If the Cabinet want to make a contribution to employment — or unemployment as the case might be — there lies priority No. 1 for Counties Louth, Monaghan, Cavan and Donegal.

Collectively we have been in agreement in regard to the national gas pipeline. With a great fanfare of trumpets statements were made about what the extension of the gas pipeline to Belfast would do to Anglo-Irish relations. Everything was ready, then suddenly the British got cold feet or had second thoughts and they pulled out — for tactical reasons, I assume.

We will have to reassess the situation with regard to the gas pipeline. We will have to get consultants to go to Louth and Monaghan and carry out a survey. All of these matters were done when the agreement was due to be signed in Belfast. We are not in a position to govern Northern Ireland at the moment. We cannot even govern the Twenty-six Counties never mind the Thirty-two Counties. We are responsible first and foremost for employment for people in the Twenty-six Counties and after that whatever help we can give to our northern brethern we should give freely and with goodwill. As Members of this House we have been elected to represent the workers in our constituencies. The gas pipeline would make a big difference to Louth, Meath, Monaghan and Donegal. As I said before, the Premier Periclase company in Drogheda could use more natural gas than the whole of Dublin city. That is a fact but still we hear An Bord Gáis and departmental spokesmen talking about whether it would be an economic proposition. How can they justify such a comment when one company in Drogheda could use more gas than the whole of Dublin city? The company in question deals 100 per cent with the export market. It uses sea water extensively and it sends its finished products to the United States and elsewhere. It is earning dollars, marks and francs but all we get are excuses from the authorities with regard to the provision of the gas pipeline.

The Minister of State who is present represents the constituency of Kilkenny. That town and also Dundalk are faced with the prospect that their gas supplies may close down. In such an event I do not know who will supply gas for all the people of those towns. The companies concerned have been negotiating with an Bord Gáis for a long time but they have been put on the long finger and I would not be surprised if the companies responsible for the supply of gas to consumers in Kilkenny and Dundalk are forced to close.

Those of us in the trade union movement, in conjunction with our colleagues in the printing and newspaper industry, warned successive Ministers for Finance that if they continued to increase VAT on the printing and publishing industry there would be major job losses and that is what happened. After a company such as the Drogheda Independent group who are the backbone of the newspaper industry in the area had almost closed we succeeded finally in getting a reduction in VAT. It was almost too late and it was after many provincial newspapers had been forced to the wall. Others have had to shed up to 50 per cent of their employees. The same situation applied to the printing industry. Thousands of workers have been made redundant because of competition from outside but, at the same time, we are allowing foreign journals and newspapers to come in tax free. The position should be reversed. The print industry should be strengthened and any VAT that is imposed should be placed on imported newspapers and journals. The jobs of our people in the industries concerned should be safeguarded.

It will not be long before local newspapers will have to complete with local radio. I support in the broad sense the concept of local radio based on it being operated and controlled on an overall community basis, with RTE having a sufficient input, with proper control being exercised, with people being paid the appropriate wages and with the right conditions of employment but we cannot ignore the fact that local newspapers will have to compete with local radio. We must be satisfied they are competing on a fair basis, which has not been the case up to now. I welcome the reduction in VAT. It is part of the policy of the Labour Party and we are pleased our colleagues were able to make some impact in that connection.

I said before and I will repeat that so far as the Labour Party are concerned the most important thing we can achieve after employment and taxation reform is to get pensions for industrial workers. At the moment our ministerial colleague, Deputy Barry Desmond, is the man in the hot seat. I have disagreed with the Minister on a number of occasions and I voted against the Bill dealing with social welfare but I would be very happy and pleased if we finished this Dáil with a national pension scheme for all workers. If we succeeded in putting that on the Statute Book, I could look back with some pride and joy on our involvement in government. However, if we do not succeed in that objective, quite frankly I will feel we have succeeded in doing nothing. The Minister of State knows my views on this matter. If we want to make an impact on poverty that is the best way to do it. However, I accept it may not be possible to do it in the short term. Recently I met a man who worked for 45 years in the furniture industry but he had not one penny of a pension other than his old age pension. That was it after 45 years. If that man had not succeeded in saving a few pounds to help him in his old age he would be destitute on an old age pension.

There are many thousands of similar workers who have worked all their lives and have got nothing at the end. In my constituency I know of a case where a man who had property worth more than £1 million and who transferred it with all his investments to his son. He did this for a period of six months. I am sure the Minister is aware that under his Department's regulations it is possible for that man to get a full non-contributory pension while, at the same time, the people who had worked all their lives for him and who had paid for their pensions succeeded in getting only a few pounds more. It is no wonder the working classes and people on the factory and shop floor get angry with what is happening. I suggest to the Minister of State that with our Labour Party colleagues we will have to ensure before this Dáil finishes, and before we have another charade like the Family Planning Bill and the amendment debate, that we introduce a social welfare measure that will give every worker a proper pension on retirement.

The Minister and the Minister of State might reconsider a suggestion I made a number of years ago and which was responded to in a positive way by the Minister. I suggested that there be decentralisation of the social welfare system. At the moment there are delays in payment and when certificates go astray people have to wait four or five weeks before payment. In some instances Dáil questions have to be tabled before they are paid. There are probably more questions tabled dealing with social welfare than on any other subject matter, and the reason for this is that the major problems occur in that Department.

The Minister has made a number of changes in the Department which have helped to give a better service to Members of this House and to our constituents who have to face this situation. Some people who are working get paid on the basis that they submit a social welfare certificate, in other words, they are paid the difference between their social welfare benefit and their wages. The majority of workers do not have that luxury. They have to depend on their weekly social welfare cheques. If they do not get these cheques they have to go cap in hand to the community welfare officer. If they are in receipt of £80 or £90 social welfare disability benefit the community welfare officer may give them £40 or £50, and that money may not be paid for four or five weeks. They get this money because without it they would not be able to feed their families. Let me tell the House that £40 or £50 will not go very far these days.

The Minister committed himself to a pilot scheme of decentralisation of social welfare disability payments. Would the Minister look at this again because I am convinced that it would be a much more efficient and effective service if the payments were from local offices. The records in the Department will show that some people have been working and drawing social welfare disability benefit. If we want decentralisation, which is Labour Party policy, that is one way of going about it.

There is the possibility of streamlining social welfare contributions and the payment of social welfare benefits. If a husband and wife are working I do not see why both should have to pay social welfare contributions. In my view only the working man should pay the contribution, but the wife should be covered for the same benefits, and a single person should pay half the married contribution. In this way we would have a two tier contribution system. When a married woman goes back to work she should not have to pay any social welfare contribution because her husband should be paying it. That would substantially reduce the administration in the Department and help to simplify what is becoming a more complicated system of payment.

I would like to talk about taxation. Let us take a working husband and wife earning £400 per week. That woman comes home at night. She may have children. She has to do the cooking, ironing, washing, clean the house and all the other menial tasks she would have to do if she were at home all day. Both of these people are paying tax probably in excess of £100 per week. I do not see why they should not be given an allowance so that they could employ somebody full time and they should be allowed to claim this wage in full. This would mean that instead of paying £100 tax, most of it going into the non-productive areas, another person could be employed to do the housework, the gardening and all the work normally done in the home and garden by a husband and wife. This means that three people would have an income instead of two.

In a very short period this would create many jobs. This type of idea could spread because it is not too far removed from the social employment scheme introduced by my colleague, the Minister for Labour. This scheme is a winner as far as I am concerned not because I think people should be working two and a half days a week — I believe people should be working five days a week — but because it is a step in the right direction. For example, residents associations can apply for secretarial help, and part-time administrators only paid under the scheme. There can be support staff in schools which at present do not employ ground and general maintenance staff. The scheme can be used to enhance the services to pupils and it can be used in artistic endeavours. There are a number of areas where this scheme can be used, apart from the people who can be employed on local authority and community care projects. People can also be employed in sports and youth activities and the scheme can make a major impact on the environmental work of local authorities. As I said, this is a step in the right direction. I give every encouragement to the scheme and I congratulate the Minister not only for introducing it but for the way he is consulting with local authorities and local communities to maximise the effects of the scheme.

What can the Government do about unemployment? There are many things which can be done. There are advance factories lying idle all over the country. Some time ago we were shouting for more advance factories to be built, but now there are many advance factories lying idle because international companies are not interested in coming here for a variety of reasons. We must encourage our nationals. What is wrong in giving those advance factories free to Irish people who want to start up an industry? Would it not be better for the IDA, with Government approval, to give an advance factory in, say, County Louth, Monaghan or Cavan to an Irish national rather than have it lying idle? This would create jobs. Deputy Leonard will know of many factories which have closed since I was working in that area. If people were taken off the labour and given jobs in these factories they could make their contribution to the Exchequer and those factories would soon pay for themselves a hundred times over. But we are waiting, with empty factories paying for security and maintenance, for multi-national companies that will never come.

ESB and fuel charges are the highest in Europe. If we are talking about giving encouragement to industry and at the same time we are applying charges to discourage them from creating jobs, I do not see how we can claim to be sincere. Let us hope for the next two years, now that we have overcome many of the things that have bogged us down here in the Dáil, that we can get down to debating the jobs situation and perhaps all four parliamentary parties will spend more time debating unemployment. If we could resolve the unemployment problem we would resolve the taxation problems, the social welfare problems and a lot of the crime and vandalism which has taken place. Only Dáil Éireann can resolve the jobs crisis. We, as Members of the Government party, will be responsible to future generations if we do not resolve this major social evil. This is the third time I have spoken on the budget, but the jobs crisis is the most important topic. This is the problem on which we should concentrate in order to resolve it for the sake of the country.

It is difficult to speak on this budget because seldom has a budget had so many side effects. Our spokesman on Finance suggested that another budget should be brought in as an attempt to simplify some of the provisions of this budget. The Government in this budget are true to their form, but not to their promises. The Government made promises but at the end of the day we have nothing to show for it. One gets the feeling that the Minister would act as Mrs. Thatcher acts if he had the courage.

This Government have failed under all the headings in their joint Programme for Government. This is a political budget. It is like a bag of assorted sweets — there is something in it for everyone. The budget's greatest failure is that it fails to address itself to unemployment, which is the biggest problem facing the country. Over the last few years most elected representatives have been meeting on a daily basis constituents with unemployment problems. This is a depressing situation. Recently I met a lady from Deputy Bell's constituency and she told me that in her small council house her husband and three teenagers were unemployed. This creates a lot of frustration and strife, especially in the winter when people are largely confined to the house. Two of her teenagers were not receiving any benefit because they did not qualify, being under the age of 18.

This problem will not just go. The Government have a defeatist attitude towards the creation of employment. In their document Building on Reality they are anticipating an increase in unemployment rather than trying to resolve it. It has always been recognised that the quickest way to stimulate the economy is to stimulate the building and construction industry. Instead of doing that the Minister has doubled VAT and this is having a serious effect on the construction industry.

Having by his earlier actions created a massive outflow of cash to shops across the Border the Minister now makes a small adjustment. It is just like a supermarket increasing its prices around Christmas time and reducing them for the January sales. The 1983 budget had a very serious effect on our economy when excise duties on petrol and VAT rates were substantially increased, especially for electrical goods. Following that action there were continuous deputations to the Minister. These deputations showed returns from the various trading centres in the area. In June 1983 we had a Private Members motion here and we pointed out how the Minister's actions were damaging businesses and the serious long term effects they would have on trading structures in the filling stations, the garages and the shops. Prior to Christmas this year a trader in a town in Monaghan asked me if they could get a meeting with somebody to see if this problem could be resolved because he had bought in large supplies of goods for the Christmas trade and they were not selling as their customers were going past in their cars to the North. As Deputy Bell said, none of us would deny the North their moment of joy, but when it goes on for years it is too much. During the debate on this budget I was annoyed to hear Government backbenchers suggesting areas in which the situation could be improved. Seemingly these areas had not been recognised by the Government or the Minister.

When Fianna Fáil suggested that the economy needed mild and controlled inflation the Minister did not take heed. The Minister had one simple answer, which was that the medicine for all our ills was to reduce borrowing. If we look at how we stand as far as borrowing is concerned we find we are borrowing more than ever and at the same time we have an all-time high on the unemployment register. I put down a question recently in relation to my constituency, which is not one of the worst constituencies because it was never an industrial constituency and we had not as many closures of large industries but still we have an alarming rate of increase in the numbers on the unemployment register.

Another plank in the Coalition platform was a promise to ease the tax load on the PAYE sector. They said this would be their objective in and out of office. Now that they are in office the Minister has not taken any real corrective action except the juggling of the tax bands. I compliment him, though, on his simplification of the VAT code. I particularly welcome the reduction in the rate on newspapers. It will benefit the provincial rather than the national press. The provincial newspapers were feeling the pinch very badly.

After this budget many people are depressed and frightened about the future, and this lack of confidence and feeling of fear will continue if unemployment continues to increase. The Government seem to have an obsession with tax, on getting the books right at all costs; but with a quarter of a million people unemployed there will have to be a change of policy and attitude. We still have very low productivity, probably only half that of our EC partners. There is a very high dependency here because we have so many people older than 66 years and younger than 14. Too many of our work force are in unproductive occupations in the public sector. After many years and many management courses we still have poor management in many areas and undercapitalisation.

As I have said, we have got to bring down our exceptionally high tax level. Government expenditure must be cut and we must have increased productivity. Particularly we must make better use of our natural resources, because it is there we can get productive employment. The Department of Labour have done admirable work but they must concentrate on decentralisation, in tandem with local authorities and private groups and organisations. In that way more jobs can be created in the country outside the cities. There are many job opportunities in agricultural production and processing, in fishing and in tourism. All need developing.

In the Border region in the past two years the serious difficulties merchants and industrialists are encountering because of lack of equality of trading terms with Northern Ireland have become obvious. There have been many requests for an amelioration of this but traders on this side of the Border are still suffering gravely because of cross-Border trading. Some traders had hoped to have their rates reduced but nothing has been done. Deputy Cooney, Minister for Defence, went to that region last week to speak on the budget. He was queried in Cootehill about possible relief for local traders. The Northern Standard had a report as follows:

The Minister for Defence, Mr. Paddy Cooney TD, told The Northern Standard that he thought it would be “unconstitutional” to introduce any form of rescue plan for traders affected by the adverse business climate south of the Border, along the lines recently proposed by Monaghan's Urban and County Councils and other local authorities in the region.

The Minister agreed cross-Border trading was a major problem and reduced rates would leave Border traders in a more comfortable position, but added: "The difficulty is that it would be probably unconstitutional to favour one section of the country in this way over people in another part of the country, and the proposal would not be feasible for that reason alone."

It was the imposition of taxes and duties at the Border which caused the collapse of trading in that region.

Frequently at Question Time we discussed the importation of concrete products like Readymix, and we admitted it is not easy to resolve the problem. It was expected there would be keen competition from the North because there has been a falling off in the building industry there due to the recession and manufacturers have been looking for markets for their products. We have spoken about the price and the quality of imported cement. Recently I met one of the producers who told me that six:one Readymix per cubic metre would command £37 in Cork, Limerick and Galway but would be sold on the Border at £32. Recent quotations from Northern firms have been for £28. He just cannot compete with this. He is in competition with firms which are grant-aided with regard to equipment, plant and trucks. Many of these firms renew their plant and equipment after a few years because of the attractive grant aids. There is no such grant aid from the IDA for concrete products. The thinking behind this is that there is adequate plant in the area to provide these products, but there is adequate plant because in excess of 50 per cent of the products are coming from Northern Ireland. The IDA should take a really hard look at improving the position of those employed in this trade in the Border areas.

There is another fairly serious situation developing which was not the case before. The industrial development authority in the North were never as effective or active as were the IDA here. Down the years there was no problem here as far as attracting new industry. The incentives given here were equal to and in most cases in excess of those offered in the North. Also, the area west of the Bann was very little industrialised in the Border region. The industry was kept for the more populous areas around north Derry and Belfast. In recent times, however, the development organisation in the North have become very active. They appear to have a fair amount of money at their disposal and they are using it to fairly good effect.

The town of Clones was rated and accepted by the Social and Economic Committee of the EC as being the most depressed area in a disadvantaged region. It was the black spot. Denim Trading closed down despite much consultation with the IDA who made a genuine effort to get other takers for the factory. A liquidator moved in and when that happens there is a problem in getting a taker for the factory. The owner who went into liquidation has set up a factory six miles to the north, in Fermanagh. He now intends to utilise his previous workforce, using a minibus for their transportation, and to continue to produce the same material as before. This is happening in a town where we have been fighting for ten years for support. There are three factories lying idle because the IDA did not consider it worth while surfacing the road as there was so little expectation of finding occupants for the factories.

The Government will have to look at this area because if industries are siphoned off because of more attractive terms elsewhere, we will be in a very serious position. There are 10 IDA factories idle, three of three cluster units in Castleblayney, Monaghan town and Clones and a large 24,000 square foot factory lying idle in Monaghan for five or six years. I would agree with Deputy Bell's suggestion that the IDA should give those factories free to young entrepreneurs who are trying to make a go of it, for a three, four or five year period. They have been idle and look as if they will continue to be idle. If there were enterprising groups, ideally co-operatives, to start up some businesses, they would have available a vast list of goods which are at present imported and for which substitutes could be found. Those factories will have to be used.

Nothing has given us more concern in that region over the last few months than the action of the Government as related to arterial drainage and the Minister of State is present. Cavan County Council wrote to the Taoiseach asking him to expedite the drainage of the river Erne which would be of terrific benefit to Cavan, Monaghan, Leitrim and Fermanagh. The counties which would have most to gain would be Cavan and Fermanagh. Practically all those counties would be part of the Erne catchment system, with the outfall into Ballyshannon. Monaghan and Leitrim then, to a lesser extent, would benefit. I quote from the Anglo Celt of 18 January:

An Taoiseach, Dr. G. FitzGerald, T.D. is aware of the importance which is attached to the Erne Drainage Scheme and that the Erne Catchment Study recommended that a scheme should be devised by the Office of Public Works, Cavan Co. Council were informed by a letter from his Department in reply to a letter from the council in September.

The letter continued to state that in fact a drainage scheme was prepared in the 1970's but was not proceeded with as it was considered to be of poor economic merit.

A review of the arterial drainage policy, is currently under consideration in the Department of Finance, according to the letter, and prior to the submissions of the proposals to the Government, they had directed that in the interim all planning of arterial drainage projects be suspended.

Furthermore the Taoiseach understands that the resources of the Office of Public Works are so heavily committed to other projects that they have no immediate plans to renew activity in this area. For those reasons he regretted that he could not at this stage give a more favourable reply to the council's letter. However, provided that the outcome of the review was favourable and the required resources were available, it was the intention of the Commissioners to undertake a reassessment.

That Erne catchment area has been included in the 1945 Arterial Drainage Act.

Detail is not in order at this stage.

It is not in order, but there are certain pertinent questions which I would like to ask. We are talking in terms of some development for that region. I have not gone into detail, but have just read out the letter.

I am not interfering too much, but I must give the rules for this debate:

The debate is confined to taxation, expenditure and financial policy and other matters only in so far as they are connected with financial policy.

But if the Arterial Drainage Act is not relevant——

The rule goes on to say:

While the debate is on the broadest lines, matters of administration and details appropriate to be raised in the Estimate are not relevant.

The Minister for Finance has directed the discontinuation of the arterial drainage and the Taoiseach's letter has referred to financial considerations.

We cannot allow it.

The first thing I would say——

This would be quite in order, Deputy, on the Estimate for the Board of Works. You could talk on it then for a full hour.

The Taoiseach's letter is in complete contradiction to what we had worked for in that region in the last ten years.

I am not going into the merits or demerits of the case. I am trying to keep the debate within the guidelines set down for such a debate.

I will have to take this up in another way. We are talking about Government policy and it is my contention that the Budget debate is the time to discuss Government finances and their policies. We should be permitted to discuss the policy directions of all Departments. There is not another appropriate time to debate the overall policy of Departments. The Departments seem to build their own empires. There is no co-operation or co-ordination between them. That is noticeable when one is working on development organisations in the Border areas.

At Question Time today we discussed the quota and non-quota sections of the Regional Fund. The Minister for Finance was asked how that fund was spent in Border areas over a five year period which expires at the end of this year. Portion of the fund was administered by the Department of the Environment for the provision of access roads to lakes. In all, I understand that six Departments were involved in administering that fund but they did not know what other Departments were doing. The administration policy in regard to that fund relates closely to what I have said about the Erne catchment development. The report of the economic and social committee and the joint report of the British and Irish Governments, financed jointly by them and the EC, all identify arterial drainage as a project requiring immediate attention. These reports pointed out that arterial drainage related to agricultural production and tourism.

I do not intend to be at loggerheads with the Chair over this but Departments are not co-operating in examining such schemes. If that is not done we will not get the proper benefit from the EC. The extension of the natural gas pipeline to Border areas has been mentioned by many Members. I welcome the recommendation which, if accepted by the Council, will mean a grant of £23 million being paid towards the supply and use of natural gas to counties Louth, Cavan, Monaghan, Leitrim and Sligo. The last speaker was concerned that the failure of the cross-Border deal on natural gas would mean that the pipeline would not be extended to Border areas. I agree with him that it would not be difficult to extend the pipeline to Louth and the other counties I have mentioned. Natural gas could be used to good advantage in those counties. Co-ops and food processing units could avail of it. There are plans in north Dublin and down to Louth to develop the glasshouse industry and similar schemes could be carried out in Cavan, Monaghan and Leitrim.

The mushroom industry in those counties has been an outstanding success. Hundreds of people in Monaghan and Cavan work full time in the compost yards and processing plants. Many housewives are employed on a part-time daily basis pulling mushrooms. A few years ago the market was worth £2½ million. Now it is worth £15 million and provides 500 jobs. That progress has taken place over a four year period. I was pleased to have assisted those who started that industry. In our area a teacher who got the idea to start a mushroom industry contacted the IDA and received great assistance. We may criticise Government agencies from time to time but in regard to this industry they seize the opportunity to get involved.

The creation of jobs must be our first priority. I accept that a Government cannot create jobs but they can create the environment for industrialists to provide jobs. They can instil confidence in our people. In the IDA News No. 2, 1984 the decision to devolve responsibility to the IDA for small industries is dealt with. That publication points out that it was decided to develop in five regions, the south-east, Donegal, the east, and Cork and Kerry. I think it was 38 officials who were employed on the small industries programme. The IDA continue to say that they propose to extend their operations into other regions, probably including the north-eastern region. Bearing in mind the workforce and factories in our small towns and villages, our region is ideally suited to this type of operation. It was on this we had built our economy in recent years. It is regrettable that the IDA pick five out of eight regions and say that by and by they will get to the others. Such an attitude is particularly regrettable at a time of high unemployment.

A recent EC publication aptly demonstrated the increase in our jobless last year to be 9.1 per cent as against 3.7 per cent in England and a decrease in Denmark. In December last we were top of the league in the EC when we had 17 per cent as against the next highest, 14.7 per cent in Belgium and 12.2 per cent in the United Kingdom. Our percentage of jobless is practically double that of the Federal Republic of Germany and half as high again as that of Denmark.

I do not believe we are making sufficient effort to produce more jobs, particularly in the dairying and meat industry and their downstream added-value products in co-operatives and meat factories. The 1984 CBF annual review shows the percentage of vacuum packed and processed meat, cooked and uncooked, and the supposed efforts made to develop downstream products. With regard to uncooked meat we have almost doubled our exports, whereas in cooked meats the 1984 volume was about the same as that for 1977. Vacuum packed exports are up from approximately 8,000 tonnes to 21,000 and vacuum processed exports up from 13,000 tonnes to 31,000 tonnes, showing the total exports in processed meats up from 5.2 per cent to 12.4 per cent. Yet it constitutes only the tip of the iceberg in comparison with what could be done in that area.

The dairying industry is now subjected to a quota and cannot improve. It is also to be borne in mind that in 1974 our livestock numbered 7.2 million but had dropped in 1984 to 6.7 million. Despite all the incentives and moneys made available for disease eradication, headage payments, subsidies for housing and so on, we now have 500,000 cattle fewer in our national herd than there were then. It should be said also that a recent study in the meat area highlighted the necessity to improve the quality of our stock, all of which will have to be graded more rigidly.

A serious situation has developed in the poultry industry because of massive imports from the North. Producers claiming unfair competition in many areas say it is tantamount to dumping.

With regard to the TB eradication programme only 50 per cent of herds were tested last year and 3 per cent were found to be infected. In recent years there were found to be approximately 25,000 reactor cattle per annum. Despite the expenditure of £1 billion in recent years that eradication programme has not been satisfactory because in counties like Longford, Carlow and Kilkenny there have been very serious outbreaks of the disease. Indeed there has been an outbreak in an area adjacent to me. I know the frustration farmers feel, some of them losing practically half their herd. I hope the Minister will be successful in improving our performance in that regard. It would appear we are unable to get away from this 3 per cent infected level and that we must continuously spend additional moneys on this eradication.

We now have fewer people working on the land than in any other EC country. In the first five years of our membership the flight from the land was of the order of 22 per cent. It has been claimed that if the remainder of our farmers could be upgraded to the level of the top 25 per cent we could double production and create tens of thousands of jobs, an area in which we should be concentrating all of our efforts. One of our greatest industries is left completely under-capitalised, under-utilised, and on this I must take issue with the Government. Practically the first thing they did in 1983 was to abolish the farm modernisation scheme grants and in so doing blocked development completely. This was at a time when statistics showed that half of our cattle were outwintered——

I think we are getting into detail now.

The Government withdrew the farm modernisation scheme grants in 1983 and restored them in 1984. They withdrew them yet again at the end of December 1984, this time the excuse being advanced that the EC directive on development farmers had expired and that they had to renegotiate its continuance with the EC. If any of us here conducted a contract for the supply of any product in any area, surely before its expiry we would renegotiate its extension. But in regard to arterial drainage and the farm modernisation scheme grants, we stopped the clock. It should be remembered that sometimes it is very difficult to get that clock started again. I believe it to be deliberate policy.

I should also like to mention job creation and the difficulties caused by massive importation of fruit and vegetables. A committee was set up of Ministers of State of various Departments to examine how import substitution could be dealt with. The list of imported goods which could be substituted by home products is very long and if the deliberations of the committee were discussed here it would be time well spent. It would be interesting to hear their proposals in regard to fruit and vegetables or, indeed, any other articles which are imported.

Debate adjourned.
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