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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 10 Jul 1991

Vol. 410 No. 7

Agriculture Industry: Statements (Resumed).

I am very glad to have the opportunity of contributing to this vital debate. There is no doubt that the proposed reform of the CAP and the current GATT negotiations are a major event in the agricultural calendar. The matters involved will take up most of the time of the Government and the Department of Agriculture and Food for the reminder of this year. It is vital to have this debate because the outcome in both cases will significantly influence the direction which agriculture and the whole economy will take in the next couple of years.

As the Minister informed the House earlier, the Commission yesterday finalised the Common Agricultural Policy reform proposals and the real debate on the vital issue for Ireland is about to start. I should like to think that the real fight will be in Europe by the Government and the Department at the Council of Ministers in association with farming organisations and of partners under the social and economic programme.

The most discerning aspect of the proposals is that they rely almost exclusively on the cereal and livestock sectors to effect reform. Of course, those are the areas of activity that are the most important in Irish agriculture. The Government will, of course, have to study the proposals in all their detail, including the compensatory and structural elements, before arriving at a definitive position. As I said, and I give an undertaking to the House, in all of this we will be maintaining close and regular contact with all of the appropriate interests, farming organisations and social partners so that our approach will be fully informed and balanced, taking account of the requirements of the agriculture and food sectors and, indeed, the entire economy.

Any adjustments to existing market mechanisms must be limited to what is strictly warranted by market or budgetary requirements, and any change in policy must continue to respect the provisions of the Treaty of Rome, the principles of the Common Agricultural Policy and, in particular, Community preference. Ireland's vital agricultural interests will have to be appreciated by the other Community countries and the Commission. The Government will have to insist on the fullest safeguards being provided for the future of all categories of Irish farmers. Those will be the underlying principles of Ireland's negotiating stand.

We will insist on a Community policy on agriculture which will respect and safeguard the vital national interests of agriculture and the entire economy. I do not intend to spell that out in any more detail now, because that has been done already by the Minister and by each of the contributors to the debate from the other parties. I see no difficulty in there being a combined and completely unified approach to this absolutely crucial matter.

As well as the proposed reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, the present GATT round of negotiations is gathering momentum. It is vital that both the Common Agricultural Policy reform proposals and the GATT round be taken in tandem and that the Irish position be maintained, that because we are so dependent on agriculture and food any measures that would negatively affect that industry would have far-reaching repercussions for our entire economy.

I am glad there is now growing acceptance by the participants in the GATT round that the Community will not tolerate the singling out of agriculture for particular attention, because this is most important for Ireland. At the same time, demands continue to be made for further Community concessions on agriculture. Obviously we need to maintain the stoutest fight there to safeguard and protect our interests.

To reiterate the position, our principal objective must be to ensure that the GATT round outcome does not undermine the Common Agricultural Policy, to that end we have been insisting, and will continue to do so, that any commitments should be coherent and consistent with the basic principles of the Common Agricultural Policy. That will underline our position in relation to both areas of negotiation, the GATT round and the Common Agricultural Policy.

It will, of course, also be necessary to ensure that the reforms which will ultimately be agreed and the changes emanating from the GATT round will not militate against the continued development of a competitive and modern agri-food industry. Such a modern industry will be essential if we are to move to greater market orientation — an inevitable consequence of both Common Agricultural Policy reform and the GATT negotiations. As Minister with special responsibility for the food industry, I have particular interest in the implications of CAP reform and the GATT negotiations for the area.

The Government attach the utmost importance to the development of the agri-food industry, and Government policy throughout the past number of years has been clearly directed towards investment and restoring confidence in the food industry. The fact that £117 million has been directly invested in the food industry since 1987 is an indication of the enormous potential that the Government sees in the proper development of this industry.

The present position regarding CAP and the GATT negotiations is that proposals are on the table and the serious negotiation is about to commence. I would assume that those negotiations will continue for a number of months and that it will probably be towards the end of the year before any agreement is reached.

There is a tough, tenacious and determined fight to be carried out in Brussels. I am certain that with the co-operation of all interested parties the importance of agriculture to Ireland will be recognised and there will not be a negative outcome to these negotiations that would seriously affect the development of our most important industry.

The industry, of course, must gear itself to meet the challenges of the marketplace. The Government have been saying — and I have been saying personally for several years now — that it is all very well to call on the Government to do various things, but the industry itself has several actions to take in the whole agriculture and food area. It will certainly have to move away from the idea of using intervention as a permanent outlet for production. The Government keep on saying that and we will continue to say it because it is a fact of life.

Dairying is the cornerstone of the agricultural industry. Again, dairy farmers have faced a severe decline in income in the past year and a half or so. It is appropriate now that the industry be examined in the context of the negotiations. Our marketeers will just have to take a lead from the better aspects of the marketing of agricultural products and try to emulate our most successful ventures. For example, Ireland has been most successful in the marketing of Kerrygold butter on the German market. If that case study were to be taken out, read and reread, studied and restudied and used as a model by other marketeers they would find out how that operation succeeded and premium return farmers received. Anyone who has attended the Anuga food fairs or the Berlin Green Week would have noted that the dominant dairy product on the supermarket shelves was Irish butter. Not only that but they would also have noted that it was the dominant product carrying a major premium in its price, sometimes up to about 30 per cent. The best of marketing skills have been illustrated in that operation and I certainly recommend that our food industry marketeers in general study that operation. Good marketing operations certainly make a great deal more sense than the loading of tonnes of butter or skim milkpowder on to articulated trucks bound for intervention storage. That makes no sense at all. It is even more ridiculous now in the context of these reforms and in the context of 1992. It is time for the industry to confront that problem.

The future prosperity of the whole agricultural industry will undoubtedly be under threat if heavy dependence on intervention continues. The key factor in the strategy for the successful expansion of the agricultural industry is the development of quality food and beverage products, the importance of which I have continually emphasised. This is because I am convinced that attention to quality is absolutely essential to succeed in the intensely competitive international market. It is no use saying that we have the greenest island in Europe, that we have environmental attributes that are comparable with any other country or that we are the greatest. Consumers will judge whether or not we are the greatest based on the quality and competitiveness of price at which we can make our products available. There is no other way.

From the farm to the palate we must ensure that our products not alone meet the minimum requirements for food safety and health but we must assure our customers, the market place and our supermarkets, that in relation to health, safety and quality, in relation to the absence of any kind of deleterious material whether it is angel dust, additives or preservatives, Irish food products measure up to what we claim for them. This new culture of quality has to permeate the entire industry, the co-operatives, the farmers, the factories and the semi-State bodies.

When I was appointed Minister not one food firm here measured up to international quality standards. Now 31 firms, with 20 further firms pending, have attained that standard. Additionally, 70 Irish companies have attained the quality mark operated by the Irish Quality Association. Again, in recent times CBF have been to the forefront in their quality assurance programmes in relation to pig meat and pork. Only a week ago a quality assurance scheme was initiated and launched by Minister O'Kennedy in the beef area.

I am encouraged by those developments because there has been a great deal of taxpayers' and FEOGA investment in state of the art factories and equipment. We have excellent graduates throughout the industry. We have very important marketing programmes and European orientation programmes. I regularly meet young Irish graduates on the Continent who are doing post graduate work in marketing. There is in place the potential, as never before, to exploit our agriculture industry. If we do it right and take it seriously I have no doubt we will succeed.

However, we must have the climate and the environment right. That is why the proposals regarding the reform of the CAP and the GATT round are so worrying and why we are extremely concerned about them. There is no use in Irish farmers working themselves to the bone if they have not the opportunity to market their produce on the shelves in the European Community. There is no use in being told that there is a market of 350 million people if we have not a chance of producing for it. If we have not this Community preference, this cornerstone of the CAP and the Treaty of Rome, we will get nowhere. In a nutshell, what we are looking for is the opportunity to be the best in Europe. We must ensure that the negotiations on the CAP and the GATT round do not result in agreements which in any way interfere with the proper development of our farming and food industry.

As the Minister said, we are satisfied that, with a unified approach by farming organisations, and by all sectors in Ireland, behind the Government's stand, there will be a satisfactory outcome to these negotiations. If this occurs Ireland can proceed to capitalise on our undoubted advantages in food production and processing and become the quality supplier of European food. Provided we gear ourselves properly and have the proper mental approach to farming, processing, marketing and promotion we can and will succeed in this task.

I am pleased to have an opportunity to say a few words on what is probably the most important subject to come before Dáil Éireann in 25 years. I am extremely worried at the defence the Minister for Agriculture and Food and the Minister of State, are making of Ireland's stand on future negotiations. I thought they would have said they were unequivocally opposed to what is happening because it suits neither Irish farmers nor Ireland as a whole. From what the Minister has said it would appear that he is weak-kneed and like a cork on the ocean, going everywhere as he has done.

I forgot to mention when I started that I propose dividing my time with Deputy Nealon.

There is a precedent for that. Do we have the agreement of the House? Agreed.

No fewer than 30 Fine Gael Deputies wanted to speak on this topic, for obvious reasons. We would need a three day debate for that but we have been asked to cut our contributions. My contribution will last about ten minutes.

The day the US Secretary for Agriculture, Clayton Yeutter, arrived in Dromoland Castle over a year ago will be remembered as the blackest day Irish agriculture has known since the emergency days in the thirties. The meeting was organised ostensibly to allow face-to-face negotiations take place between Clayton Yeutter, wearing his GATT hat, and Commissioner MacSharry on behalf of ten million EC farmers.

Let us remember the background. The Americans wanted a short sharp conclusion to the GATT round of talks. They said, and many commentators in Ireland believed them, that no decision had been taken and, if a decision was not taken before the end of the year 1990, it would be a catastrophe, that not alone would EC and Irish farmers suffer but world trade would be crippled. No decision was taken before December 1990 nor has a decision been taken yet and world trade did not collapse. World trade will not collapse. The American tactic was to pressurise the EC into whipping its CAP into line so that European prices would fall to world levels. If this had happened, without doubt there would have been a very successful outcome to the GATT negotiations in Geneva for the Americans but it would have spelled disaster for Irish farmers and many European farmers. Many industrial countries in the EC are very happy with what is happening.

I condemn Commissioner MacSharry for committing a major tactical error on that day one year ago in Dromoland Castle by announcing a 30 per cent reduction in Community aid to European farmers. The Americans knew on their way to that conference that this initiative was on the cards. With a voluntary proposal of 30 per cent cuts in farm price supports under their belts, and without one single minute of negotiating time expended, the Americans knew that their worldwide industrial influence would work wonders on European agriculture. As we know, New Zealand and Canada were delighted but Irish farmers were shocked.

The European dream, as far as Irish agriculture is concerned, is well and truly shattered. The founding fathers of the EC correctly identified Irish agriculture as the single most valuable industry and also the most difficult industry to rationalise. Many vitally important matters relating to agriculture have been forgotten in the mists of time.

Ask Irish farmers about their experiences as late as the sixties when we were fettered to the UK market. Trying to negotiate with a country that always pursued a cheap food policy was bad enough but, when other countries dumped their surplus products on the British market, prices just slumped here.

I remember, as a young lad, listening to the farmers at fairs and marts in the early sixties. The only item of important conversation was what the live cattle trade to the UK was like that week. On several occasions the news would come through that there were too many cattle on offer at the sale in Banbury. When this news reached the fairs in Mountbellew or Ballygar where I come from the cattle were walked home again.

I did not understand it at the time but people often said they could see the anxiety, disappointment and hardship written on the faces of the farmers. I do not want to be a carrier of bad news but what I have heard here today indicates that we are not too far away from a return to that situation.

I recall this scenario to illustrate why Irish farmers reacted so positively in 1972 to join the EC. The Common Agricultural Policy signalled that there was something better. It seemed to provide two vital factors unavailable to Irish farmers for generations. First, the CAP offered a guaranteed price for certain farm products and, second, it presented Irish farmers with the opportunity to trade on a much wider stage.

From being tied to the UK market a new exciting market to service over 260 million people emerged. If we were good enough we would do well — at least the opportunity had now presented itself. Did we do well? Yes and no. From a primary producer's point of view we did well. We dramatically increased our output of beef, sheep, milk and, at times, cereals. Yields increased dramatically, fertilisers and lime usage increased, new and better farm machines were purchased and, with some exceptions, there was a buzz in agricultural circles during the latter part of the seventies and early eighties. But all was not well. Farmers, listening to economists, forecasters, bankers, politicians and all types of advisers borrowed heavily, too heavily in many cases. Thousands of farming families still have traces of the scars inflicted during that period.

I hold the EC responsible for many of the problems associated with CAP. Farmers, generally, are producers of food and, depending on the region, will strive to grow more and better crops thus improving their financial position. The EC planners allowed an intervention system to develop where some continental farmers could profitably keep 2,000 cows and 20,000 cattle without an animal ever eating a bite of grass in a field.

Cheap cereal substitutes dumped into the port of Rotterdam presented factory farming with the raw material it required. The EC never raised a finger. Politics within the EC and outside the Community ensured that the vital changes needed were not made. The 40 acre Galway farmer was in direct competition with the Dutch factory farmer and now both of them will be in competition with the 2,000 acre American farmer.

However, the EC committed another unpardonable blunder. Farmers were encouraged to produce more. No real effort was made to convert the extra produce into food products in demand by the housewives of Europe. Dumping into intervention was a far too easy option both for farmers and food processors. Intervention was and always will be important to farmers but there should have been controls. Many good food products never saw the light of day simply because there was far more money in selling into intervention. There was no shortage of lip service to the concept of added value and the provision of new products.

Now the EC has gone from one extreme to the other. This worries me. The new proposals are draconian and, if implemented, will flush small farmers off the land and weaken commercial farmers to the point where they will not be able to compete with their counterparts, and we will have the worst of all worlds. The part played by the Minister, Deputy O'Kennedy, is nothing short of disgraceful. The Minister has been weak kneed. He does not have any view of his own as to where Ireland should go and we certainly do not have a strategy.

However, the part played by the Fianna Fáil MEPs is bordering on national sabotage and is real hill-billy stuff. They are the only group of politicians who can argue that if the value of farm products is reduced by over £500 million, 90 per cent of Irish farmers will be better off under the new proposals. Indeed, one of them, my colleague in Galway, Mark Killilea, had the audacity and neck to suggest that small farmers will be better off. Their principal argument seems to be that farmers will be fully compensated for losses incurred in lower product prices. What folly, what ignorance.

If the EC intended to fully compensate farmers for loss of product prices the EC budget would remain as it is. This is not the intention. I will spell out exactly what MEPs Killilea and Lane are trying to convey. Take 1989 farm price levels and a 70 acre farmer totally dependent on farming to support his family. He has a milk quota of 20,000 gallons from 25 cows, rears his calves to one and a half years and has a sheep flock of 50 ewes. By Irish standards he is a well stocked farmer.

Let us take a quick look at what happened this farmer in 1990 compared to 1989. On milk he lost 18p per gallon or £3,600, on his 17 weanlings he lost £120 per head or £2,040 and his 60 lambs and wool sold for £870 less than the previous year. This farmer's income was reduced by £6,150 in 1990. His disposable income in 1989 was £9,500. Like many other well stocked farmers this man had no option but to invest in a slatted house to control farmyard pollution. Despite the new grant of 50 per cent he had to borrow over £15,000 and is repaying it at the rate of £1,500 per year. After all expenses, this farmer had £30 per week to rear his family before Commissioner MacSharry and the Minister, Deputy O'Kennedy, got at him this morning. All the indications are that incomes will drop by another 8 to 10 per cent this year. If I am right, the bottom will fall out of the cattle trade. One has only to look at the marts of Ireland over the last 14 days to know that there is a tragedy on the way. In some cases farmers will get 25 per cent less than they got last year for cattle.

What compensation will the 70 acre farmer get from the new package? First, there is the famous headage payment. A good number of farmers here already get headage payments, so that will not make any difference. Others are being brought in some time and they will get the maximum £872. In my part of the country the beef premium can be collected once only, although it will be paid for three years on the same animal because farmers cannot hold the animal for three years. Basically there is little extra there. Because a farmer holds nine animals he would get an advantage of £162 only on the beef premium. The farmer, by and large, has lost £6,000 and he will get £1,200. Will the Minister tell me where the cream is for him?

My father was a small farmer in the west as were all his neighbours and practically everyone else who was working on the land in Sligo, Leitrim and Mayo. A knowledgeable man at that time could name all the big farmers in the three counties, mainly the big houses with walled estates. There is little change today. There has been some doubling and trebling up of small holdings as the occasion arose following a death without an heir or a deparature on an emigrant boat. The Land Commission also helped in this restructuring. As we reach the end of the century this is still essentially unbroken small family territory in comparison to Leinster or Munster, not to mention the US with which the small farmers of the west oddly find themselves in conflict through the machinations of GATT.

Deputies from the west frequently have great difficulty in putting across the message of just how small these farms are or how tough a task farming is for small farmers. The reality is that in recent years the small farmer who relies solely on his land for an income has been living pretty close to the poverty line. Indeed some farmers keep their farms rather than the farms keeping them. An official survey issued by Teagasc shows that many farmers have a negative income. However, in spite of all of this, the image of all farmers as a privileged species with big cars and fat wallets still persists. The only thing farmers in the west have in abundance is beautiful scenery which, as everyone knows, makes very poor collateral.

For the small farmers in my constituency and indeed throughout the west this century has been a failing battle for survival. They have tried to stick with farming, continue the tradition into which they were born, hold onto the family farm and keep the smoke coming from the chimneys of their houses. Unfortunately, thousands of small farmers have found this to be an unequal struggle. The only respite they have had from this constant battle — ironic in view of the proposals we are discussing today — came from the CAP in the seventies. This led to an improvement for small farmers at that time. They had hope, expanded their farms and at night asked God to bless Mark Clinton. However, the good times did not last long. Naturally the first thing many farmers did with the extra money they received was to improve their spartan living conditions. Who could blame them for doing that? They then proceeded with vigour to expand their dairy herds from five, six and seven to 14, 15 or 20 cows. However, in the course of this expansion in deference to EC policies and promises, they were caught by the quotas, despite the efforts of Deputy Austin Deasy to gain a few extra years in the reckoning. The only means by which farmers could make a decent living on a small farm through expanding their dairy herds was cut off. The average herd size in north Connacht, particularly in counties Sligo and Mayo, is 11 or 12 cows. In recent years all farmers have been getting from the Commission is a restrictive price policy and a dilution of the CAP. This policy is now failing in its primary obligation to provide small farm families with a reasonable income.

Reference has already been made to the national figures. Over the past 18 months the cut in the price of milk has taken £10 million from the pockets of dairy farmers in the Sligo-Leitrim area and the local economy. The so-called reform measures now propose to cut the price of milk by a further 9p per gallon. This will lead to a further loss of £3 million-£4 million to the supplies in this area. Over the past four years, 20 per cent of the dairy farmers in this area have given up the unequal struggle and got out of milk production. What will happen if a further 20 per cent, 30 per cent or 40 per cent go out of milk production? Where will these farmers go? The only alternative I can see for them is the totally ineffective agri-business.

The returns in the beef sector are even worse. The price of forward store cattle, the essence of the market in my area, has fallen by £75 a head in one year. Farmers have been told not to worry, that they will be compensated. However, the compensation now on offer would mean a net loss of between £40 and £50 a cow. In addition, the compensation will be paid on one cow only per 1.4 acres. This proposal reveals the true intention of the thinkers behind the CAP reform proposals, that is, force the farmers of the west out of business. We were assured there would be no quota cuts below 43,000 gallons. I should like to ask the Minister if there is an assurance that there would be no quota cuts below 43,000 gallons, and if it is true, why is the word "linear" used in this connection? This would seem to indicate that suppliers under 43,000 gallons are targeted for proportionate cuts.

Compensation will also be paid in the beef area. However, there are so many conditions attached to this that it will be impossible for small farmers who traditionally keep animals for the winter and sell off grass the following October to get maximum benefit. There is no way such farmers can make the massive investments needed for environmental as well as farming purposes.

The threat posed by the reform of the CAP to the future of the family farms in the west, whatever about anywhere else, is the greatest since the famine. The reform of the Common Agricultural Policy portends the end of small farming structures and communities as we know them and the closing of the farm gates on farm production. Of course, this will not happen all of a sudden; it will be a gradual process. Compensation will be portrayed as covering all losses but it will amount to little more than a redundancy package for the last generation of small farmers. These farmers want to stay in farming but they want to see their incomes coming from their farms.

The Minister for Agriculture and Food has a major crisis on his hands, the biggest he is ever likely to face, as he tries to re-establish the position so that family farms will have the opportunity of earning reasonable incomes from commercial activities. My colleague, Deputy Paul Connaughton, referred to headage payments. Under the proposals in the budget, I calculate that a man who got £400 last year in headage payments will get an extra £10 this year. I calculated this on the basis of questions I asked last year in regard to the budgetary allowance.

The Minister has not been sufficiently aggressive to date in regard to the CAP reforms. We may have got our information about what is happening in Brussels through leaks, counter-leaks or inspired leaks but now he knows the facts. I wish the Minister well in his negotiations. An important part of our tradition, our way of life and the west of Ireland as we know it rides with him in these negotiations. We must not contemplate failure in these negotiations.

I should like to give five minutes of my time to Deputy Larry Kelly.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

This House has found it necessary on many occasions in the past to debate matters pertaining to the agricultural industry, but I have absolutely no hesitation in saying that never before has there been such genuine concern and fear about the future of Irish farmers, their families and the entire agricultural service industry. In this debate we are not referring to the crisis in farming, the decline in farm incomes and the threat to the agricultural industry generally but also to the livelihoods of many thousands of people in the community who depend on the agricultural industry for their survival.

I have listened attentively to this debate. Many references have been made to the importance of the family farm. Over the years our economy has been largely based on the development of family farms. A large proportion of our workforce depends on agriculture for employment. Tragically this number is now declining. As I said, many businesses depend on agriculture for their survival.

I want to refer to the brief issued by farming organisations. One of the most telling arguments in favour of agriculture was contained in the very simple comparative briefing document issued by the IFA. This related to the size of the enterprise needed to maintain a family farm, relating it to the average industrial wage. I will give as an example the dairy farmer who is supposed to have the highest income so far as agricultural enterprise is concerned. In 1989 23 dairy cows provided a comparative industrial wage for a farm family. This increased to 40 cows in 1990 and to 57 cows this year. There are not many family farms which can maintain and support a dairy herd of 57 cows. I will give as another example the position of farmers in disadvantaged areas with single suckling cows. In 1989 a farmer needed 109 acres in order to earn the average industrial wage. This increased to 133 acres in 1990 and to 152 cows this year.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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