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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 21 Oct 1998

Vol. 495 No. 5

Private Members' Business. - Committee of Public Accounts: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann

(a) notes that the Committee of Public Accounts in the course of its examination of the Comptroller and Auditor General's Annual Report on the Appropriation Accounts for 1997 (paragraphs 6-17 inclusive), and earlier reports on the Revenue Commissioners, is considering the position in relation to outstanding liabilities for DIRT by financial institutions;

(b) congratulates the Committee on the rapid progress which it has already made in its investigations;

(c) is concerned that the terms of reference of the Committee, as provided in the Standing Orders of this House, may not encompass the investigation which it has undertaken and, accordingly and notwithstanding anything in those Standing Orders, hereby resolves that the Committee may examine and report to Dáil Éireann upon:

(i) the circumstances surrounding any purported settlement, agreement or understanding between financial institutions in their capacity as deposit takers and the Revenue Commissioners in respect of undeclared DIRT liabilities arising from the operation of bogus non-resident accounts, and

(ii) the use of such accounts for the purpose of evading DIRT, the information known or available to the financial institutions, the Revenue Commissioners and the Central Bank concerning this practice and the steps taken to bring it to an end;

(d) considers that the Committee should be facilitated in every way possible to bring its investigation to a rapid conclusion;

(e) notes that the Committee has now tabled an Interim Report to the Dáil on the matter calling for changes to its Standing Orders and legislative changes and notes its proposal that the Comptroller and Auditor General be requested to undertake certain investigations into the administration of DIRT by the Revenue Commissioners and the relevant financial institutions;

(f) undertakes to give the Committee any additional powers or assistance which Dáil Éireann considers may be necessary to enable it to complete its investigations as soon as possible; and

(g) in recognition of the fact that the matter under investigation is one of urgent public importance undertakes to decide on its response to each point raised in the Committee's Interim Report at the earliest possible date.

I am glad the Fine Gael amendment has been withdrawn as a consequence of this resolution which incorporates our amendment and the wishes of Members on all sides.

The discussions which have taken place in recent days on this issue have enlightened many and confused just as many. I speak as a Member of the House and not as a member of the Committee of Public Accounts.

One of the things that has become obvious to everybody in recent years is the absence of a committee with sufficient power to examine the nitty gritty of issues which have arisen. It has been necessary to have recourse to public inquiries. A Dáil committee should not take the place of a public inquiry at any time in any event. However, it is generally accepted outside the House that a Dáil committee with sufficient teeth is probably as effective as a public inquiry and much cheaper. Value for money from the viewpoint of the taxpayer is one of the issues which needs to be taken into account and kept in mind at all times. Would it have been better to have had some of the inquiries which have taken place in recent years conducted by Dáil committees, assuming they had sufficient powers to carry out their work?

In recent times I noted some discussion as to whether some committees have been acting ultra vires. It would appear the committees have been reasonably effective as they have been able to do their work with a minimum of opposition and certainly a minimum of obstruction. We are now changing all this and the House should note the change. We are introducing a new system which will mean legal advice and assistance in the form of counsel and solicitors will be available to witnesses appearing before committees, particularly the Committee of Public Accounts. This will make things very interesting and will considerably change the ground rules. It will also change the speed with which an issue can be dealt with. It will be fair to everybody and ensure everybody has direct access to the ultimate in terms of advice. However, there are drawbacks. It will not be possible to have the speedy process which previously existed. It could be said that counter-balancing this, the new system will be fairer. However, it will also be much slower. Cognisance needs to be taken of this when changes of this nature are being made in relation to the Committee of Public Accounts and other committees of the House.

We must accept that members of committees, or at least members of the Committee of Public Accounts, have absolute privilege. Those appearing before a committee do not have such privilege. Under the current system it has not been possible to demand the appearance of particular individuals before a committee, something which will be possible under the new system. It will also mean that the procedures, while very much taking on the same process as a court, will be slowed down considerably in the interests of fair play, etc.

I do not accept some of the views expressed in recent times that the only issue the Committee of Public Accounts could or should investigate is that relating to appropriation accounts or public expenditure. It has a wider brief and draws its strength from the Constitution which specifically mentions and provides for the committee. I hope the legislative changes which are about to take place do not draw any of the teeth the Committee of Public Accounts or any other committee has. The Committee of Public Accounts has responsibility for appropriation accounts. However, it rightly discusses issues where, following examination by the Comptroller and Auditor General, it is deemed the State suffered a loss or could potentially suffer a loss and can decide to take action based on the recommendation of the Comptroller and Auditor General. This is as things should be to ensure there is no exposure on the part of the State. In this context I do not accept that committees have acted ultra vires. They have acted within the ambit of their responsibilities and powers and have done so effectively.

We live in a very litigation conscious society. At almost every turn somebody must resort to litigation of one kind or another. This is one of the things modern society must face up to. It is rightly said that in most cases litigation only occurs as a last resort. However, one wonders in some compensation claims whether litigation is a last resort. The suggestion has been made that the Houses of the Oireachtas could be injuncted in some manner. We have heard this discussion on numerous occasions in recent years. So far the Houses of the Oireachtas have been able to do their job alongside the courts without one impinging unnecessarily on the other. This is the way things should be. The Houses of Parliament are the Houses of the people where those elected by the general public come together to express their views in their own way and language and subject to their own thinking. They may not always be politically correct or say what is legally correct and acceptable, but they are elected by the people and draw their strength and power from that source.

In terms of effectiveness and efficacy our committees to date have done quite well. The increase in the number of committees recognises the need for greater care, attention, advice, etc. We are nearing a position where it will be virtually impossible to become a member of a committee, speak at a meeting of a committee or act on behalf of it without needing ready access to legal advice. That may be a good thing and a sign of the times, but it appears to be a recognition of a slowing down in the process or an intrusion from another quarter into an area of the Oireachtas, and I am not so sure that is a good thing.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Michael Ahern and O'Malley.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this long and complex motion which I support. A number of important issues have come to light which were discussed recently at the Committee of Public Accounts. That committee issued an interim report last night and tonight we are dealing with a motion to move matters on to the next stage of the proceedings.

As a member of the Select Committee on Finance and the Public Service, I wish to highlight a few points that the Comptroller and Auditor General should consider when he commences the investigation he has been requested to carry out on foot of this motion. A number of these points were aired at the Select Committee on Finance and the Public Service at the beginning of April. The Governor of the Central Bank, Mr. O'Connell, and the Chairman of the Revenue Commissioners appeared before the committee at that time. I wish to address a number of points made by those esteemed gentlemen on that day. The Governor of the Central Bank perceived the Central Bank's role to be primarily a prudential one and we all accept that. The Minister for Finance made it clear that is its role. The public may have thought that it has a wider role, but it does not.

During the course of the address of the Governor of the Central Bank to the committee, he mentioned the integrity of management. I asked him to elaborate on what he meant about the integrity of management in banks in so far as it was a matter of concern to the Central Bank. He replied that the integrity of management is essential and the Central Bank will not tolerate anything less. He said that over the years it has requested the removal of management and refused to approve appointments. He said there were several instances of such occurrences about which there were no problems or hesitations. When the Comptroller and Auditor General begins his investigation he should examine the role that the Central Bank considers it has regarding the integrity of the management in banks in so far as it concerns the Central Bank. If it is proved that financial institutions did not pay the tax they should have paid, there is a question mark over the integrity of management in the banks and the Central Bank, on foot of the admission of its Governor, will have to address that point at that stage.

The Chairman of the Revenue Commissioners also appeared before the committee on 1 April. We were discussing the types of sample audits they carry out in companies throughout the country. Because the Chairman of the Revenue Commissioners was before the committee, I asked him about the audits the Revenue Commissioners conduct into the banking system. I asked him that question before there were any revelations in newspaper reports. He said the Revenue Commissioners regularly send officials to conduct PAYE and VAT audits. He would not go into detail on that, but said they have made recoveries. He said that in 1997 comprehensive audit programmes recovered £8.3 million and VAT audits in 46 cases resulted in the recovery of £717,000. I asked him if that figure related to the banks nationwide to which he replied "yes, the banks". The Revenue Commissioners recovered £9 million last year as a result of audits they conducted into the main financial institutions. The problem we had in the early 1990s has not gone away and, on the admission of the Revenue Commissioners, that is still the case. That is on the record of a committee of the House. The Comptroller and Auditor General should examine those specific points when he undertakes his investigation. That problem was industry wide, was not specific to any bank and still exists.

I welcome the proposed new independent financial regulatory authority. Its terms of reference when set up must ensure it will have clear links with the Central Bank, the Revenue Commissioners, the banks and especially the customers. I hope that whatever implementation committee is set up in the near future it will ensure that consumers will be represented on the board. If deposit interest retention tax is payable as a result of this investigation, I will insist that the maximum penalties and interest due be applied in respect of those unpaid taxes.

We must have regard to the economic climate in the late 1980s. At that time there were difficulties in our economy. The Government of the day introduced severe cuts in public expenditure to reduce its budget deficit and that caused difficulty politically and for our people. It may transpire that one of the reasons those difficulties arose was because taxes due to the Exchequer were not paid. If that was the case, that means that because those taxes were not paid we had a bigger budget deficit than we should have had, we had to borrow more and increase our national debt to make up for that shortfall and we have paid interest on that increase in our national debt ever since. There may be not only a legal but a moral obligation to ensure that any penalties and interest due are applied.

If the Comptroller and Auditor General requires more powers to conduct the investigation he has been requested to carry out by this House, he should be given them and if his office requires additional resources, they should be provided. Above all, he will need the goodwill of the organisations with which he will be dealing. I urge the banks and the Revenue Commissioners to co-operate fully with him and not to hide behind the issue of taxpayer confidentiality or any other issue which would prevent him doing the job this House and the public expect of him.

The motion refers to the financial institutions which is a broad definition. I am concerned that because it is broad it may make the job of the Comptroller and Auditor General more cumbersome and take him longer to carry out his investigation. If he finds that to be the case, I urge him to report back to the House to that effect rather than allow his investigation to continue over an indefinite period.

This motion, if agreed, will ensure that there will be more openness and transparency in how we conduct our affairs. It will ensure that Revenue, the Central Bank and the financial institutions will be answerable to Dáil Éireann and, through it, to the public.

I am pleased to have an opportunity to speak on this motion. The motion tabled by the Labour Party was prompted by the revelations of the non-collection of DIRT by Allied Irish Banks recently. It is now known, and was probably known for many years, that it was not the only bank involved in this activity. This is the second big issue that has hit the banking sector in the past year. In March the newspaper headlines referred to tax evasion through the use of offshore accounts and the overcharging and loading of customer's accounts.

The Select Committee on Finance and the Public Service, of which I have the honour of being chairman, immediately decided to initiate an urgent review to ascertain the precise regulatorysupervisory role of State and other institutions in relation to the commercial banking sector. The practice in relation to the supervisory role of State institutions concerning the banking sector in our neighbouring countries of the UK, France, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and Austria was examined by the select committee and a report was published in July 1998.

Following our investigations and studies, which were carried out under narrow terms of reference, we came to the conclusion that a single regulatory independent authority should be established and given supervisory powers in regard to all commercial, friendly and voluntary bodies which handle funds or financial transactions on behalf of third parties or other institutions in Ireland. During the hearing of evidence it became clear that the Central Bank's role in the financial services sector is that of a prudential regulator and its hands were seemingly tied as to whom it could pass information regarding tax evasion or any other irregularities that it came across. It could pass on information only to the Garda, not the Revenue. However, had the bank been able to do so, it would have allowed the Revenue to operate within its powers to carry out investigations.

The Central Bank did not have the staff or remit to carry out in-depth audits and other procedural work relating to consumer protection. It must be acknowledged that the bank operated its remit to the highest standards of any western European country. As Mr. McCreevy stated, the bank's prudential supervision has provided Ireland with a safe banking environment for the ordinary saver, but consumer protection was missing. In addition, there is a necessity to assure the ordinary saver that he is not being ripped off by being overcharged with exorbitant interest or overloaded with bank charges. The committee's view was that to do this an independent financial services authority must be established, and I welcome yesterday's Government decision to set up a financial services regulator. I look forward to the details of this decision and I hope the authority includes consumer representatives as well as those from all other sectors of society.

For a number of years commentators have questioned the need, use or existence of this House and its committees. The manner of the investigations of my committee and others and the current actions of the Public Accounts Committee are evidence of how effective political involvement can be and this is important for democracy. It is time for politicians to take back powers in line with the responsibility and blame that is loaded on them when State and semi-State bodies and independent institutions do not deliver that to which people are entitled. The setting up of committees in recent years returned powers which should have been vested in those elected to run this country.

The Public Accounts Committee is to be commended on the assiduous manner in which it approached the recent allegations. Without this action we would be reading about allegations and counter allegations for weeks. The decision to put the matter in the hands of the Comptroller and Auditor-General for examination is the proper course of action and I urge the Government to provide further powers and resources, if necessary, to carry out this examination. There is a conflict of evidence between AIB and the Revenue Commissioners, and the Comptroller and Auditor General is the only person who will get to the bottom of it.

Another question which must be asked is whether the Public Accounts Committee should usurp the most important function of the Revenue Commissioners, the care and management of the tax Acts. Only the Revenue Commissioners should have the power to assess and collect taxes and it is up to the Oireachtas, the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Public Accounts Committee to question the Revenue Commissioners on whether they have carried out their functions properly. They have many powers to carry out their functions and examine whether taxes have been paid. However, in 1992 the then Minister for Finance attempted to give them powers to trawl through accounts without having suspicions or being advised of any wrongdoing. Public opinion at the time stopped the Minister from proceeding with that legislation. Whether that opinion has changed will be seen another day.

I commend the members of the Public Accounts Committee on the action they have taken and hope democracy in Ireland will be stronger in the long term following publication of its report.

I welcome this many times amended motion which has the support of all parties in the House. It represents a reasonable and commendable effort by the Committee of Public Accounts, of which I was a member for some years, to come to grips with the investigation that is required arising from the conflict of evidence between the chairman of the Revenue Commissioners and the chief executive and others in AIB on the payment of DIRT tax by the bank in 1991 for the period from 1986 up to that time. It is obviously necessary to inquire what the position has been since and what the position is in other banks on the same question.

I strongly support the initiative of the Tánaiste and the Minister for Finance in proposing to the Government and having adopted by it the establishment of a single financial regulatory body to cover all financial institutions and to regulate them for the first time from the point of view of the consumers' interest and the public interest. Heretofore the regulator was the Central Bank. In the more than nine years I spent in the Department of Industry and Commerce I was always unhappy with the nature and standards of regulation by the Central Bank. Rightly or wrongly it saw its function almost entirely as prudential regulator of the banks. The welfare and solvency of the banks seemed almost to be paramount in its mind. The public or consumer welfare or interest never seemed to enter into the equation.

I thought it was particularly inappropriate that the Central Bank regulated financial intermediaries. I hope the legislation to establish this new regulatory body will be introduced soon by the Government and passed speedily in this House. It is a pity that so often we wait for either a scandal or a catastrophe of some kind to happen before necessary legislation of this kind is decided upon and introduced.

I was particularly glad to hear before I came into the House that the Tánaiste and the Minister for Finance have just announced the composition and terms of reference of the implementation group to advise the Government on the establishment of a single regulatory authority for the financial services sector. I welcome the terms of reference which seem to be appropriate and allembracing and I especially welcome the fact that the chairman of this important body will be my old friend and colleague, Mr. Michael McDowell SC. I cannot imagine anyone in the country more suitable to carry out that function. The group must report to the Tánaiste and the Minister for Finance before the end of February 1999. Four months is a reasonable period to undertake the amount of work involved and I hope the legislation will be produced soon after that report is forthcoming.

It is claimed within the AIB that in 1991 it may have had as many as 53,000 bogus non-resident deposit accounts. If on investigation this proves to be the case, or anything remotely like it proves to be the case, it would be an appalling indictment of that bank and those who knowingly and deliberately took part in that form of tax evasion. That such activities seemed to be so prevalent some years ago, must in part be attributed to the abnormally high personal tax rates then, which made many people feel they had no option but to try to avail of a variety of devices to avoid penal tax. Although my party, the Progressive Democrats, has been in Government for a total of only about four and a half years, it is no coincidence that during that time reductions occurred, amounting to 17 percentage points in personal tax of the 18 percentage points reduction we have seen in the last decade.

The scandal of widespread bogus non-resident deposit accounts should be investigated in the context of the deplorable tax amnesty of 1993. How many of those with such bogus accounts availed of that amnesty? How much money was involved? How much tax was involved? That amnesty was one of the more disgraceful features of public legislation. It was forced through notwithstanding dire warnings from me and others that it would be extensively used to benefit those who were guilty of serious illegalities. There is little doubt that our warnings were correct, not just in respect of bogus non-resident deposit accounts but in respect of considerably more serious criminal activities. The amount of tax raised by that indefensible amnesty was so large, at 15 per cent and no interest, that the amount of tax owed must have run into billions of pounds. I invite those who supported the amnesty at the time to tell us whether they still consider it justified.

In recent days I have been considering a chronology of some of the events that arose following the failure of the Insurance Corporation of Ireland, which was a wholly owned insurance subsidiary of the AIB, in 1985. This chronology makes interesting reading, especially the parts relating to the early 1990s, when one considers what the AIB was allegedly doing at that time in respect of its tax liabilities and the liabilities of some of its depositors. No company is more beholden to the State than the AIB. In 1985 it was bailed out on generous terms by the intervention of the then Government after its insurance subsidiary failed. We were told this happened primarily as a prudential banking matter because the failure of a bank would be catastrophic. We had already experienced the failure of two insurance companies which were not bailed out by the State. In hindsight, it is a matter of great regret that when the initial bailing out took place in 1985 the Government did not insist on obtaining shares in the AIB to the value of the amount of public money that was put in. If it had, those shares would now be easily worth in excess of £1 billion.

When the question of a second tranche of assistance to finance the ICI run-off deficit arose in 1989 and subsequently, the AIB initially refused to make any contribution towards this second set of funding in spite of my anxiety as Minister for Industry and Commerce that it would fund it in full. I had a number of meetings over a period of three years with the then chairman and chief executive of the bank. Over those years the AIB's initial position was not to offer anything. It subsequently made an offer which I described at the time as derisory and ultimately in 1992 it made an offer which I was not prepared to accept. Some weeks after I resigned from Government early in November 1992 that offer was accepted. As I understand the position, the annual instalments payable under that arrangement are deductible for tax purposes by the bank. I find this ironic.

My anxiety to have the AIB meet the full cost of the collapse of the ICI was mirrored in my finding it incongruous that I should issue it with a life assurance licence. My reluctance to do so was met by the issue of High Court proceedings against me. I still feel uncomfortable that I was forced to issue an insurance licence to a group whose previous insurance company had failed and which had failed to meet the full liabilities of that company. Perhaps in my innocence I did not realise fully at the time that there was one law for the banks.

I wish to share time with Deputies Gormley, Rabbitte and Bell.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

It is my party's view that the House has done a good day's work. Within 24 hours of the publication of the interim report of the Committee of Public Accounts the first of its three requests has been dealt with. I expect the Government to act speedily on the additional matters to be dealt with, as promised. The urgency remains. The recent revelations have shocked and outraged the public. They confirmed the deeply held suspicion that there is one law for one section of society and another for the rest.

I read in Mr. Vincent Browne's column today the remarks of Mr. Mulcahy of the AIB when he appeared before the Committee of Public Accounts last week that those involved in holding non-resident accounts were grannies and that the amount of DIRT outstanding might be as low as £500,000. Mr. Browne correctly asks, as Deputy Rabbitte did last week, that if the sum involved is as low as £500,000, how does this square with Mr. Mulcahy's assertion that the problem cannot be solved without causing huge waves in the economy? Mr. Mulcahy cannot have it both ways.

Mr. Mulcahy's remarks tell another story. To use his term, grannies are not inclined to be well read in tax law. In most cases, if they have money in bogus non-resident accounts, it is likely they have been advised to do so, possibly by local bank managers acting under directions from more senior personnel in regional and head offices and, more than likely, acting under pressure from those same senior officers. This process cannot be about the little people who have been caught up in this affair.

The existence of bogus non-resident accounts says much about society's attitude to taxation, it wants much but wants to pay little. In the 1980s it was a society of high taxation for some but they were left in that position by the irresponsible spending policies adopted by the Fianna Fáil Government in the late 1970s.

The Deputy has a short memory.

The real issue is that an organisation such as the AIB which received a massive sum from the State actively colluded in defrauding the State in the years immediately afterwards, biting the hand that fed it.

It is the task of the Committee of Public Accounts to find answers to these questions but we need more than answers. We need action. I have been pleased with the affirmation from all sides of the House that we will not rest until what is owed to the State is paid and until those found guilty of the crime of tax evasion are punished in accordance with the law. There should be no attempt to scapegoat the little people, whether they be grannies or the counter staff in banks who acted under pressure and on orders.

I am pleased to have been able to play a constructive role in this week's events. I thank my fellow Whips and the Chairman of the Committee of Public Accounts for their assistance in improving the motion before the House. The broadness of the motion is at the request of the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Chairman of the Committee of Public Accounts.

The Government must not shirk from the task ahead as, unfortunately, it has done on previous occasions. Speedy action is imperative if it and all Members are to regain the confidence of the public.

The Irish Trade Union Congress in a submission to the Commission on Banking and Credit in 1936 said:

The present relation of the State to the banks is a most ignominious one for the State and the inevitable control which banks exercise on the mind of the Minister for Finance is not a healthy one for the State and hence for the people as a whole.

One can see how little things have changed.

The socially reckless attitude adopted by Irish banks in the late 1980s, which has been exposed in the case of AIB, should give cause for thought. To whom are the banks answerable? When AIB drove its business towards insolvency in the early 1980s, through ill advised adventures with the Insurance Corporation of Ireland, the ordinary, law abiding taxpayers had to foot the bill to bail it out. Those were straitened times and some demands on the Exchequer were not met because of the cost of sorting out the AIB/ICI debacle. In 1987, AIB was hurting the old, the sick and the handicapped.

If the State expected a show of appreciation for bailing out the bankers in 1985, it was to be disappointed. AIB almost immediately involved itself in a tax scam, the dimensions of which are only now coming to light. It is essential that the Committee of Public Accounts be unambiguously empowered by Dáil Éireann to pursue this matter as far as necessary. We must be assured the committee will act within its powers right to the end of this investigative process. We must also be assured that the committee is enabled to use its powers to compel the attendance of witnesses.

The DIRT fraud of the late 1980s was an inevitable result of lax controls in legislation. The amount of tax lost to the Exchequer could be £1 billion or higher. There is a danger that the investigation now under way will not deal with the political aspects of the case which are not matters for the Committee of Public Accounts but which will be debated when the report of the investigation is laid before the House.

A number of questions must be addressed if the public is not to lose even more confidence in the relationship between Government and business. The total loss of revenue to the Exchequer is higher than £1 million and could be as high as £2 billion. This is taking into account the entire banking sector and includes not only the DIRT which was underpaid for five or more years but also the unpaid taxes on the moneys on deposit, including interest and penalties. Responsibility for the non-payment of DIRT in this case lies with the account holders and the Government rather than with the Revenue Commissioners, the Central Bank or even AIB.

It was Government which gave the wink to the banks and to unscrupulous account holders in its handling of the issue after the 1983 budget. Arguably, the Governments of the day were accomplices in this fraud against the State in the signals being given both to the banks and to those who had money put away. Government has a responsibility to prevent fraud and abuse, not just to establish investigations and tribunals after the event.

This preventable fraud was allowed to grow out of control at a time when ordinary law abiding taxpayers were being squeezed for all they were worth. The system of declarations in the case of non-resident accounts, which was established by the Government in 1986, could be interpreted as a nod and a wink in the direction of tax evaders. The comprehensive political investigation which must follow the work of the Committee of Public Accounts must look at the role of the Department of Finance and of members of the Governments of the day in facilitating the culture of tax evasion in which AIB so enthusiastically participated.

It is understandable that branch staff could, in a few cases, encourage customers to disregard the law by claiming to hold an account as a non-resident one. However, the scale on which it was done can leave little room for doubt that management at every level knew about the misuse of the exemption from DIRT which applied to non-resident accounts.

The directors must account for their role. It must be asked whether branches were under such pressure to perform, as was the case in the NIB scandal, that officials encouraged customers to manage their financial affairs in a way that they would otherwise not have done. The bank's system of control appears to have been grossly inadequate in preventing such encouragement. It is not relevant to the scandalous abuse of its position in society by AIB that other banks were also breaking the same rules.

The estimate of £1 million outstanding DIRT liability by AIB might be seriously unreliable. In the absence of independent calculations the real figure may well be higher. It is necessary to establish how many accounts were recategorised in 1991 by AIB as a result of the review of non-resident accounts either because a declaration was not in place or because the residential status of the account holder was in doubt. It is necessary to confirm whether, even then, the bank confirmed the bona fides of non-residents by having the declarations countersigned by a member of management.

It will be necessary to establish whether the Revenue Commissioners established any system of audit in relation to the post 1991 regime or whether it was still left to individual banks, driven by the pursuit of profit to make the greatest possible return to their shareholders, to implement. We must establish whether April 1988 was the earliest date on which the Revenue Commissioners used their 1986 powers to check non-resident accounts. We must also establish the reason for the two year delay.

It is necessary to establish how, apart from being told by AIB, the bank's auditors verified that there was no further liability to DIRT in 1991. While it is accepted that AIB addressed the difficulties in the system, it must be established whether the group chief executive believes these were fully solved. Finally, it must be established that if AIB did not mislead the Revenue Commissioners on the extent of the problem, as has been claimed, whether this was simply because AIB did not take the trouble to quantify its extent.

The need to prevent the outflow of funds from the economy is not a mitigating factor for the bank or for the Government. Mr. Bulmer Hobson, another commentator on the work of the 1936 banking commission, said:

The bankers and other financial interests are, of course, very pleased to have the arranging of their profitable business the way they want it, without having to face any critical or informed analysis of how their actions affect the community as a whole. They appear to think that, as long as the trade in money is prospering, everything was all right for everybody else.

That situation cannot be permitted in the 1990s. It is a matter for the Committee of Public Accounts to use its powers to ensure that it will not obtain. I support the motion.

I speak on behalf of my party and not in my capacity as a member of the Committee of Public Accounts. Although the committee has laid its first interim report before the Dáil — it will take some time for the Comptroller and Auditor General to complete the next stage of the exercise — the committee is still seized of the substantive issue. Therefore, without prejudice to whatever conclusions might ultimately be reached, I will make a few points about the political implications of what has come into the public domain.

The timely motion before the House is entirely symmetrical with the direction of the interim report. Primarily it is now a matter for Government to dictate the pace of the legislative changes that are urgently needed. Given the manner in which the primacy of politics has been asserted, mainly through the expeditious work of the Committee of Public Accounts, it is important that there is no foot dragging in enacting the necessary legislation.

This issue goes to the heart of politics. Does the same law apply to all taxpayers and is it applied evenhandedly? That question is fundamental to the nature of our democracy and to the quality of our public administration. According to the evidence of the chief executive of Allied Irish Banks, the phenomenon of bogus non-resident accounts is "industry wide". In other words, what was revealed earlier this year concerning the National Irish Bank, which has a 3 per cent market share, was merely the tip of the iceberg. What is now in the public domain must be judged against the publicly dismissive remarks of the Minister for Finance. At the opening of the new Tallaght regional tax office for the Revenue Commissioners immediately in the wake of the NIB revelations, the Minister poured scorn on the notion of widespread tax evasion then or now. The Minister has publicly changed his tune dramatically, but there can be little doubt that his earlier remarks are more indicative of the culture of the 1980s.

So endemic was that culture then that, according to the Allied Irish Banks chief executive, it looked at one stage "as if the entire country was going offshore." Many tax compliant citizens take offence at that remark. Retired businesspeople have written to me in recent days to say that although they did resent the imposition of DIRT on their savings, which had already been exposed to tax, the question of breaking the law never crossed their minds. The hundreds of thousands of people whose tax was deducted at source from their pay packets feel similarly. Therefore, when Mr. Mulcahy says that it looked as if the entire country was going offshore, it should be remembered that tens of thousands of our people were going offshore at that time to earn a living. They were driven out by high personal taxes because the tax base was so narrow due to a great many people evading taxes or because they could not live on welfare because only a small base of tax compliant citizens was contributing to the upkeep of our social services. I am not saying that we do not have to weigh the evidence submitted by Mr. Mulcahy carefully, but if the scale of evasion was as large as he says — that if it was tackled unilaterally by a single bank it would have threatened that bank's existence — then it puts charges of tax evasion from trade union sources in perspective.

According to the banks the scale of evasion was far greater than trade unionists suspected. Members will recall the huge tax protest marches in Dublin and other cities and towns during the late 1970s and early 1980s. People were not protesting against paying their taxes; they were protesting against paying taxes that were too high due, they believed, to the narrowness of the tax base because others were not paying their fair share. It now looks as if the most extreme trade union computation was an underestimate.

A further context should be considered. During these same years a range of perfectly legal instruments was available to people with money to avoid tax. An entire tax avoidance industry grew up at that time, and its purpose was to advise people with money and to identify loopholes in the tax code. All of this happened in a culture that has only belatedly been introduced to a culture of compliance. For a generation after the introduction of income tax it seems that nobody paid the slightest attention to it unless it was deducted at source from their wages. For a further generation most farmers, for example, did not consider themselves to be in the tax net at all and felt it did not apply to them. A great many other people with wealth were taught by the tax avoidance industry how to avoid paying their fair share.

We now learn that in addition to all of that, the phenomenon of bogus non-resident accounts was going on at the scale alleged by the chief executive of AIB. We can therefore see the importance of tonight's motion and of the inquiry initiated by the Committee of Public Accounts. Even if it is true that the culture has gradually changed, and I am persuaded that it has, it is still of the highest importance that the facts of this controversy are established. I am also persuaded that the Revenue Commissioners have significantly improved tax collection systems and have closed many loopholes from recent years. However, they too must co-operate fully with the Comptroller and Auditor General in establishing the facts surrounding what happened from 1986 to 1991. There is no plausible reason why this cannot be done without breaching the confidentiality imperative that must apply to tax compliant citizens. I hope the Revenue Commissioners will be forthcoming.

I watched Deputy O'Malley's contribution on my monitor and agreed with a great deal of what he said. It is important that we put this in the context of the ICI debacle. This is the bank that was bailed out; this is the gratitude demonstrated for being rescued from its own commercial incompetence in 1985. Not satisfied with having railroaded the State into a very imprudent deal at that time — I agree with what Deputy O'Malley said about that — it was especially regrettable that no shares were taken in the bank at that time. That was an error, though hindsight is 20/20 vision.

Something that Deputy O'Malley did not mention, however, was that a further £32 million was paid to AIB in 1992. I presume that came under Deputy O'Malley's stewardship; he was certainly in Government then. I am curious as to why we had to come up with another tranche of £32 million in direct connection to the ICI debacle of the time. Perhaps the Minister of State, Deputy Cullen, will deal with that when he replies.

I also heard the first admission of naiveté from Deputy O'Malley since entering the House. He said that he did not know that there was one law for the poor and one for the banks at that time, hence he sanctioned a new licence for a life assurance company for AIB in the immediate wake of the 1985 debacle, which explained why the life assurance licence was given at that time. I would have liked the House to allow Deputy O'Malley some more time to elaborate on how it was that AIB got that licence at the time and the circumstances that provoked it.

A financial regulator has been mentioned. Deputy Quinn's view on this would not find majority acceptance in this House, and I am not sure that the Cabinet decision yesterday will assist other Members in making their minds up. Yesterday's decision betrays a Cabinet divided on which way to go. Do we avail of the expertise built up over many years in the Central Bank or do we set up a unitary financial regulator for all the financial services which is free of the culture of the Central Bank? It seems that the Minister for Finance and the Tánaiste are irreconcilably opposed on this issue. That is usually what gives birth to an implementation group, which one only gets when the decision was badly thought out in the first place. The thinking will now apparently be done after a decision has been made.

Welcome to camel country.

It is an extraordinary situation. I welcome the appointment of former Deputy Michael McDowell, if Deputy O'Malley is right, as chairman of the group. If anything is to be implemented I can think of nobody more suited to causing it to be implemented. I wish the Minister well. I do not know whether this signals kiss and make up time but I welcome that decision.

I agree that it has been a good week for this House in the sense that the primacy of politics has been asserted and the work of the Committee of Public Accounts has been exemplary, diligent, assiduous and speedy. The laying of the report before the House last night is the right approach and the Comptroller and Auditor General should be enabled by legislation, as quickly as possible, to get on with doing the next phase of the work.

I thank my colleague for sharing time with me. I intend to be brief. I am not speaking on behalf of the Committee of Public Accounts, of which I am a member, but as an individual Member of the House. I want to pay tribute to the staff of the Committee of Public Accounts who worked diligently and long into the night over the past two weeks. Their work is very much appreciated by the members of the committee.

I welcome the motion put down by the Labour Party. I pay tribute to the Whips for securing allparty agreement on the motion and accepting the advice of the committee in relation to changes to it.

In a meeting of the Committee of Public Accounts I asked Mr. Mulcahy if he would agree that both the banks and "John Citizen" were breaking the law, and he admitted that was the case. If any other individual in the State made a statement of that kind they would probably be arrested and charged with the serious offence of defrauding the State of millions of pounds. Is there one law for the PAYE sector and one for the financial institutions? I hope in its deliberations the Committee of Public Accounts will answer that question.

I want to put some important questions to the Minister. I am advised that the Revenue Commissioners designed and redesigned a statutory document known as Form F, the purpose of which was to establish the basic information in relation to these deposits. I am equally advised that at no stage, certainly up to 1991, did staff at a senior level in the Revenue Commissioners instruct the inspectorate to carry out an investigation in relation to these forms. That is where the basic fault lies. It was due to the negligence of senior staff in the Revenue Commissioners that this problem was created. We must establish whether instructions were given to the inspectorate to carry out inspections of Form F not only in relation to AIB but all the financial institutions where DIRT was due to be collected.

There is a reciprocal arrangement between the tax authorities in the United Kingdom and the Revenue Commissioners here in relation to exchange of information on this subject. The British authorities use Form C8 and CB to supply the Revenue Commissioners here with that information. I am told on good authority that while the British co-operate fully and supply information to the Revenue Commissioners, the Revenue Commissioners do not supply information to the same degree to the UK tax authorities. That is a major flaw in the system because if there is not co-operation between the UK and the Revenue Commissioners, obviously there cannot be co-ordination of activity to deal with not only the avoidance of DIRT but also other problems like money laundering.

Bank auditors are the professionals in the banking system who certify that the financial activities of banks are correct. If these skilled and professional people certified that the accounts of AIB and other financial institutions were correct, did they know that those financial institutions of the State were ripping off the PAYE sector?

I congratulate my colleagues in the Labour Party for putting down the motion. As Deputy Rabbitte said, it will give the Committee of Public Accounts real teeth to deal with these problems in the future.

Following last evening's debate and discussions held with Opposition parties to date, I want to firmly state the Government's position. The Government is fully conscious of, and shares, the public concerns about the recent revelations in regard to the use of bogus non-resident accounts for the purpose of evading DIRT. The Government has always made clear its intolerance of tax evasion and, as I said in the course of my contribution on 8 October on this issue, the Minister for Finance has already asked the Revenue Commissioners and the Department of Finance to examine what new powers are needed for Revenue in tackling tax evasion. The Government has already announced that it is fully committed to assisting the Committee of Public Accounts to progress its ongoing investigations as rapidly as possible and to reach early conclusions.

The Government agreed with the motion put down by the Labour Party which has now been updated to take account of the committee's interim report. I fully agree with paragraph (b) of the motion which congratulates the Committee of Public Accounts on the rapid progress it has already made in investigating this matter. It is essential that, as far as is practicable, all available facts are brought into the public domain. The revenues of the State are, ultimately, the resources of all the citizens of the State. We in this House are the custodians of those resources and the citizens rely on us to ensure fairness, propriety, efficiency and effectiveness in their administration. To put it simply, the public have a right to know. Our duty as their representatives in this matter is to ensure that the citizens and taxpayers of this State have all pertinent information made available to them.

While bringing the facts to light is a necessary duty of this House, it is not in itself sufficient. Paragraph (d) of the motion before the House states that the committee should be facilitated in every way possible to bring its investigation to a rapid conclusion. The Government supports this view. Speed is of the essence. We must strive to ensure essential information is brought out quickly. Justice delayed is justice denied. If errors or wrongdoing against the public interest have taken place, the public must be made aware of the essential facts as soon as possible. Equally, if allegations against individuals or organisations are incorrect, by intent or inadvertently, we in the House owe it to those individuals or organisations to produce the relevant facts in the shortest time possible. The Government is doing everything possible to advance the process of investigating this matter.

The Government accepts the motion subject to a detailed and careful examination of all the legal implications of the change in the terms of reference proposed in paragraph (c). In the time available it has not been possible to give as full a consideration to all the complex legal questions which arise as would be desirable. The Government accepts that the Committee of Public Accounts should have the powers referred to in paragraph (c) but reserves the right to come back to Dáil Éireann should more considered legal advice indicate it would be appropriate to take further or other steps to attain the objective on which we are all agreed.

This is not only correct procedure: obtaining the best available legal advice will help to avoid delays in the process in the future which might result if we stumble into a constitutional or statutory blind alley. Let us make no mistake about this. In proceeding with the examination of the facts we are advancing into territory where there are competing rights, obligations and interests which will, rightly, be defended.

The route proposed in the interim report of the Committee of Public Accounts is innovative in terms of parliamentary procedure as well as in law. We have few precedents to guide us. Where such precedents exist they illustrate the utmost importance of ensuring that statutory provisions and operational matters are correct in law. In light of the known and potential pitfalls in this area, the Government is determined to ensure that, as far as possible, the procedures adopted are proper, appropriate and correct.

On the basis of the legal advice the Minister for Finance will bring to Government at the earliest possible opportunity, specific proposals to give effect where necessary in legislation, to the recommendations of the Committee of Public Accounts on this matter. Where the work of the committee demands enhanced statutory authority, which Dáil Éireann considers necessary and which satisfies the constitutional and legal obligations to which I referred earlier, this demand will be met without delay. The Department of Finance has been directed to formulate proposals which can be examined by the Government with a view to bringing a Bill before the House in the shortest possible time.

In supporting the need to provide the "assistance which Dáil Éireann considers may be necessary to enable it to complete its investigations as soon as possible", as stated in paragraph (f) of the motion, the Government is concerned that the investigative process must prioritise the matters to be addressed. It is necessary to ensure that the Dáil and committees acting for the Dáil, optimise the time available to bring the core facts to light. It is essential that the sequence of the investigation should concentrate, in the first instance, on those aspects which are already in the public domain. If possible, Members should try to resolve conflicts of evidence or interpretation already presented before the Committee of Public Accounts which have given rise to public controversy. It is almost self-evident that a satisfactory resolution of differences of fact and opinion already submitted to the committee would greatly facilitate the investigation of this issue's wider implications.

I join the other Members who have congratulated the Committee of Public Accounts on the rapid progress it has made in its investigation of these serious allegations. It is our duty to ensure these matters are fully investigated as quickly as possible.

Deputy Rabbitte raised a specific point. I do not have the details of the case but in the days ahead we will all want to know the facts surrounding the £32 million and how it came to be in 1992. We are all anxious to know the reasons but I do not have the information in front of me.

I will refer to two points raised by Deputy Rabbitte. He asked why in 1985 we did not get shares in AIB. At the time I argued unsuccessfully that we should have the option to buy shares at their floor price which at that time was 150p and that that option should have been open for a period of between three and four years. I was told it was a ridiculously idealistic socialist response, typical of myself and was outvoted. The other point refers to what can be done in relation to the new financial regulatory body. There are some restrictions in the EU banking directives that would prevent the Central Bank from carrying on some of the supervisory functions. There is a need for some independence but whether that constitutes a new institution or can be accommodated within the Central Bank is the issue that should be looked at.

In accordance with the Ethics in Public Office Act, 1995, I will state a fact which is well known. My eldest brother, Lochlann, has been a member of the board of AIB since May 1995 and has been its chairperson since January 1997.

On behalf of the Labour Party I am pleased we have reached all party agreement on this motion. The party, for its part, has never been tied to any form of wording. However, we believed the House needed to take action and more importantly, as stated by numerous speakers, to be seen to take action. It was in this context we moved our motion in Private Members' time.

As my colleagues, Deputies McDowell and Broughan made clear, the public regard this issue as a cardinal test of the House's determination and ability to root out malpractices in our society. I have been receiving that message at the doors and in the shopping centres in Cork during the past ten days. As a result of wide-ranging revelations in recent years, those people who insist on the highest possible standards in public business and commercial life are no longer subject to the accusations of begrudgery and sabotage that were levelled at them in the past. It is ironic that Mr. Charles Haughey, former Taoiseach, stood up and accused my colleague, Barry Desmond, of national sabotage in relation to the beef scandal. There is now a tribunal of inquiry into the activities of former Taoiseach, Mr. Charles Haughey, and Barry Desmond is now usefully and gainfully occupied as an auditor in the Court of Auditors of the European Union. Such is the passage of history.

When my party proposed the Ethics in Public Office legislation and the reform of our electoral law, as it pertains to the financial support of politics and politicians, there was widespread opposition and suspicion in the House. Happily that climate has changed.

The task before the Committee of Public Accounts is an extremely difficult one. Tonight's motion deals only with the first of three strands relating to the new powers the committee needs. The motion confers on the committee a specific mandate to make its investigation and removes any suspicion that it may have strayed beyond its existing terms of reference. This is a very necessary exercise.

The second and third strands are changes to the Comptroller and Auditor General Acts and amendments to the compellability of witnesses Act, 1997. These measures must be proceeded with as a matter of urgency.

On the Order of Business this morning Deputy Noonan, on behalf of Fine Gael, suggested these measures should be in place before Christmas. Action is required much more urgently. My party has already transmitted to the Taoiseach a draft Bill which addresses the powers of the Comptroller and Auditor General. Let us be clear as to what the public wants at the end of the process. I have heard it repeatedly in the past ten to 15 days in Cork and elsewhere. Today a secondary school teacher, outside Wilton shopping centre, said the public wants any arrears of DIRT tax liable to the State to be paid to the State with accompanying penalties. If evidence emerges that any financial institution orchestrated DIRT evasion, those responsible should have the full rigours of the law brought down on them. By that I do not mean the ordinary bank official or even a manager acting under instructions, but those responsible for the instructions. I do not for one moment accept the analysis proffered by AIB to the committee that malpractice may be put down to the operations of rogue bank managers. Incidentally, I support everything Deputy Bell said about the work of the internal auditors of the banks and the need to fully examine their investigations.

There must be no scapegoating of junior staff by senior management. Senior management is corporately responsible for the actions of its employees and in the case of AIB, they are very handsomely paid to carry that responsibility.

AIB has stated it is currently re-examining its DIRT liability for the period. I suggest — I hope the media pick this up — that all other banks, one of which was named in the press over the weekend, should do the same in the full knowledge that the State will expect full payment of any outstanding amounts. The manner of such payment is not particularly important. It could, for example, involve direct payments by each institution once the amount in question has been established, a direct levy on the banking sector or some form of windfall tax on profits declared, notwithstanding the laws surrounding retrospection. Either way, once we have established what the arrears of tax due to the State are, they must be paid without equivocation and they must be seen to be paid.

The Revenue Commissioners also have some clear questions to answer. While they have been determined not to use the word "amnesty", it is clear that in effect one existed. From what I have read of the reports of the committee and the evidence given by various individuals, particularly the chairman, it appears that if AIB was not pursued for arrears covering the period in which there was a clear legal obligation to collect DIRT, it was given to understand that that was acceptable to the Revenue Commissioners. That must be very substantially clarified and we must look at the basis on which that decision was made.

The Minister for Finance has stated categorically that he is not entitled to inquire into individual tax cases. Of course, we all accept that he is not, but there is emerging evidence, acknowledged both in my party's original motion and the motion before the House, that this was an industry-wide problem. Therefore, I see no reason the Minister should not discuss this issue with the chairperson of the Revenue Commissioners. Such a discussion should centre around the adequacy of the existing powers available to the Revenue. I know from personal experience in 1995 that there is considerable resistance to new measures brought in to ensure tax compliance, but the Rubicon river must be crossed this time.

The Minister for Finance stated last night that his Department and the Revenue Commissioners are engaged in a review of anti-tax evasion measures. However, I would have more confidence in the review coming to a successful conclusion if the Minister for Finance stopped playing down the significance of what has been discovered so far. I was appalled to hear him say on the radio on Sunday morning that tax evasion was like sin — one could legislate against it but one could not stop it. The tone and the way in which he evinced that opinion was one of utter complacency in the light of revelations of tax evasion on the massive scale of £100 million. The Minister of State must convey to the Minister for Finance — not the Department — that his attitude to tax evasion is far too tolerant.

There is no complacency.

I can simply tell the House what the Minister said, which was not unlike other conservative pronouncements, such as the poor will always be with us and there is little we can do about it.

This country has yet to have a serious civil tax offence prosecution pursued to the point where someone ends up in jail. Prior to the establishment of the Criminal Assets Bureau, no one went to jail for civil tax evasion. The success of the CAB in securing prosecutions and pursuing people who were evading tax as a consequence of criminal activities has won widespread acceptance among the public. However, we must also address this issue on the civil side. We need a high profile Lester Piggott type case in which someone is sent to jail, sooner rather than later. Otherwise, the compliant tax paying citizen will revolt and we will create a cynical attitude to tax paying at a time when we can least afford it.

People can rightly ask what I did in the two and a half years I was Minister. I tried to tidy up the procedures in relation to the relationship between the Revenue Commissioners, the Garda and the DPP's office. However, there has been a failure so far to advance cases to a successful conclusion. The courts must answer for themselves in this regard because one case of substantial tax evasion in Galway, which is on the public record, resulted in the judge, who is obviously independent, not giving a custodial sentence when such a sentence was, in my view, required by the scale of the offence.

I suggest to the Minister of State that the Revenue Commissioners must be given direct responsibility and independence to initiate prosecutions. They have their own civil legal section and solicitors but, notwithstanding the streamlining of the cases we have been able to put together for them, they have not had a satisfactory relationship, judging from the results from the Director of Public Prosecutions.

If we are to have a successful Lester Piggott style case — to use a description with which everyone is familiar — we need to give autonomy of operation to the Revenue Commissioners. They must have the ability to pursue cases independently and to prosecute where they believe tax evasion has occurred on a scale which would warrant such a prosecution.

The culture of settling with individuals where there has been blatant abuse following all sorts of last chances must also be changed. These are policy matters for the Minister for Finance and the Revenue Commissioners and should be initiated without delay.

There has been widespread anger and disgust at the revelations that up to £100 million — although I know AIB disputes the figure — was not paid in DIRT tax and that the Revenue Commissioners acquiesced in some way to a much lower payment. There is a demand now for the Comptroller and Auditor General to be given the powers, statutory and otherwise, to establish the position and to produce a report based on the facts as they occurred, not just in that bank but in all financial institutions irrespective of the nature of their ownership. When those facts become known to us we must ensure that tax due from those institutions, or on behalf of their clients, is paid in full in a manner to be agreed by this House with the relevant institutions. Anything less than that will not meet the manifest public demand and this House will be seen to have failed in its duty — after a good week in which we moved very quickly — if we do not do that very quickly. I call upon the Government to look at the measures we have proposed and to ensure they are implemented as quickly as possible.

Question put and agreed to.
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