Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:1. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [5893/23]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Cabinet Committees
Paul Murphy
Ceist:2. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [5896/23]
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:3. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [6735/23]
Ivana Bacik
Ceist:4. Deputy Ivana Bacik asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [6925/23]
Cian O'Callaghan
Ceist:5. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [7240/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:6. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [7266/23]
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:7. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [8116/23]
Brendan Smith
Ceist:8. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [8502/23]
Cian O'Callaghan
Ceist:9. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [8629/23]
Rose Conway-Walsh
Ceist:129. Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination will next meet. [8778/23]
Tógfaidh mé Ceisteanna Uimh. 1 go 9, agus 129 le chéile.
The Cabinet committee on Government co-ordination is scheduled to meet again on Monday next, 27 February. The committee reviews the agenda of Government meetings, discusses political priorities and reviews the activity of Cabinet committees. I am a member of the committee, with the Tánaiste and the leader of the Green Party. The Secretary General to the Government, my chief of staff and the chiefs of staff for the Tánaiste and the leader of the Green Party also sit in on meetings.
In including in Government policy the need for cost-rental and affordable schemes, the Government is acknowledging, rightly, that even if someone is over the social housing income threshold, that person still cannot afford market rents or prices. However, the delivery of cost-rental or affordable housing is pitifully slow. In my area, it is virtually non-existent. There is a cohort of people - working people - who are, if they find themselves facing eviction or unable to find accommodation that is affordable, in a very bad situation. They are driven into homelessness and obliged to sleep on couches, in cars and so on. What will the Government do for that cohort?
The Government should extend the tenant in situ scheme to those above the social housing income threshold if they are faced with homelessness. The Government should extend eligibility for the housing assistance payment, HAP. As much as I disagree with the HAP system, it is better than nothing, but people over the social housing income threshold are not even entitled to rent support in the form of HAP and, therefore, are absolutely banjaxed if they are trying to find rental accommodation. Does the Taoiseach accept my point? If he understands that we need that middle tier of affordable housing, which is not there yet, does he accept that other supports need to be provided for the cohort in question? Increasingly, it is working people who are being driven into or facing homelessness.
This weekend, we learned about the AIB write-down for D.J. Carey of more than 99%, which is an incredible figure. It is a jaw-dropping figure. Many people who have experience of mortgage distress, whether it be as a result of illness, the fact that their homes are affected by mica - theirs are mortgages on lumps of rubble - or the fact that they own small businesses, will have been told by their banks that it is impossible to give write-downs in order to reduce the level of debt that they owe. It is very difficult for many people to see what appear to be two cohorts of individuals being treated differently. We do not know the specific details of Mr. Carey's write-down. AIB is to be called before the Joint Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform, and Taoiseach to discuss its policy in this regard. However, the Government should have an understanding of the policies of banks, especially those that are, in part, owned by the State. Does the Taoiseach know how many write-downs of more than 90% were afforded to citizens by AIB in the past number of years? The State also has public-interest directors on the board of AIB. Did the latter have knowledge of any write-downs of this scale? If they did have such knowledge, did they impart it to the Department of Finance? Did the Minister for Finance know? We need a banking system that is fair and reasonable to individuals who are in mortgage distress. I would appreciate it if the Taoiseach could comment on this matter.
What work is being done to ensure greater Government co-ordination in policy decisions being taken at Government level with regard to the accommodation of refugees and those seeking asylum and international protection? For months, I have consistently raised the need for a more co-ordinated approach on the part of Government to the provision of accommodation and of information to communities throughout the country that are offering such a warm welcome to those who came here to seek refuge. We have called for a public information campaign such as that rolled out so successfully during Covid to address the misinformation and downright lies that are being spread by a very small number of sinister actors regarding refugees and those seeking international protection. This is a live issue in communities throughout the country. Many of our own local representatives and councillors are facing a backlash from a small number of these sinister actors. They need, as we do, more information from the Government and a clear channel of communication with the Government regarding the accommodation of refugees and asylum seekers. We saw tens of thousands of people coming out on Saturday to show solidarity at the Ireland for All rally and to stand in solidarity against racism and any sort of anti-refugee sentiment, but we need to see that goodwill and solidarity supported by the Government to a much greater extent.
Does the package of cost-of-living measures announced earlier include any climate action measures? We want to see a more co-ordinated Government approach on climate action. We have proposed the €9 per month public transport ticket would be adopted today or this week as part of the cost-of-living measures, but also as a measure that would greatly assist in reducing our carbon emissions.
A 16-year-old transgender girl, Brianna Ghey, was stabbed to death in Warrington in England on 11 February. Huge crowds attended vigils for her, including on this island, in Belfast, Derry, Cork, Dublin, Limerick, Kilkenny and elsewhere. I express my sympathy and solidarity with her family and friends, the trans community and all who feel less safe after her tragic murder. Two 15-year-olds have been arrested. Brianna experienced transphobic bullying and harassment before her death. Transphobia is now being investigated as a possible motive for the murder. Anyone involved in stirring up transphobia online, in the media, in politics or among their peers needs to take a long, hard look at themselves. Those ideas have real-life consequences. A recent study by the Trinity College Dublin school of nursing and midwifery shows that conversion therapy practices are taking place in Ireland. Will the Taoiseach outline, in a bit of detail if possible, what steps the Government intends to take to rule out this extremely harmful practice?
I send my sympathies to the family and friends of Brianna Ghey and solidarity to her trans siblings at this time.
Last week, the Taoiseach not only disputed research produced on behalf of Barnardos which found that one in ten parents has used a food bank in the past year, he sought to undermine the data. As has been clarified, his criticisms of the data were totally, wholly, completely and utterly inaccurate. The Barnardos survey also found that one quarter of parents have had to cut down on paying household bills, such as those relating to gas and electricity, in order to afford food costs over the past 12 months. Yesterday, the ESRI published a peer-reviewed report on housing inadequacy outcomes for children, using data from the Government's Growing Up in Ireland study. Of the age group considered, one in ten children lives in unsuitable housing and a similar proportion of children live in homes that parents cannot afford to keep warm. These are not challenges that have been caused by Covid, the war in Ukraine or the cost-of-living crisis.
They are a consequence of decades of structural inequalities and bad public policies for which the three party leaders must take at least some responsibility. The lead author of the ESRI report found that a significant minority of children experience periods of inadequate housing during their childhood and some spend years exposed to poor housing conditions, with negative impacts on their social and emotional development and their health. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child remains seriously concerned about the large number of children living in poverty, food insecurity and homelessness in Ireland. Dismissing data is not a helpful route to the reduction of child poverty. Is it the intention of the three party leaders to mainstream children's rights particularly into the Housing for All strategy?
I am a big supporter of cost-rental housing as is the Government. Cost rental is a new model of housing. It is new to Ireland but not new to other parts of the world. It was initiated by the then Minister, Eoghan Murphy, in the last Government and is being realised by the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, in this Government, with projects in Emmet Road, Shanganagh Castle, Cork, and north County Dublin. We really need to scale it up as much as we can and potentially Project Tosaigh is a way that we can do that. There are a very large number of unactivated planning permissions for apartments and high-density developments in Dublin, Cork and elsewhere, and I would like to see us getting them going, potentially as cost-rental housing, ensuring it is available to more people. It will take years and decades to scale up to the level of cost-rental housing that we would like, but I think it is the right policy.
What about in the meantime?
In the meantime, I agree with what the Deputy said about the purchase in situ programme. The Minister tells me that we are doing that. If a landlord is selling and the tenant is a social housing tenant, a council can buy that property.
What if a person is over the threshold?
If the Deputy wants, he can send me a note. There are different thresholds, as he knows, and I do not profess to knowing the exact ins and outs of the scheme, but I know it is something that is done and we support it. I imagine there are some sort of thresholds. The Deputy may want these set out in detail or in writing. We can certainly examine whether we get rid of the thresholds altogether or whether we raise them.
Deputy Tóibín asked about the jaw-dropping settlement that has made the newspapers. I am reluctant to talk about any individual's personal finances, whether they are famous or not. If the committee is inviting the banks in, it could certainly explore the wider policy approach banks follow in writing down debts. I imagine it is linked to how much the person is able to pay back rather than who they are, but that needs to be looked at. I cannot say how many have had write-downs of more than 90%. The Department of Finance may have those figures; I do not have them personally. There is a relationship framework according to which the Department engages with banks based on ensuring it is commercial and at arm's length.
Deputy Bacik asked about communications in relation to Ukraine and migration. The communications sub-group of Cabinet committee on Ukraine is developing an improved approach to communications. It has to be on two levels: on the ground, talking to and engaging with people individually and something wider, more public through the media. I met with the Lord Mayor of Dublin last week and she represents the Ballymun area. She spoke about how effective it was to do the communications on the ground and talk to people individually, listen to their concerns and explain to them what is going on. It is resource and person intensive, but I think it is something we need to do. I know the Minister is trying to develop a team around him to do that. We will need a wider campaign as well to ensure people know the facts and know what is and is not going on.
The Government does not propose to bring in a €9 per month public transport ticket. That was done in Germany and was abandoned for various reasons. It is not something we would be inclined to repeat here given the fact it did not work in Germany.
It was hugely successful.
It was subsequently rolled out by the states.
We have reduced public transport fares, which has been successful, but we need to make sure we do not create major capacity problems for ourselves and that is something we have to balance each time. The school transport initiative is a climate measure. Since we waived the fees for school transport, there has been a large increase in the number of children using school transport. The figure is in the region of 20,000 or 30,000 more. It is definitely a climate measure that is beneficial.
I am not exactly sure where we are in terms of the legislation on conversion therapy. I will come back to Deputy Barry on that when I get an update. However, I join him and others in expressing solidarity with the trans community in light of recent events.
I refer to the ESRI study on housing adequacy and child outcomes, which Deputy O'Reilly mentioned. This is an important study that highlights critical interventions in securing adequate housing for families and children while providing a strong evidence base for those interventions. The report's findings resonate with research being carried out by the Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage on housing costs, stress and deprivation, which will be published shortly. While Housing for All places considerable focus on supply and affordability, it does not ignore other housing challenges and commits to reforms across multiple areas. When it comes to new-build social housing, for example, we do not have the exact figures yet for 2022 but we think it will be around 8,000 new social homes, possibly the highest number since 1975. Our ambition is to build more in 2023. There is also the retrofitting of about 30,000 social homes, making them warmer and less expensive to heat.
Departmental Strategies
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:10. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's strategy statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [5647/23]
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:11. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach when the annual report of his Department for 2022 will be published. [6847/23]
Brendan Smith
Ceist:12. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's strategy statement 2021-2023. [8114/23]
Christopher O'Sullivan
Ceist:13. Deputy Christopher O'Sullivan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's strategy statement 2021-2023; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [8143/23]
Ivana Bacik
Ceist:14. Deputy Ivana Bacik asked the Taoiseach when the annual report of his Department for 2022 will be published. [8207/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:15. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s strategy statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [8377/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:16. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach when the annual report of his Department for 2022 will be published. [8378/23]
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:17. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach when the report on the strategic goals of his Department’s strategy statement 2021-2023 will be published. [8421/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:18. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s strategy statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [8573/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:19. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the annual report of his Department for 2022 will be published. [8574/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:20. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s strategy statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [8576/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:21. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the annual report of his Department for 2022 will be published. [8577/23]
Cian O'Callaghan
Ceist:22. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's strategy statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [8630/23]
Tógfaidh mé Ceisteanna Uimh. 10 go 22 le chéile.
The priorities set out in the Department's Statement of Strategy 2021-2023 reflect the role of the Department to assist me, as Taoiseach, and the Government to ensure a sustainable economy and a successful society, to pursue Ireland's interests abroad, to implement the Government's programme and to build a better future for Ireland and all its citizens. In accordance with the provisions of the Public Service Management Act 1997, the Department of the Taoiseach is currently developing its new statement of strategy for the three-year period from 2023 to 2025. This will reflect the central role of the Department in advancing national whole-of-government priorities over the coming period.
On housing, we will drive the implementation of Housing for All and seek to reverse the trend of rising homelessness and falling home ownership. I know that many of our citizens are still struggling with the cost of living across many facets of their lives and the Government is implementing a range of measures to improve that or to at least ameliorate it. We must ensure the best start in life for every child. With this aim in mind, preparations are under way to establish a new unit in the Department of the Taoiseach, before the end of March, tasked with reducing child poverty and improving well-being with a strong co-ordination and leadership role across Government.
Climate change is the most pressing long-term global challenge of our time and Ireland is facing up to that challenge. We have set the ambition to become energy independent by harnessing our untapped renewable energy resources and will continue to progress and develop capacity across Government on climate action. Another ambition is to build safer communities and streets and to improve our national security. We will build on the work under way to reduce crime and antisocial behaviour. We will provide additional resources to An Garda Síochána, the Defence Forces, the Prison Service and the court system, as well as passing new laws to ensure we apprehend criminals and deal with them appropriately.
Working with the Tánaiste and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, we will work to re-establish the Good Friday Agreement institutions in the North.
We will also ensure balanced regional development, be it through the national broadband plan, the regeneration of our rural communities or by ensuring a better future for those involved in farming and fishing. We will continue to adopt a town-and-village-first approach.
Cross-government work will continue to source the accommodation and other requirements for the high numbers of people seeking protection from the war in Ukraine and elsewhere. The Government has recently agreed the establishment of ten Cabinet committees to reflect these cross-government priorities, which the Government will continue to advance during its lifetime. The Department will also provide progress reports under the strategic priorities set out in the statement of strategy through the normal annual reporting cycle. The Department's annual report for 2022 will be published and laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas in the coming months.
The Department’s strategy statement makes no reference to domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, DSGBV, despite the commitments made by the current and former taoisigh of their office's significant role in the implementation of the third strategy. When will this be rectified?
The Taoiseach knows that it is the intention of the Minister for Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth that victims will avail of a reduced amount of pay for the five days that they may need to take domestic violence leave in a 12 month period. This pay will be reduced by up to 30%. In one breath the Taoiseach agrees that there is an epidemic of domestic abuse and violence, particularly against women, yet in another completely dismisses modest additional asks that can and will protect victims and their children. It is inappropriate to align domestic violence leave with sick pay. Domestic violence is not and should not be a normal occurrence, nor should political leaders accept it as such. There is still time for the Government to pull back from this punitive provision within the Work Life Balance and Miscellaneous Provisions Bill. Women's Aid has set out in very stark terms the way in which cutting a victim's pay will alert their abuser. The National Women's Council of Ireland has called for domestic violence leave to be paid at the full rate of pay, as has Fórsa, the national secretary of which has written to the Minister for Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth outlining its view and its serious concerns with the proposed rate of pay. As head of Government with overall responsibility for delivery of the third strategy, will the Taoiseach convene an urgent meeting this week with the Minister, Women's Aid, the National Women's Council of Ireland and Fórsa to resolve this issue before Report Stage?
I welcome the Taoiseach's reference to his ongoing work, and that of the Tánaiste and the Government, to have the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement, the Assembly, the Executive and the North-South Ministerial Council, put back in place again. One welcome aspect of the work of the Department of the Taoiseach since 2020 has been the establishment of the shared island unit. As we know, the work of the unit is very much underpinned by the Good Friday Agreement. Thankfully, in my constituency we have identified projects that meet the requirements of the shared island unit initiative for funding. Working with others and with many voluntary groups over the years, we identified projects on a cross-Border basis that had no readily identifiable parent Department that we could get funding from. I very much welcome this initiative. It is very important that it is driven forward as strongly as possible because people from all traditions on this island, who were critical initially when it was established, are now welcoming it. It is a project that should be referred to in all analysis and review of the Good Friday Agreement.
We have to prioritise a strategy on how we can recognise Ireland's potential to become a global powerhouse in movies and TV. Of course, it could be argued that we already are a powerhouse when we see record-breaking nominations for the upcoming Oscars and performances at the BAFTAs etc. However, in order for that to be fair and equitable right throughout Ireland, we need to fix the regional film development uplift maps. The regional film development uplift maps are unfair at the moment. It means that production companies in counties like Limerick and Kerry can avail of tax credits, but companies in counties like Clare and my own county of Cork cannot. It is not a fair playing field. With a west Cork hat on, west Cork is home to Jeremy Irons, David Puttnam, Paul Mescal and Saoirse Ronan. They are not even the most talented people from the movie sector living there. There are art designers, set designers and make-up artists there. There is a huge opportunity to turn west Cork into a movie and TV capital, but we need to fix the regional film development uplift maps.
We welcome the establishment of the citizens' assembly on drug use, but I ask the Taoiseach about the status of the commitment to establish a citizens' assembly on the future of education. Is there a timeline for its establishment and will it examine both the future purpose of the education system and the issue of separation of Church and State within the education system? Second, building a better society is a strategic priority of the Taoiseach's Department. In that context, I ask whether the Taoiseach is aware of the OECD Observatory of Civic Space, which is led by an Irish woman, Claire McEvoy. A civic space scan is a qualitative assessment of the laws, policies, institutions and practices that support civic space in a country. Designed to protect fundamental freedoms and promote good practice, these scans are accessible studies that provide recommendations to help governments respond to challenges and help to protect and promote civic space. Such scans have been carried out in Portugal and Finland. I have put in parliamentary questions on this matter previously. Would the Taoiseach consider the carrying out of a civic space scan in Ireland? I should say that I got a non-committal response on this from the Minister for Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform.
Adult education tutors are public servants employed by the education and training boards, ETBs. There are more than 3,000 of these workers employed across 16 ETBs, many of whom are fully qualified and registered teachers, but they are paid the unregistered teacher rate. Their hours are capped at 22 hours of class contact time per week and they are not paid for any preparation, research or work they do to prepare lesson plans. They are unpaid during holidays, meaning many are forced to sign on to the dole during summer, Christmas and so on, for up to 17 weeks in the year. This and the cap in their hours means they are not entitled to the full public service pension. They seek pay parity. Tutors employed after 2011 are paid at a lower rate. They are also seeking proper contracts of employment and an end to precarity.
In March 2020 the Labour Court recommended that they be given proper employment contracts. In July of last year, they were told that this would be done by September. They are still waiting. When will we see action on this issue?
Today, thousands of teachers and healthcare workers in the North of Ireland are on strike. They are on strike because there have been real-term cuts to their salaries in the last number of years. The education sector is in a massive crisis in the North at the moment, with the former Minister of Education, Ms Michelle McIlveen, admitting that there was a £750 million hole in the education budget. Health, education, housing and transport are all in crisis. One of the reasons they are in crisis is because there is no Executive. We are all waiting tentatively for this particular deal to be made and for the DUP to accept it, but is it not wrong that the whole of the democratic process and the ability to invest in public services is actually being held to ransom by the DUP? Will the Taoiseach support calls for the reform of the Good Friday Agreement system so that no political party, Sinn Féin nor the DUP, can hold the Executive to ransom again?
People Before Profit was very centrally involved in organising what was an amazingly broad and diverse coalition, the Ireland for All coalition, that put tens of thousands of people on the streets, including community groups, trade unions, anti-poverty groups, housing campaigners, Traveller organisations, Opposition parties and many more. The first objective of that enormous demonstration was to send a clear message to the far right and those who want to use racism and want to scapegoat asylum seekers and immigrants that we reject their racist, poisonous and divisive message. The other message repeated again and again by those speaking at the demonstration was their anger at the failure of the Government to deliver housing for all and public services for all, and to take action on the cost-of-living crisis that ordinary people are facing and the far right is exploiting. What does the Taoiseach have to say to the protesters?
I thank the Deputies for their questions. In relation to domestic and gender-based violence, as I said in my initial reply, we are writing the strategy now for 2023 to 2025. I will certainly give consideration to referring to that specifically in the new strategy. Action on this is very much led by the Minister for Justice, particularly Deputy McEntee, who will be returning from leave quite soon. I do think the introduction of leave related to domestic and gender-based violence is a step forward. I want to recognise Deputy O'Reilly's role in pressing that legislation through a Private Members' Bill. However, I think we are running into a bit of a difficulty with leave in general. There are lots of different proposals at the moment for different forms of leave. Even now, different forms of leave come with different forms of pay. There is full pay for annual leave or public holidays. Sick pay is 70% of pay up to a certain amount. There is unpaid leave and leave where the Government pays the benefit and the employer does not. I know that the Minister for Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth and the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment would rather look at it all in the round, rather than adding new forms of ad hoc leave with different terms and conditions.
On the shared island initiative that was mentioned by Deputy Brendan Smith, as provided for in the programme for Government, we are continuing our shared island initiative to achieve benefits for the whole island, working with all communities for a shared future as underpinned by the Good Friday Agreement. The initiative is taken forward by Ministers and Departments on a whole-of-government basis, driven by and co-ordinated through the shared island unit. Over the past two years, the Government has allocated just under €200 million from the fund for projects and investments that respond to common interests and concerns for people right across the island, including on climate action and biodiversity conservation, regional development and innovation and deepening our societal connections. The Government will seek to undertake significantly more all-island investment co-operation with the new Northern Ireland Executive and with the British Government. The civic engagement and research programmes of the shared island unit are also continuing and we remain committed to the New Decade, New Approach Agreement of 2020.
So far, significant allocations have been made from the shared island fund to long-standing infrastructure projects, such as the Ulster Canal and the Narrow Water Bridge. We continue to work with our counterparts in Northern Ireland to advance these and other New Decade, New Approach commitments that will increase and improve all-island connectivity, co-operation and opportunity.
The Government set out in December the priorities for this year. Those priorities are to honour our commitment on greater access to higher education in the north west, particularly around Derry and Letterkenny; to step up co-operation on educational attainment; to do more to assist all-island enterprise development; to develop a bioeconomy on an all-island basis; to progress a cross-Border green hydrogen pilot corridor; and to scope an island-wide greenway network by linking the current cross-Border routes.
I could be totally wrong, but I had thought that the change to the regional uplift maps for film was a temporary measure that is due to expire. I could absolutely be wrong about that.
There was talk of extending it.
We might talk about that again later with the Minister for Finance, Deputy Michael McGrath. I had thought those regional uplift maps were to apply for approximately three years and were coming to an end. I might be wrong. Perhaps we will talk about that matter again.
We do not yet have a date to establish the citizens' assembly on the future of education. We want to establish the citizens' assembly on drugs policy up and running by the middle of the year. It is hard to run two at the same time, as we learned earlier this year. We expect the citizens' assembly on drugs policy to finish towards the end of this year. If I were to give an educated guess, I would say we will have the citizens' assembly on the future of education up and running towards the end of this year or in early 2024. The terms of reference have not yet been determined.
I am not familiar with a civic space scan, to be honest, but I will try to inform myself when I get a bit of time. It sounds interesting.
I am aware of the industrial relations dispute that is happening between tutors and ETBs. I would be keen to see that resolved sooner rather than later. There are, of course, industrial relations mechanisms by which we can achieve that resolution. I would certainly like to see a conclusion soon. Perhaps the Labour Court recommendation can help us reach a conclusion.
Deputy Brendan Smith asked about the formation of the Executive and the Assembly. We are at a very sensitive time at the moment, given the negotiations on the Northern Ireland protocol. Now is not the time for me to be expressing my views on the mechanisms in the Good Friday Agreement. They are what they are and they are as they stand. We would like to be in a position in the coming weeks to have an agreement on the protocol. We want to be talking to the parties in Northern Ireland about how they can all come together and take part in a cross-party coalition.
Departmental Bodies
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:23. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [5648/23]
Christopher O'Sullivan
Ceist:24. Deputy Christopher O'Sullivan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit in his Department. [8113/23]
Ivana Bacik
Ceist:25. Deputy Ivana Bacik asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8206/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:26. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8379/23]
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:27. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8420/23]
Brendan Smith
Ceist:28. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit in his Department. [8504/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:29. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8575/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:30. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8578/23]
Gino Kenny
Ceist:31. Deputy Gino Kenny asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8579/23]
Bríd Smith
Ceist:32. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8580/23]
Cian O'Callaghan
Ceist:33. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the social dialogue co-ordination unit of his Department. [8631/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 23 to 33, inclusive, together.
The social dialogue unit, part of the economic division of the Department, co-ordinates and assists the Government's overall approach to social dialogue. Social dialogue takes place through a variety of mechanisms. This includes the Labour Employer Economic Forum, LEEF, which engages with representatives of employers and trade unions on economic and employment issues insofar as they affect the labour market and which are of mutual concern.
The most recent plenary meeting, which I chaired, took place on 8 February. This was an opportunity to look at current challenges, in particular in the areas of energy and the cost of living.
Social dialogue and engagement between Government, the trade unions and other representative groups, also takes place through structures like the national economic dialogue, the National Economic and Social Council, the national dialogue on climate action, the national competitiveness and productivity council, through many sectoral groups and with Ministers and Departments directly. Another model for broad-based social dialogue are citizens' assemblies.
The social dialogue unit will continue to assist the Government in engagements with the social partners in the period ahead as we work to strengthen the social dialogue and deal with the many major challenges facing the country.
There are 663 patients without beds in hospitals across this State today, according to the Irish Nurses and Midwives Organisation, INMO. Its members continue to be concerned about their ability to provide safe care in what the INMO describes as an intolerable situation for vulnerable patients and front-line workers alike.
After a month-long consultation, the INMO executive has sanctioned a campaign of industrial action on safe staffing, with ballots to take place on a location-by-location basis. Nurses are reporting that unsafe staffing is now the norm and the Taoiseach continues to preside over a severe and protracted staffing crisis in our hospitals. Like the junior doctors who balloted for strike action last year, nurses and their representatives will not have come to this decision lightly, as the Taoiseach will know. It is the last thing they want to do. They want to be on the wards, doing the work for which they were trained. It is astonishing that the INMO has to call out the Department of Health and the HSE to produce a fully funded strategic workforce plan for the coming winter. Surely it is now time for the Taoiseach to establish a high-level group, to include him, the Ministers for Health; Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science; and Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform, to develop and produce a formalised ten-year health workforce strategy.
Charity events are a big part of the social fabric of Ireland but they are under threat right across the country and are being cancelled because of insurance issues. The Taoiseach is probably familiar with the idea of a cheval ride. Those who did French for the leaving certificate will know it is a charity horse ride. Such rides are under threat because insurance companies are not giving cover for a horse and trap. A horse and trap is designed to take two or three people as passengers. Those who participate in a horse and trap are being asked to sign a document saying they will not take a passenger when traps are designed to take passengers. I do not mean to parrot what my friends in the Rural Independent Group would say, but it does seem almost like an attack on rural Ireland that these types of traditions cannot take place. If we are looking for sustainable transport, a horse and trap is one of the most sustainable, low-emitting ways to get from A to B. I would like this matter looked into so we can continue this tradition and, most importantly, raise funds for important causes.
Tens of thousands of people took to the streets on Saturday to say that racism and fascism are not wanted in this country. It was an important start to building the militant anti-racist movement we need. Why did gardaí harass anti-racist campaigners as the march began to assemble in Parnell Square? Why were attempts made to prevent members of the Socialist Party handing out placards? Those placards stated simply, "Government and system to blame, not refugees." Why were leaflets confiscated from members of People Before Profit? People Before Profit and Solidarity are writing letters of complaint to the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, GSOC, and the Garda Commissioner and asking for this matter to be investigated. Is the Taoiseach prepared to say that these actions were wrong? Quite simply, they were wrong. They should not be repeated. Anti-racists have a right to put their point of view across. They were doing an important duty on Saturday and what happened was very wrong.
I wish to raise two specific issues. In October, the Labour Party brought forward a motion calling for pay rises for workers in the community and voluntary sector, in line with Building Momentum. Indeed, the Fórsa national executive has backed a proposal for strike action in section 39 agencies funded by the HSE. At the weekend, the Minister for Health announced €81 million in once-off funding for providers but that will not address the long-term pay issues. Will the Taoiseach and the Minister for Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform put in place a standing forum and mechanism for collective bargaining on pay and conditions with recognised trade unions in the community and voluntary sector?
I also raise the issue of assaults against front-line healthcare workers and members of the Garda Síochána, as we saw with yesterday's dreadful news of assaults. We know that plans are required to address this. Labour Party Senators will tomorrow introduce a motion on the welfare and safety workers in the public health service. The INMO is seeking a fully funded workforce plan from the Department of Health and the HSE. Will the Taoiseach guarantee it will be put in place?
In the past couple of days, Aontú has received information that shows nearly 400 people have died while homeless in this State in the past five years. That figure is shockingly sad. Many people in this country have died in homeless situations in a short period of time. The figure does not even include people who have died while rough sleeping. It only includes those who have accessed homeless services. Shockingly, that figure is only for Dublin. It does not reflect what is happening in the rest of the State. No one collects the figures for people who die homeless in any other county in the country outside Dublin. The Taoiseach will agree that it is a human disaster that anybody dies while homeless. What does it say about a country when it does not even bother to collect the information about those who die in the other 25 counties in the State? How can we improve access to addiction services, mental health services and emergency accommodation if we are not even collecting the information and know so little about these individuals?
The forthcoming anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement is a good time to reflect on the great benefits our country has derived from that agreement, which include the cessation of violence, the saving of lives, the development of the all-Ireland economy and its generation of a new business environment and a surge in cross-Border trade resulting in new employment opportunities. The Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement recently held a discussion on the benefits that have arisen for all of our country as a result of the Good Friday Agreement. One issue that arose was the need to establish an all-Ireland labour market. Perhaps the social dialogue could involve informal linkages with our representative organisations' counterparts in Northern Ireland, allowing us to initiate an all-Ireland labour market. There are shortages in places and there are still people looking for employment. Benefits can accrue from marrying the needs of the economies North and South and developing such a market on an all-Ireland basis.
Over many decades, tens of thousands of women and children were wronged by the church and the State in this country. The twisted morality of the church and State at the time forcibly separated mothers and children. The Government apologised and promised to bring in a redress scheme. However, as the Taoiseach will know from the many emails that have been sent to Deputies and Ministers, it then shockingly decided that people who had been in a mother and baby home for less than six months did not deserve redress. This was an absolutely arbitrary and illogical decision that gives no acknowledgement to the fact that the forcible separation of mothers and children, whether for one week, five weeks, six weeks, six months or two years, is a great and grievous wrong. Will the Taoiseach, at the last minute, amend this legislation to remove this arbitrary and unjust threshold and acknowledge the wrong done to all in mother and baby homes?
A report by the trade union Mandate showed that two thirds of retail workers are earning less than €400 per week. It also clearly showed that companies are actively choosing to bypass offering hours to existing staff to keep the employer's costs down. The union has called for legislative change to the Employment (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2018. Will the Government review the Act and change the legislation to stop this practice?
We all welcome the long-awaited citizens' assembly on drugs that is to commence in April. Many of us accept that the war on drugs is well and truly lost and see that our approach should be one of harm reduction and be health-led. We understand that our approach must also be about dealing with the substantial negative impacts on families and communities. However, I want to ensure we deal with the issue of drug crime and specifically the issue of drug debt intimidation. We must engage with a sufficient number of stakeholders on that matter. I accept we need to look at international best practice. We might even need to look at international solutions. We then have to move from the assembly to its report to whatever work is done in the Oireachtas and then to action as quickly as possible.
I was heartened and encouraged to see the very good turnout at the rally at the weekend. People were saying no to racism and that refugees are welcome in Ireland. The numbers who turned out dwarfed the attendance at any anti-migrant protest we have seen to date. Everyone was encouraged by the number of people who were willing to be there. I will say two things in addition to that. I really believe that, for any anti-racism campaign to be as strong as it can be, it should be inclusive of everyone and of all parties. Nobody should feel unable to attend or not welcome. We undermine the anti-racism cause by being partisan or ideological. It is important that everyone be included and feel involved, including the business sector, all political parties, unions and NGOs. We should all be together in saying no to racism. We can defend people of colour, their rights and their humanity by making sure that any campaign is broad and fully inclusive.
I agree with what Deputies have said about the far right exploiting the country's problems. People with extreme ideologies will always do that. Every country has problems. The housing crisis in this country gets blamed on migrants. The unemployment crisis in other countries gets blamed on migrants and, in countries with high murder rates, crime gets blamed on migrants. It is important we never mistakenly in any way validate the anger of people who are racist when it comes to these matters. We should try as best we can to divorce racist anger from the very real problems we face. We should, of course, address these problems, but we should not be naive enough to believe that people who have racist thoughts and who are consumed by racist anger would not just find another issue to blame refugees for. We all need to be honest about that because we know it is true. Historically, diseases, weather events and many other things were blamed on migrants. It is naive to believe people holding such views would not just move onto the next issue. The strongest anti-racism movement is one that is non-ideological, non-partisan and inclusive of everyone in society.
I am not aware of the Garda actions Deputy Barry referred to. I suspect there may be more to the matter than he has described but, not having heard the other side of the story, I cannot know for sure. I am sure the Garda Commissioner and the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission will respond appropriately.
Deputy Smith mentioned the issue of an all-island labour market. To a certain extent, there is an all-island labour market because of the common travel area between Britain and Ireland. We also have the EU Single Market, which is also a common labour market. However, we should definitely look at ways to enhance this. In some ways, I am a little bit surprised that more people do not move from North to South or from South to North to work. When we carry out recruitment campaigns seeking people to come to work in our public services, we often look very far afield. Perhaps we should look North and see if there are people who live in Northern Ireland who might be interested in taking up employment here or even just gaining experience here. The Deputy raises an interesting point that probably needs a bit of thought. It is something we should discuss with the social partners.
On the issues in the public service and the healthcare work plan, it is important to acknowledge in the House that we have more people working in our health service than ever before. Since this time three years ago, approximately 6,000 more doctors, nurses, dentists and midwives have begun working in our public health service. It is a struggle to recruit and retain staff but the increase of 6,000 in three years is considerable. Last year, the HSE had a record year for recruitment, recruiting approximately 15,000 staff. This was more than in any other year in its history. While I do not think there would be any problem with having a fully funded workforce plan - it sounds like a good idea to me - the real challenge would not be fully funding the plan, but training, recruiting and retaining enough people in what is a very dynamic and international labour market. The reason Irish healthcare workers go to work abroad is not only the terms and conditions but also because there are great deficiencies in those countries as well. That is why they need to recruit internationally. It is something every country is grappling with.
On insurance cover, I agree with the Deputy. It is very sad to see any event having to be cancelled. Since the Cabinet committee on insurance started its work, we have seen an improvement in the availability of insurance although perhaps not in its cost, at least not in respect of public liability and employer liability insurance. The Minister of State, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, is taking on this work from the Minister of State, Deputy Fleming, and the Tánaiste is going to take over my chairmanship of the insurance subgroup. We are always keen to know about particular events or particular types of events or businesses that cannot get insurance. The matter can sometimes be resolved, as was done in respect of play centres, adventure parks and so on. Perhaps this is one of those areas in which we could help out.
The mother and baby institutions redress scheme is very substantial, costed at approximately €800 million. It is probably the largest scheme of its nature. As a Government, we have gone well beyond what the commission of investigation recommended and even beyond what the senior officials group recommended. That should be recognised. Crucially, those making claims under the scheme are not required to prove harm or to do any of the kinds of things one would have to do in court proceedings. It was important for the scheme to be designed in that way.
The commission of investigation found that many people were culpable for what happened in mother and baby institutions - the church, the State, religious orders, the men who were responsible and the families who were also responsible. It is significant the State is stepping up here and accepting its responsibility-----
Six months.
-----for its part in that injustice providing a scheme that is-----
What about the 400 deaths of people in homelessness?
Regarding the 382 deaths among those using homeless services in Dublin in 2018, we need to recall that behind every number there is a person. We must always remember that with any death of a person experiencing homelessness, there is a family and loved ones who are grieving the loss of that person. Of course, just as is the case for people who are not homeless, people who are homeless can die for any number of different reasons.
I am advised the article is based on information released by the Dublin Region Homeless Executive, DRHE, under freedom of information, FOI, which detailed the number of deaths notified to the DRHE from January 2018 to December 2022 in each of the services it supports. It should be noted that the DRHE records death notifications from all its funded residential and outreach services. These include, for example, people who are in permanent tenancies and who have homes, people in Housing First tenancies who are in supported housing, people in long-term supported accommodation, and people receiving tenancy support. Some 43% of the deaths reported were in one of these categories. Of the 382 reported, 216 were classified as homeless at the time of their death. Of those 216 deaths, not all would have occurred in emergency accommodation. For example, some of the people would have died in hospital or in hospices while receiving treatment for a medical illness.