Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:1. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet. [25560/23]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Cabinet Committees
Gary Gannon
Ceist:2. Deputy Gary Gannon asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet. [29331/23]
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:3. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet. [29396/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:4. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet. [29534/23]
Bríd Smith
Ceist:5. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet [29537/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:6. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet [29540/23]
Brendan Smith
Ceist:7. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet. [29758/23]
Seán Haughey
Ceist:8. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland will next meet. [29759/23]
Tógfaidh mé Ceisteanna Uimh. 1 go 8, go huile, le chéile.
The Cabinet committee on Brexit and Northern Ireland was reconstituted as one of ten Cabinet committees established in January 2023. It operates in accordance with the established guidelines for Cabinet committees and, where appropriate, substantive issues are referred to the Government for discussion and approval. The Cabinet committee is intended to oversee implementation of relevant programme for Government commitments in the area of Brexit and Northern Ireland, and ongoing relevant developments. Northern Ireland-related matters are also discussed at meetings of the full Cabinet and bilaterally between me and the Tánaiste. A date for the next meeting of the Cabinet committee is under review.
We have spoken before on the importance of getting the Executive up and running. The drift that we are experiencing at the minute cannot continue. Obviously, that will need to be dealt with. The British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference met yesterday at the Mansion House. A joint communiqué was issued after the meeting, stating that the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill 2022 was discussed, as were the Irish Government's concerns in relation to it. There was also mention of concern in respect of a number of particular legacy cases. I think it is fair to say that the British Government seems to be steaming ahead with this legislation. When questions were put to the junior minister at the Northern Ireland Office, Jonathan Caine. he said there were no signs that this legislation would be paused. I think there is absolute agreement on the island of Ireland in relation to how wrong this legislation is. My view is the view that I presented last week. I believe this is about the British Government not being willing to accept its role in Ireland and the dirty war that it played. It is necessary that we have some information about how those concerns were put across and what the British Government was told about how willing the Irish Government is to go on this matter.
We will have to look at legal recourse if the British Government goes ahead and introduces this absolutely disgraceful legislation.
Last week, I and other members of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement went to London to speak to MPs, peers and Ministers on the legacy Bill. The legacy Bill gives an amnesty to murderers. It is the son and heir of the British cover-up of the actions they took. There were heinous murderers in the North for almost 50 years. It was a unilateral decision that ignored the Irish Government. It undermines the rule of law and the human right to justice. It turns Britain into an outlier and a rogue state. It is heaping pain and suffering on those who have already been so wronged so viciously by the British state.
In the meetings we had across the political spectrum in Westminster it became very clear that the British have no intention of turning on this issue. Some of the feedback we got was that the Irish Government has become quieter on this issue in recent times. The only influence the Irish Government has at this juncture is to challenge the legislation in the European Court of Human Rights. We were told in no uncertain terms by some of the peers and MPs that there is no point in waiting until the legislation has been passed before threatening to bring the British Government to the European Court of Human Rights. The horse will have bolted at that stage. There will be no turning back. I appeal to the Taoiseach to make a decision that the Government will state publicly the Irish Government will bring the British Government to the European Court of Human Rights if it continues on the trajectory that it is on at present with regard to the legacy Bill. This is the only way to protect the thousands of people in the North of Ireland who have been so wronged and will be wronged further.
Another point we got from peers, MPs and Ministers is that they agree that at this stage it is necessary to change the structure of the Assembly in the North whereby one political party can crash it. I encourage the Government to get active on this issue as soon as possible.
Something I would say in response to Deputy Tóibín is that nobody should talk about reconfiguring the structures of Stormont until the Executive and Assembly are restored. If we go down the route of trying to bring about changes now, we will get into even more deep difficulty. All of us in the House want to see the institutions back and fully functioning representing the people. The members of the Assembly were decided a year ago in an election.
I am very glad that recently there was a meeting of the British-Irish Council. Yesterday, there was a meeting of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. Last night, I watched the BBC and UTV. It was clear from the remarks of the Tánaiste, Deputy Micheál Martin, that the Government was not in any way weakening its response to the desperate legislative measures the British Government is trying to put through the House of Lords at present. Under no circumstances can we accept the Bill in any shape or form. It cannot be amended to become good legislation. It needs to be scrapped. We need to go back to the drawing board and the Stormont House Agreement to deal with legacy issues.
I was very glad that yesterday the BBC reported the British Government's lack of response to this Parliament with regard to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974 and requests made by the Taoiseach and Tánaiste following repeated representations by me with regard to the Belturbet bombing of 1972. These issues were raised again yesterday. Under no circumstances could the Government countenance acceptance in any shape or form of the legacy Bill. It is reprehensible. Deputy Tóibín said it provides an amnesty for murderers who belong to paramilitary organisations and British state forces. Regardless of their background, if people caused murder or harm or carried out criminal acts, they should not get an amnesty.
Now that the local elections are over, I have no doubt there will be a renewed focus on restoring the power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland. We need to see the Assembly and the Executive, the North-South Ministerial Council, the cross-Border bodies, as well as the east-west institutions, functioning as originally envisaged. It seems the parties in Northern Ireland have been meeting in recent days to renew their efforts in this regard. We are told the DUP is seeking legislation to give legal assurances in respect of sovereignty and post-Brexit trade following the announcement of the Windsor Framework. Does the Taoiseach know whether the British Government will publish this legislation soon? Is legislation expected in this regard as requested by the DUP? It has been suggested that the parties in Northern Ireland are seeking a financial support package of more than £1 billion in the context of a return to Stormont. It is clear there is a little momentum in the process. How does the Taoiseach see things unfolding in this regard in the coming weeks?
With regard to the legacy Bill proposed by the British Government, anybody who watched the five-part series on the BBC, "Once Upon a Time in Northern Ireland", which concluded last night, will be in no doubt that the legacy Bill cannot be allowed to succeed. Many victims and their families were interviewed for the series. It really shows how unnecessary and how bad the proposed legacy Bill is for all those concerned. I hope the Government will step up its efforts to oppose the Bill.
The British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference and the British-Irish Council, two institutions of the Good Friday Agreement that are still operating, met in the past week or so. The Tánaiste and the Minister for Justice, Deputy McEntee, went to London for the meeting of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. The Tánaiste and I were in Jersey last week for a meeting of the British-Irish Council. At all forums, we make very clear our opposition to the legacy legislation being bought through the Houses of Parliament by the British Government. This has not weakened in any way whatsoever. I have raised it directly with the Prime Minister. I have discussed it with President Biden. It has been discussed with US Members of Congress. As Deputy Tóibín mentioned, it was raised by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement chaired by Deputy Fergus O'Dowd on its recent visit to the British Parliament. We very clearly have not ruled out an interstate legal challenge to it. However, let us not forget that the UK Government does not necessarily treat decisions of the European courts in the same way as we do. Many in the British Government have been critical of the European Court of Human Rights. This is a different approach from the one we have.
To echo the comments of Deputy Smith, we should not make the mistake of suggesting that a de facto amnesty would only apply to former British servicemen. It would also apply to IRA terrorists and other paramilitaries. Most of the atrocities committed against women and children civilians and the worst sectarian killings were committed by paramilitaries. We all have a role to play when it comes to legacy. I encourage all parties to encourage anyone they know, or are connected to, to provide information to the Garda or the Police Service of Northern Ireland if they believe it could lead to a prosecution of a paramilitary or somebody involved in any such killings and not to partake in events that glorify violence during the Troubles in any way.
The UK Government published an extensive list of amendments to its Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill on 8 June. The amendments do not allay our fundamental concerns or those of many others about the Bill and its compatibility with the UN Convention on Human Rights. We will continue to urge our UK counterparts to pause the Bill. We believe the provisions relating to the granting of immunity from prosecution of crimes such as unlawful killing are incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights. We are also concerned about the shutting down of other avenues to truth and justice, for example, inquests, police investigations, investigations by the ombudsman and civil cases. The Government's view is that any way forward on legacy must be based on agreed human rights standards with victims at its centre. It is against these parameters that we and others will assess the amendments.
As I said, I have raised the Bill with the Prime Minister Mr. Sunak at every available opportunity. In addition, the Tánaiste regularly raises these matters with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. There were substantive discussions at the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference in London yesterday.
On 22 May, I met some families of victims and the WAVE Trauma Centre to hear directly about their opposition to what is being proposed. As well as the widespread opposition by the public in Northern Ireland, serious concerns have also been expressed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and many Members of the US Congress.
Serious concerns have also been expressed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Council of Europe has, on five separate occasions, including most recently on 7 June in an interim resolution, expressed concern about the Bill's compliance with the ECHR. Discussions concerning the possibility of referral of an interstate case to the court by Ireland on the Bill, in the Government's assessment, are premature, but we do not rule out the possibility and we will keep the matter under review.
On Deputy Haughey's question, from our contacts with the UK Government and the five major parties in Northern Ireland, we understand there are contacts between the parties and there have been discussions between the DUP and the UK Government with respect to assurances that they might be given which would enable the Executive and Assembly to be re-established in the next couple of months. The commitment we have sought from the UK Government is that there should not be any further changes to the Windsor Framework and that the Good Friday Agreement and all of its positions should be respected. We have those commitments and I trust those commitments.
Departmental Data
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:9. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [25561/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:10. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29264/23]
Neasa Hourigan
Ceist:11. Deputy Neasa Hourigan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29295/23]
Gary Gannon
Ceist:12. Deputy Gary Gannon asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29332/23]
Marc Ó Cathasaigh
Ceist:13. Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29514/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:14. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29535/23]
Bríd Smith
Ceist:15. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department [29538/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:16. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29541/23]
Cian O'Callaghan
Ceist:17. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29566/23]
Alan Dillon
Ceist:18. Deputy Alan Dillon asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29570/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:19. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29626/23]
Aindrias Moynihan
Ceist:20. Deputy Aindrias Moynihan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the well-being framework for Ireland, overseen by his Department. [29760/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 9 to 20, inclusive, together.
Ireland's well-being framework was launched in July 2021. Last week, we published the report for 2023. The development of a well-being framework is a major new initiative of this Government and is modelled on best practice from other countries. We know that no single measure can accurately capture how we are doing as a country. By bringing together economic, social and environmental statistics in an integrated way, this framework helps us to assess where we are and to make better choices and decisions in the future. It shows that Ireland is doing well when it comes to most things and when we compare ourselves with the past and with other countries in the present.
We should never lose sight of the fact that Ireland is one of the best countries in the world in which to live, grow old, raise a family, pursue a career or run a business. It also shows that there is plenty of room for improvement too. This year's report shows that Ireland is on the right track as a country and is making solid progress in most areas but there is still much work to do. We are committed to making use of the well-being framework across government as we look to improve the quality of life for our citizens. The work of the new child poverty and well-being unit in the Department of the Taoiseach will also make a difference, especially for children and their families.
The well-being framework for Ireland obviously has to take into account the disability sector. The voluntary sector provides about two thirds of disability services on behalf of the State. That enables people with disabilities to live independently, further their education and avail of much-needed respite for themselves and their families. The HSE previously reported that many voluntary disability services are not financially sustainable and identified this as a major risk on its corporate risk register. The Irish Wheelchair Association has contacted me. I will give a number of the recommendations it put forward for its pre-budget submissions. They include providing funding for full pay restoration for section 39 organisations and returning to alignment with HSE pay scales. That is an absolute necessity. I could go through the rest but I do not have time. It needs to be dealt with.
I wanted to return to this idea of cultural and language expression as a measurement within our well-being framework. I wanted to compare and contrast what we measure here in Ireland versus what is measured in Wales, with its well-being framework. The Welsh model measures the percentage of people attending or participating in arts, culture or heritage at least three times a year, the percentage of people who speak Welsh daily, the number of people who can speak Welsh, the percentage of people who can speak more than a few words of Welsh, the percentage of people participating in sporting activities three or more times a week, and the percentage of museums and archives holding archival or heritage collections meeting a UK accreditation standard. By contrast, the one indicator that we measure for cultural expression is persons who have experienced discrimination in the last two years. That is absolutely an important measure. Some 15% of people have expressed that they have experienced that discrimination. It means that in cultural terms, this well-being framework has nothing to say about 85% of the population.
On Monday, a young woman with her two-and-a-half-year-old daughter, both of whom are homeless, came into me and said they had nowhere to go. I got into the Dublin Region Homeless Executive and in fairness, it responded quickly and they got a placement. Then I got a text from the young woman saying the place was not the best and was absolutely manky. It stated the cooker was in reach of the baby and she was told yesterday that a little boy had already burned himself on it. It stated there is nowhere to do her washing, which means she will have to come out to Dún Laoghaire from town most days to get clothes washed. The text stated there are bugs all over the ground and that when she goes out, she has no key to lock the room and all her belongings are in there. The text asked if there was anything I could do to help her. That is not the first report I have heard. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan has raised this issue many times. It is just not acceptable to put mothers and children in those sorts of conditions. Something needs to be done about it urgently. I point to the fact that many people are sent to hotels and hostels. I cannot understand how Jurys Inn in Dublin 4, with hundreds of rooms, has been sitting empty for the last number of years and is not being used for this sort of situation.
Part of the well-being framework is climate change. I want to ask about the absence of any reference to climate change except as a threat with regard to these consultative forums and the ready-up that starts on Thursday. The only reference is to climate change as a threat and driver of conflict. There is no reference to the role of the military in driving emissions. It is a completely underestimated and under-accounted for area because there is not compulsory accounting for greenhouse gas emissions from the military. It is estimated that about 6% of global emissions come from the military across the world. That includes shipping, aviation and more, all combined yearly. We had recent news about how our carbon budget, that is, the emissions we can emit to give us a 50% chance of avoiding 1.5°C of warming, is down to 250 gigatonnes. We emit about 40 gigatonnes a year. It is incompatible to engage in a new arms race and be serious about avoiding climate catastrophe.
The national well-being strategy recognises that housing and having a home which is a safe, secure place to live is absolutely key to well-being. When the Government took office, the programme for Government promised to hold a referendum on the right to housing. Every single day, we see the effect that the housing crisis is having on people throughout the country. When will this referendum that was promised be held?
It was great to see the recent announcement of €2.5 million dedicated to the construction of the Daisy Lodge facility in Cong, County Mayo, for cancer services for children. It is great to see the Government utilising the shared island fund to support these cross-Border initiatives, which will undoubtedly have a positive impact on people's lives. Given the organisation's connections between North and South, the announcement today will play a crucial role in facilitating the construction of the much-needed therapeutic facility, enhancing the well-being of many people across the island, with an estimated cost of over €15 million. While appreciating this funding today, we must also examine the allocation of respite services within our HSE capital budget to address the shortage of provision of respite services for families, individuals with disabilities and the elderly.
The well-being framework is setting out to go well beyond just economic measures in gauging progress for the country. It takes in environmental and social issues together as opposed to separately or in isolation. It is a fresh approach. The framework is showing positive results in ten of the 11 dimensions. This year, the Government has focused on equality in the analysis. There seems to be a particularly large difference in housing and the built environment despite record funding in housing and a huge range of support for people to buy their own homes, for example. In my community, we see the largest social housing push ever locally, in Ballyvourney, Macroom, Millstreet, Rylane and Ballincollig.
Some 150 families have moved into brand-new social homes and more are under construction. There is clearly delivery on this and the framework shows that delivery aspect of it, but there is inequality. Will the Taoiseach outline what he attributes that inequality to and what the Government plans to do to deal with it?
Bord na Móna workers have created a modern, climate-solutions company. The company was valued at €400 million in 2018. Today, it is valued at €1.25 billion. Derrinlough briquette factory was closed on 1 June. How many of those individuals who were made redundant were redeployed to Bord na Móna's energy generation business? That should be the definition of a just transition as opposed to handing skilled technicians and engineers redundancy in a rural location with little local employment available. To add insult to injury, a few kilometres down the road, Bord na Móna has provided a private wind farm developer with Bord na Móna land to develop a privately owned wind farm. We have this ludicrous situation whereby the Norwegian state-controlled company, Statkraft, is securing land across the midlands of Ireland for wind farm development for the benefit of the Norwegian people, while the State, through Bord na Móna, is handing land away to external parties and at the same time firing staff. How is that a just transition?
I thank the Deputies for their diverse range of questions. I will do my best to answer as many as I can. I associate myself with Deputy Dillon's remarks regarding the funding announced today for Daisy Lodge in Cong, County Mayo, to develop a respite care centre for children with cancer and their families. Cong is a particularly beautiful part of Mayo. It should not be forgotten that it crosses into County Galway in parts. We are very pleased we are able to provide that funding. Many people behind that centre do a fabulous job. It will now have a stronger cross-Border aspect to it than was the case previously.
On section 39 bodies, as we all know, section 39 organisations do very valuable work, which includes hospices, many disability services and some smaller bodies and charities. Some receive most of their funding from the State and some do not. Some receive very large amounts of funding while others do not. They are not all the same and the staff in them are not public servants. The State is not their employer. They do not form part of the single pension scheme for the State and do not pay the public service levy. Their pay scales and pensions are different and are not aligned with the HSE. Sometimes they are better and sometimes worse. As I know from working through the process of turning the section 39 hospices into section 38 hospices, it can be a very complicated process to do and throws up all sorts of anomalies. People think they will be better off under the HSE and as a section 38. That might be true for most people most of the time but it is not true across the board. It involves making a higher pension contribution to become part of the State pension scheme. In some cases, though not all and not the majority, terms and conditions are more favourable in section 39s than the State-----
Staff are in limbo.
-----and they would have to be revised downwards. It is not a straightforward thing at all. We increase the funding for section 39s to reflect the fact that pay increases are being paid across the economy at the moment.
On Deputy Ó Cathasaigh's question on culture and language, my regret is that we did not include it in the first place. It probably would have made sense to do so. I am not sure why we did not but the advice from my officials is there is a concern that if we adjust the framework and change what is measured, we would not be consistent. It would be impossible to make year-on-year comparisons, or comparisons with other countries, if we change what is measured every year. Having said that, I do not entirely accept that because the same argument is made regarding the census, and we change census questions and add new census questions. It is something I have an open mind on. We will do a half-day seminar later in the year on the wellbeing framework and, as part of that, we can consider whether we add new measures or take out measures and add a new measure on culture and language.
On Jurys Hotel, my understanding is that the former Jurys Hotel is not available and there are plans at present to develop it. I will check that out.
Deputy Paul Murphy raised the issue of greenhouse gas emissions from the military, including from aeroplanes, aircraft and vehicles. I have no doubt that is the case. I do not know the figures but I am sure he is correct in saying that military equipment can be responsible for greenhouse gas emissions. I give the assurance that Ireland will not participate in any arms race. We will improve and modernise our equipment but that is something quite different.
There is a programme for Government commitment to hold a referendum on housing. The Housing Commission is doing some work on that currently but has not reported back to Government yet. Until we see that, we cannot set a date but the wording will be very important. I would like to see an amendment on housing in our Constitution but I want to be sure it will actually help people get housing. The last thing we need is an amendment that results in people having the opportunity to sue the State for not having housing, but not getting any more housing. We could have a situation whereby one court rules against housing on one ground while another court rules in favour on another. Getting the wording right is crucial. I want to see wording that will tip the balance in favour of housing, houses being built, and courts taking the view that the right to housing is something meaningful. If it conflicts with another right, the balance should be tipped a bit more in favour of homes being built. A right that does not make it easier to get or build a house will be a pyrrhic right. It is all down to the wording. We do not have any draft wording yet.
On the issue of Derrinlough, I do not have figures on that. It is generally the case that when a facility is closed people are offered redeployment or redundancy. I do not know exactly what happened in the case of Derrinlough but I will look into it. Sometimes, it depends on the workers and their skills and what else is available, but I will check it.
Deputy Aindrias Moynihan raised the issue of housing inequality. We have considerable housing inequality in Ireland. What we are trying to do to close that inequality includes all the things in Housing for All, namely, increasing the supply of new housing, trying to make it more affordable for people to buy, reducing the cost of rent through the rent credit and other measures such as that.
Equality Issues
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:21. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department's public sector duty equality and human rights assessment. [25562/23]
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:22. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach the measures he has taken to improve gender equality in his Department. [29330/23]
Gary Gannon
Ceist:23. Deputy Gary Gannon asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department's public sector duty equality and human rights assessment. [29333/23]
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:24. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department's public sector duty equality and human rights assessment. [29397/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:25. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department’s public sector duty equality and human rights assessment. [29536/23]
Bríd Smith
Ceist:26. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department’s public sector duty equality and human rights assessment. [29539/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:27. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department’s public sector duty equality and human rights assessment. [29542/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 21 to 27, inclusive, together.
Section 42 of the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission Act 2014 imposes a statutory obligation on public bodies in performing their functions to have regard to the need to eliminate discrimination, promote equality of opportunity and treatment for staff and persons to whom it provides services, and protect the human rights of staff and service users.
The Department has conducted and published its public sector duty equality and human rights assessment focusing on how the duty impacts on three main areas of activity, namely, services provided to the public, the Department's role in policy development and how the Department treats its own staff. It also contains a summary of potential gaps identified and the appropriate actions to be taken. These include a commitment to good customer service to ensure fair and equal consideration for all members of the public who contact the offices of the Taoiseach, Tánaiste or Ministers of State; appropriate access to our offices by staff and visitors and to various State events run by the Department; improving the accessibility of government communications, including through the work of the Government Information Service; and equality of opportunity for all departmental staff in all of its employment practices. The assessment has been undertaken in line with guidelines published by the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission. The assessment report is published and available to view on gov.ie.
The specific training requirements identified in the assessment will be incorporated in the Department’s learning and development strategy and progress on implementation will be set out in the Department’s annual report. The Department is committed to a policy of equal opportunities for all staff, recognising that a diverse workforce helped by an inclusive culture can improve organisational capacity, boosting creativity and innovation and lead to better decision-making. The publication of the Department's first gender pay gap report in December 2022 helped to bring a specific focus on gender diversity and continue the alignment of our actions for improvement in gender equality as part of the broader work to enhance equality, diversity and inclusion in the Department.
The Women's Aid annual report was published and makes for very stark reading. We are talking about nearly 34,000 disclosures of domestic violence. We know this is right across Irish society, including public bodies. We need to know what plans are in place to ensure we can provide the rights and protections these women deserve.
To these figures I will add a number of figures which Women's Aid Dundalk has provided, taken between January and October 2022. There were 1,489 calls to the helpline and 310 requests for refuge accommodation, 293 of which were not able to be accommodated. This is because women have to stay in Women's Aid accommodation for longer. We all know the issues that exist. There were 156 online contacts, while 190 women attended the Women's Aid clinics in Dundalk and 907 individual women contacted Women's Aid Dundalk looking for support, 766 for the very first time. Women's Aid Dundalk has stated it is almost full constantly. We all know the issues at hand. What does the Government intend to do to deliver what is necessary, which is everything from accommodation to work conditions?
There are many disturbing and unacceptable aspects to the homelessness crisis but undoubtedly one of the worst of them is the number of children living in homeless situations. It is difficult to overstate how much the State is letting down children who have to endure emergency accommodation and homelessness, particularly for long periods.
I have raised multiple times in here the case of a young woman with her son who has been in homeless accommodation for four years. Nobody should be in homeless accommodation and it is a failing of the State that people are, but I ask that priority be put on looking at people in such accommodation for lengthy periods, particularly children. What is the State going to do to forensically audit those in that situation? What additional efforts will the State make to help those families and children to get out of that situation? It is unacceptable that children should be in this appalling situation for long periods. The damage it is doing to children will be lifelong. Will the Taoiseach focus on that aspect and tell us what he can do or is willing to do to address that unacceptable situation?
I welcome the fact the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission, GSOC, has sent a file to the Director of Public Prosecutions, DPP, on the killing of George Nkencho. I understand the Taoiseach will not be able to comment on the particular case. However, broader issues are raised by George’s killing. A statement was issued by his sister, Gloria Nkencho, yesterday, which raises some of those issues. She said:
As we reflect upon the conclusion of the investigation into George's tragic death, it is imperative to acknowledge the insidious influence of racial bias that tainted the initial media coverage of George’s case. We cannot ignore the manner in which journalists, including those from the national broadcaster, RTE, portrayed our family’s arduous struggle for justice. The impact of inaccurate reporting, fuelled by leaks from An Garda Síochána, continues to shape the prevailing narrative. However, today's announcement fills us with hope that this long-standing injustice will be rectified, finally dispelling the inaccuracies that have plagued the understanding of the facts surrounding George's untimely death.
We are also compelled to express our profound disappointment in the political response, or rather the lack thereof. It is disheartening to witness the major political parties in the state, who should have been beacons of support and solidarity, fail to stand beside our family in our relentless quest for justice. This glaring absence underscores the impression within marginalized communities that members of An Garda Síochána can operate with impunity even in the aftermath of such a heart-wrenching tragedy. We also raise valid concerns about the potential role of racial bias in shaping the decision of politicians to withhold public support. It is impossible to overlook the question: Would the response have been different if the victim had been a white, middle-class young man from the leafy suburbs of South County Dublin?
I think Gloria is right and all those questions go to the heart of public sector duty for equality and the need for human rights assessment.
I will start with the sad death of George Nkencho. George was a constituent of mine and sadly was killed in the way that he was. I met his family and his legal team. It was a virtual meeting because it was during the pandemic. A GSOC investigation was established. That was the appropriate course of action. None of us as politicians should jump to conclusions. GSOC has now carried out its investigation, a file is with the DPP and the DPP will decide whether the gardaí concerned have a case to answer. We should await that decision. The right thing to do in terms of natural justice is not to jump to a conclusion as to what happened. Let us see what decision is made by the DPP and, if it goes to trial, what the outcome is.
I extend my sympathies again to the family and friends of George and to the wider community, which was deeply affected by this. They have our sympathies, given what they have had to endure, but it is not right for any of us, no matter what perspective we are coming from, to jump to conclusions. GSOC carried out an investigation. That was appropriate. The matter is now with the DPP, who will decide whether anyone has a case to answer and we will take it from there.
My question was explicitly not about the detail but about the broader issue of racial bias among politicians, RTÉ, journalists etc.
I am not sure. It is hard for me to answer that. In terms of my actions, I do not think I personally was guilty of racial bias, nor was my party. I met the family and their legal team. I also contacted the Garda but did not meet with the gardaí involved. It is my view that we should allow an investigation to take place. That is just me; I cannot speak for other politicians, RTÉ or the media. I do not think the Deputy is accusing me of racial bias but if he is, I do not think it is a fair charge.
On Deputy Boyd Barrett’s question on families with children in emergency accommodation for a prolonged period – for years, as he put it – I agree it is not acceptable. It is unacceptable that anybody should be in emergency accommodation for a prolonged period, particularly for several years. I will raise it at the housing committee, which will happen next week and with the Minister, Deputy Darragh O’Brien. I agree they should be prioritised. It has probably been done already - I am not sure - but we would need to drill down into the details behind why people are in emergency accommodation for such a prolonged period. I know of some cases where accommodation was offered but turned down. I am sure that is not all or most cases, but it is some cases. That is different. In some cases, families may not be eligible for social housing because they are from overseas. There are different circumstances. We would need to drill down and understand better why people might be in emergency accommodation for such a prolonged period, which should not happen. I agree they should be prioritised.
I express my deep concern at the figures in the Women's Aid report and the fact there is such a high level of violence against women and domestic and gender-based violence. It is something the Government takes seriously. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, is showing enormous leadership in the actions she is taking to deal with it. As Deputies will be aware, much work is being done to establish a new agency to help us tackle gender-based and domestic violence.
The Minister, Deputy McEntee, favours the establishment of a domestic violence register. Domestic violence leave will be coming into effect quite soon. We are also making progress on refuge spaces, in particular. As a start, we have committed to doubling the number of refuge spaces and are working to deliver additional safe homes and step-down accommodation. The development of 24 units is now under way, at the moment in Wexford, Dundalk and Navan. The units will all be providing next year. There will be 98 further units in priority locations by 2025, along with a further 19 additional and upgraded units by the end of the strategy period.