Brendan Smith
Ceist:1. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach for a report on the shared island youth forum. [37572/23]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Departmental Programmes
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:2. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach to report on the work of his Department’s shared island unit. [41329/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:3. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach to report on the shared island unit in his Department. [42346/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:4. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach to report on the shared island unit in his Department. [42347/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:5. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach to report on the work of his Department's shared island unit. [42617/23]
Bernard Durkan
Ceist:6. Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Taoiseach the extent of his interaction with all parties in Northern Ireland in the context of shared island initiative. [42808/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 6 together. Through the Government's shared island initiative, we are engaging with all communities to build consensus around a shared future and delivering benefits for the whole island. The Government has so far allocated almost €250 million from the shared island fund, moving forward with our commitments and objectives in this area in the programme for Government and the national development plan. In June, we provided €56 million from the fund for new all-island projects. This included a major allocation of up to €44.5 million for the construction of a new teaching building at Ulster University’s campus in Derry to expand higher education provision in the north-west region.
The shared island fund is about bringing people together from all parts of the island. Culture and the arts are among the ways we can do that. I was pleased last week to announce with the Tánaiste and with the Minister, Deputy Catherine Martin, €7.4 million from the shared island fund for five new all-island arts capital investment projects. The shared island research programme continues, with the most recent report by the ESRI published on 18 September analysing the factors that drive or deter student mobility across Ireland, Northern Ireland and Great Britain.
The report was launched by the Minister, Deputy Harris, who affirmed the Government's commitment to work with partners, including in third level institutions, to make it as easy as possible for students to study in either jurisdiction on the island.
I am particularly pleased that, on 8 September, a new shared island youth forum met for the first time in Dublin Castle. The forum brings together 80 young civic representatives from a diverse range of backgrounds, both North and South. They are meeting over the course of the next year to develop a statement of their vision and values for a shared future on the island.
Through the youth forum and the continuing shared island dialogue series, we will continue to foster inclusive civic interaction on how we can share the island of Ireland into the future.
I thank An Taoiseach for his reply. I welcome in particular the establishment of the shared island youth forum view within the overall shared island initiative. I believe it is extremely important that decision-makers hear clearly the views, concerns and ambitions of young people. We must also ensure that we hear the voices from across all communities, North and South, and particularly from those who are less advantaged and who may unfortunately have limited educational attainment or skills to enable them to obtain gainful employment. By working the Good Friday Agreement, people of all age groups can contribute in a positive, ambitious and progressive way to the building of a much better Ireland for all, North and South, and also an Ireland that does not threaten anyone's political or cultural beliefs and traditions.
The one strong request that I would make of the Taoiseach with regard to this particular forum is to ensure that the voices of those less advantaged young people and their communities are listened to in all deliberations in this worthwhile initiative.
We all support the work of the shared island unit. In particular, we have seen some major infrastructural projects such as the Narrow Water bridge, which we want to see completed as soon as possible, and that everything is going in the correct direction.
I welcome any moves that are made in relation to educational improvements on a cross-Border basis. I have one issue that I would like to throw into the mix. It relates to apprenticeships and was raised with me by a young man who is working in south Armagh. He is an apprentice butcher, who is looking to serve his apprenticeship in Dundalk, where he lives in the South, but this cannot be facilitated at the moment. This is the sort of thing that we could look at and rectify.
The wider issue I wish to raise relates to something on which the Taoiseach has spoken lately, namely, Irish unity. He spoke about wanting to see Irish unity and also the possibility of there being unity. What moves will be made to make sure we have forums across the board, be it a citizens' assembly or something else that allows for everyone to have a conversation on what Irish unity could look like, and that we involve as many people as possible? While we continue with some of that modelling work that has been done by the shared island unit, that work must be increased to ensure we do all the necessary due diligence on the possibilities for preparing for Irish unity.
Workers at Vista Therm, a glass manufacturing company in County Armagh, have been on strike now for 12 weeks. This mainly migrant workforce has been forced into taking this action for their basic demands of trade union recognition and a pay increase. The company refused to engage with the union of the workers choice, which is Unite the Union. It has suspended the shop stewards and dismissed workers during the strike. What is going on here is union busting. Unite reckons it is one of the worst cases of union busting that it has seen in Northern Ireland down through the years.
What is the parent company of Vista Therm? Is it a bunch of free market cowboys from the USA? Is it a bunch of Tory city slickers from the City of London? No. The parent company is Carey Glass from Nenagh in County Tipperary. The funny thing is that the Carey Glass plant in Nenagh is unionised. SIPTU union recognition is in place. What does the Taoiseach say about an Irish company which applies such a blatant double standard - union recognition of the South but no union recognition whatsoever - union busting in fact - in the North? What does he say about such a company, especially when the union busting is in order to better exploit vulnerable migrant workers?
I wish to express my strong commitment and support for the points raised by my colleague, Deputy Brendan Smith, who is from a good Ulster county. It is important to remember to try to maximise the shared island concept with a view to ensuring it is part and parcel of the Good Friday Agreement. There is a need to ensure that the aspirations of the Good Friday Agreement continue to remain within the vision and that the benefits accruing from both it and the shared island initiative and their potential remain to the fore. No one or no opinion must be excluded. Given the roles of the Irish and British Governments, nobody must be excluded from the discussion. There must be no perceived threat or actual threat to the Good Friday Agreement or to the interests of either community in Northern Ireland.
I thank Deputies for their questions. I will start with Deputy Brendan Smith, who asked the first question. He made the case in particular for making sure that the voices of disadvantaged young people from disadvantaged backgrounds, both North and South, from the Border area should be part of the dialogue. I think that is the case but I will double-check that it is with the unit, which falls under my Department, and come back to the Deputy in writing about it.
As I mentioned earlier, the forum met for the first time on 8 September in Dublin Castle. The Minister, Deputy Harris, addressed the forum. It contains 40 representatives from the North and 40 from the South and reflects gender, ethnic, community, faith and other identity diversities. The forum will meet and deliberate over the next year and set out its vision and values for a shared future on the island. It is focusing on five main themes, namely, sustainability, opportunity, well-being, equality, and also culture and identity. Two meetings have been held so far, one in Dublin and one in Antrim. The next meeting will be held on 20 October in the Aviva Stadium. I am keen that I should have some engagement with the forum as well at some point, certainly before it completes its work.
The forum is being organised by the shared island unit in the Department and that is being done in partnership with the National Youth Council of Ireland, NYCI, and also Youth Action Northern Ireland. We are very grateful to both those bodies for helping us to put it together.
Deputy Ó Murchú raised the issue of a cross-Border apprenticeship. If I picked it up right, I think the person is living in one jurisdiction and wishes to do an apprenticeship in the other. That is the kind of thing we should try to facilitate, so if the Deputy wants to pass on some information on the case, I will make sure the Minister, Deputy Harris, gets it and we will see what, if anything, we can do.
In relation to the shared island unit's research programme, part of the research it has done, which is very interesting, is comparing how systems work differently North and South, whether in education, criminal justice, local government or welfare - all of those things. That is useful in its own right because we can learn from each other. I am very interested in comparative analysis from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. It can be hard to make comparisons sometimes because people collect statistics differently and so on but it is a useful exercise in its own right because we can learn from best practice elsewhere. There are certainly things done better in the North than in the South and vice versa, but it would also be useful in the event of unification, were that to happen, because should there be a referendum on unification people will ask a lot of hard questions, very practical ones. What will happen to the health service? How will policing work? How will education work? How will the welfare system work? It will be important to be able to answer those questions to the extent that they can be answered. We are quite some way away from that but I think it is good that this work is being done, really for the first time.
Deputy Barry raised the issue of a strike in Armagh. My view, which is a simple one, is that companies should comply with whatever the labour laws are in the jurisdiction in which they operate. That is the way it should be, and it is what we would expect them to do.
Deputy Durkan raised the need for the shared island programme to be inclusive. I totally agree with that. Nobody should feel excluded. Part of what we are trying to do is to have a certain east-west element to it as well because some people in the Protestant-unionist-loyalist community may feel uncomfortable engaging with the shared island fund and the shared island unit but if we bring in an east-west dimension involving Scotland and Britain, that can help. I appreciate that there will be some people who just do not want to engage with it at all because it is a creature of the Irish Government, which is unfortunate, but we want to create pathways to make it easier for those who might wish to do so.
National Risk Assessment
Brendan Smith
Ceist:7. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach for a report on the National Risk Assessment 2023, and the top strategic risks facing Ireland. [37573/23]
Christopher O'Sullivan
Ceist:8. Deputy Christopher O'Sullivan asked the Taoiseach for a report on the National Risk Assessment 2023, and the top strategic risks facing Ireland. [37574/23]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:9. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach for a report on the National Risk Assessment 2023 in his Department. [42348/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:10. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach for a report on the National Risk Assessment 2023 in his Department. [42351/23]
Mick Barry
Ceist:11. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach for a report on the National Risk Assessment 2023. [42618/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 7 to 11, inclusive, together.
The national risk assessment has been prepared since 2014 and provides an opportunity to identify and discuss significant risks which may arise for Ireland. The experience of the past number of years has brought home the importance of work in the area of risk management and preparedness. By promoting an open and inclusive discussion on the major risks facing the country, the national risk assessment plays an important role in this work.
The National Risk Assessment 2023 - Overview of Strategic Risks was published in August and sets out a list of 25 strategic national risks. This follows on from a draft national risk assessment published in December last year for public consultation, providing opportunities for stakeholders and Oireachtas Members to contribute to its development. Many of the risks identified for 2023 have been identified in previous iterations of the national risk assessment, but have evolved significantly in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the cost-of-living challenge. The national risk assessment is just one element of the overall system of preparedness and resilience planning for Ireland and is not intended to replicate or displace the detailed risk management and preparedness carried out by individual Departments and Government agencies.
I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. Some time ago I had a quick perusal of the report. I want to quickly refer to the Northern Ireland and terrorism sections. I have had the privilege of representing Cavan-Monaghan over a number of decades. During that time, thankfully, we have gone from a very troubled era to an era of peace, thanks to the Good Friday Agreement and the good work that brought about that agreement.
One thing which always struck me was the huge and committed work of our Defence Forces, An Garda Síochána and other emergency services during a time when our State was under attack. The configuration of An Garda Síochána in the region throughout that era, and since the foundation of the force, was the Cavan-Monaghan Garda division. There is a proposed reconfiguration of Garda services. Cavan-Monaghan is now being amalgamated with Louth as one Garda division which is, in my opinion as a layperson, crazy stuff.
During an era when An Garda Síochána and our State faced huge threats, the division carried out its work in a very committed and diligent way. The structures responded to ensure that our communities were protected in the configuration that existed. Our chief superintendent has been based in Monaghan, in the headquarters of the Cavan-Monaghan Garda division. That headquarters is now being transferred to Drogheda, County Louth. We know it is practically on the outskirts of Dublin. It is not far from this Chamber to Drogheda, but it is a long way from this Chamber to the west of Cavan, Blacklion or Dowra.
There is a long land border between Louth, Cavan and Monaghan. I do not know who came up with the proposal but the Minister and Department have always given the answer that it is a matter for Garda operational decision-makers. However, we have to consider what worked in the past and was successful during a very difficult era. We need local decision-making. A chief superintendent in Drogheda, on the outskirts of Dublin, will not be familiar with communities in the far end of west Cavan or the north of Monaghan.
Allied to that is the fact that we lost Dún Uí Neill barracks. We do not have an Army barracks in the central Border region. The local knowledge that An Garda Síochána and members of the Permanent Defence Force had, along with the knowledge of other emergency services, contributed in a big way to saving lives and protecting our community. I ask the Government to revisit the proposed reconfiguration of Garda operations.
I have to agree. This is not the first time I have raised this issue. The amalgamation of the Louth division with Cavan and Monaghan will not work at all. The Louth division will include parts of east Meath. One superintendent with responsibility for serious crime, who will be based in Bailieborough, will have to deal with the entire region. I understand the streamlining, but Donegal will not be included with Sligo and Leitrim, something that was due to happen. I understand Kerry will also be a stand-alone division. What is happening does not make sense.
We all know of the issues there have been in Louth, in particular the drug feud. We know the gardaí who have been lost - I mentioned Tony Golden and Adrian Donohoe earlier. Three gardaí in Dundalk were injured recently when their patrol car was rammed by a stolen car. Alongside dealing with rosters, this is a particular issue that needs to be addressed. There needs to be engagement with the Commissioner. I am not entirely sure how the review process has operated, but it has worked for certain areas and sense has prevailed. I am fine with streamlining, but what is proposed is too big, in particular given some of the issues in Louth.
If we are talking about crime, I want to mention the danger of organised crime and drugs from an economic and societal point of view. We hope that the citizens' assembly will go to good places as regards harm reduction, systems being health led and best practice, such as in Portugal. We will need to make sure that resources are applied in order to bring that about. Some of this would need to happen with engagement on an international basis, in particular on a European level. Ireland, even on a 32-county basis, is very small. Certain solutions would obviously work better if they operated on an international basis. I would be interested in hearing whether there has been engagement.
We want to know more about what happened with the joint task force involving the Garda, the Army Ranger wing, the Naval Service and all the rest. The more of those types of operations we can see, the better. We know policing alone will not deal with the issues facing us.
I again thank Deputies for their questions. Deputy Smith touched on the risk of terrorism, which remains a live risk and, I am afraid, not one we can be complacent about. Essentially, we have documented three categories of risk. The first is an attack from a loyalist or republican paramilitary organisation; the second is a domestic attack, perhaps from our own far right, far left or some other extremist group; and the third is terrorism with an international dimension, most likely some form of religious extremism. We have to be wise to the risks of that happening. We have seen it happen in countries like New Zealand, for example, and other small countries around the world where we do not expect major terrorist activities to happen, but they do. We need to be wise to the fact that that could happen here as well. There have been multiagency operations and training for that possibility should it ever occur. It is to be hoped it never does.
Deputies Smith and Ó Murchú drew my attention to plans to merge Cavan-Monaghan and Louth into a single Garda division. I understand this is part of a general plan to have larger divisions. As part of a modern policing service, it is something that, ultimately, is a matter for the Garda Commissioner, but I can certainly make sure that he and the Minister are made aware of the Deputies' views.
I asked about international engagement as regards dealing with drug issues.
There is international engagement. Deputy Ó Murchú will have seen from the operation that took place off the coast of Wexford only last week that the authorities are in touch with each other. I may have picked him up wrong, but I think the point the Deputy is making is that any change in our laws will impact elsewhere. That is evident in Portugal and the Netherlands. Germany is changing its laws. It is up to us to make our own laws. We need to have regard to the fact that will impact other countries and the movement of people in and out of the country.
Northern Ireland
Brendan Smith
Ceist:12. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach for a report on his recent discussions with the political parties in Northern Ireland. [37714/23]
Cathal Crowe
Ceist:13. Deputy Cathal Crowe asked the Taoiseach for a report on his recent discussions with the political parties in Northern Ireland. [37715/23]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:14. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach for a report on his recent discussions with the political parties in the North. [42603/23]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:15. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach to report on his recent discussions with Northern Ireland political parties. [42350/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 12 to 15, inclusive, together.
On 9 August, I visited Belfast for political, business and civic engagements, which included meetings with the five main parties in Northern Ireland. In those meetings, we discussed the window of opportunity this autumn for forming the Executive and getting the Assembly back in place and I listened carefully to each of their assessments. While in Belfast, I also visited Linfield Football Club, had a meeting with the GAA Ulster Council, the recruitment company Staffline and the Federation of Small Businesses. I ended my day at a networking event for Women in Business NI.
I was also in Belfast on 11 September for the launch of the PEACEPLUS programme, a new cross-Border EU programme with an unprecedented budget of €1.1 billion. While there, I met with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Mr. Chris Heaton-Harris. The programme is co-funded by the UK and the EU, with funding from the Irish Government and the Northern Ireland Executive, with the bulk of it coming from the UK Government. We are agreed that the continued long absence of an Executive and Assembly is detrimental to the interests of all in Northern Ireland. I would like to see this ongoing engagement between the UK Government and the DUP conclude successfully and soon.
When we met on 20 September in New York, the Tánaiste and I updated President Biden on the current situation in Northern Ireland. We discussed the UK legacy Act and I outlined my concerns in that regard. President Biden remains very committed to the Good Friday Agreement institutions and principles and reiterated that he is always available to help if we think he can. We agreed to remain in contact on these matters. I will discuss the situation in Northern Ireland with Prime Minister Sunak when we meet tomorrow on the margins of the European Political Community meeting in Granada in Spain.
I welcome the Taoiseach's visits to Belfast in August and September. The launch of the PEACEPLUS programme is a great development. I know it has been worked on for a number of years by the Minister for Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform and the Minister for Finance. The very substantive funding that is available from the European Commission, the British Government and the Irish Government will be put to good use in communities North and South. It is a worthy successor to the various PEACE and INTERREG programmes, which made a real difference in communities that suffered disadvantage due to the decades of trouble in the province of Ulster and other Border areas.
I also welcome the appointment of Hilary Benn MP as the UK Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. He visited Belfast yesterday. In his capacity as chair of the House of Commons Brexit committee from 2016 to 2019, he had regular engagement with us at committee level in this House and he understands very well Ireland, Northern Ireland, North-South relations and the need for improved British-Irish relations. I wish him well in his work in the future.
We are all very well aware, and I get the message from my neighbours in Fermanagh and Tyrone, that prolonged periods of instability in Northern Ireland and the absence of a government are causing real difficulties in the delivery of public services, be they in health, education or social services, as well as the lack of investment in public infrastructure. It goes without saying that Northern Ireland needs stable and sustainable government. In all the discussions that take place, we must always be mindful of the principles of power sharing, parity of esteem and consent. They are the principles underpinning the Good Friday Agreement and they must be protected in all discussions.
We have been told for some time, and the Taoiseach referred to it again regarding his talks in August and September, that the institutions will be reconstituted in early autumn. When we talk about institutions, we are obviously talking about the Assembly and the Northern Ireland Executive but also, very importantly, the North-South Ministerial Council, at which excellent work was done over the years in sector format as well.
We are told the British Government is in talks with the DUP and we read various reports of the talks moving forward. The plea I am asked to relay to the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and other members of the Government is from people who may not be actively involved in politics in Northern Ireland, for example, people in business, people who see their local school not having the services it needs or families suffering delays in accessing health services. They want to see the institutions back up and running as quickly as possible, working in the best interests of the people of Northern Ireland and working along with our Government and political institutions here.
One of the institutions that was established subsequent to the Good Friday Agreement was the North-South Inter-Parliamentary Association, which the Ceann Comhairle co-chaired. Deputy Durkan and I have been in that association for some time. Unfortunately, it has not been able to meet. I remember some of the excellent discussions that took place at it, whether on Brexit, the food industry or farming on an-Ireland basis. At parliamentary level, we are lacking that association working to represent the views of constituents and communities North and South.
Outside the DUP, all of us across this island want to see an Executive up and running and Michelle O'Neill as First Minister. I welcome what the Taoiseach said about a window of opportunity. We need to make sure that is not lost and there is no drift. I am interested in hearing how the Taoiseach found his recent conversations with the DUP and about the onus on the British Government, which, at times, has given cover for some of the actions taken by the DUP. In fairness, it is the British Government that is ultimately responsible for this entire set of circumstances, from Brexit onwards.
There is no support on the island of Ireland for the legacy Act. The Irish Government has a responsibility to take action. We will be talking about legal action. What is the position at this moment?
I will return to the issue of long-term planning. I welcome what the Taoiseach said earlier. Regarding the comparative studies, I assume we will be looking at a greater level of research and modelling into possibilities. We can carry out the due diligence that needs to be done before a referendum is called.
What about a citizens' assembly or some form of forum or fora that would involve as many people as possible to talk about the nature of Irish unity and what it could look like? This would involve every issue, from the economy to society and government, making space for all who live on the island of Ireland. We can definitely do a better job than has been done over many centuries with outside influences.
I support the views expressed by Deputy Brendan Smith on the importance of parliamentary interaction between the two assemblies when the Assembly is restored. In order to facilitate that discussion, the Assembly must be restored. There is a notion that in some way, if things are left in abeyance for long enough, everything will fade away and we will go back to where we were.
The Good Friday Agreement set down distinctly the pillars of society into the future and the need to observe the curtilege of the agreement, which is widespread. The agreement has aspirations that are well-catered for and assumptions, of which it was mindful at the time. We cannot go back and any vision on anybody's part of the possibility of going backwards does not arise. It was a formal international agreement that has worked well. It now behoves us all to encourage the highest possible degree of interaction between the bodies without disappointing or excluding anybody but ensuring that the peace agreement grows and evolves as time goes by.
I thank the Deputies for their questions. PEACEPLUS is a really good programme. If you calculate how much money is being made available, which is over €1 billion, you can see that it is more than the previous INTERREG and PEACE programmes combined, so that is very positive.
It benefits 12 counties, not just the six counties of Northern Ireland, but also the six Border counties, including Sligo. It is a programme of real benefit. I am not sure it is 12 counties but it is more than nine anyway. I acknowledge that it is an EU programme but also that most of the funding comes from the UK Government. It is a 3:1 split as was the case with previous programmes, and the Department of Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform is the lead Department for us.
Regarding the Good Friday Agreement institutions, the Government remains very anxious that the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive should be restored as soon as is possible. As was noted by Deputy Smith, because the Assembly and the Executive are not working, the North-South Ministerial Council is not meeting at plenary nor at inter-ministerial level. I know sometimes people will say that the establishment of the Executive and the Assembly is a strand 1 issue and should not concern the Government here in Dublin. However, it does because without the Executive and the Assembly operating, strand 2, which is the North-South Ministerial Council, cannot operate. When it was working, it generally worked well and allowed for practical co-operation and for relationships to develop which is very important in building reconciliation. Even though it was a lot of time out of the diary to be going up and down to Armagh for meetings, it was worth it and I regret the fact that the council is not up and running. The same applies to the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly. It is about meeting and engagement, and about understanding each other a bit better. Often, we talk to each other but do not understand each other and that is only every corrected by familiarity and by building relationships. That is missing at the moment. Thankfully, the British-Irish Council and the British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference, BIIGC, are operating and look forward to hosting the British-Irish Council in Dublin Castle in November.
Deputy Ó Murchú asked about my talks with the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP. It was a good conversation. The indications I was given was that things were slowly moving in the right direction. Of course, the difficulty we all understand at this stage is that they have been slowly moving in the right direction for a very long time but do not seem to have got to a conclusion yet. However, hopefully we will get to a conclusion and get there in a positive way.
On the UK legacy Act, this Act is now law. It received royal assent on 18 September. Many groups representing victims as well as many Members of this House have called for an inter-state case to be initiated before the European Court of Human Rights, ECHR, with respect to this Act. The Government has sought legal advice on this matter. It has not yet received this advice but when it is finalised and received, we will consider carefully what action we should take and will need to take. No decision has been made on that yet.
Finally, Deputy Ó Murchú mentioned the possibility of a citizens' assembly on unification. I am not really sure that is the right model. The nature of a citizens' assembly is that it is a randomly selected 100 people. Those selected are random and representative and that would mean a citizens' assembly in which only one in seven of the people in that assembly would be British. Let us not forget that there are 1 million people on our island who identify as British. They identify as British because they are British and I am just not sure it would be the right start to say to that really important group of people on our island that they would only have representation of one in seven. I am not sure it would be possible to find people to participate. We really need to say to the minority on our island that we want you and we respect you and that there is a special place for you were unification ever to occur. A citizens' assembly could be the wrong start, quite frankly. A better model might be something like the New Ireland Forum established by the late Dr. Garret FitzGerald when he was Taoiseach. All of that is premature quite frankly. The priority now has to be doing all we can and making that best and last effort to get the Assembly and the Executive restored in order to bed down those institutions. I would be concerned that establishing a citizens' assembly and talk of a border poll and all those things, distract from what has to be the number one effort which is to get the Good Friday Agreement institutions up and running if at all possible.
Is féidir teacht ar Cheisteanna Scríofa ar
www.oireachtas.ie
.
Written Answers are published on the Oireachtas website.
Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 1.44 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 2.44 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 1.44 p.m. and resumed at 2.44 p.m.