Alan Dillon
Ceist:1. Deputy Alan Dillon asked the Taoiseach if he will develop a national security strategy and functioning security agency to deal with future security events. [2791/24]
Ceisteanna - Questions
National Security
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:2. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach if he will develop a national security strategy and functioning security agency to deal with future security events. [5111/24]
Marc Ó Cathasaigh
Ceist:3. Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh asked the Taoiseach if he will develop a national security strategy and functioning security agency to deal with future security events. [6207/24]
Brendan Smith
Ceist:4. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will develop a national security strategy and functioning security agency to deal with future security events. [7792/24]
Rose Conway-Walsh
Ceist:5. Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh asked the Taoiseach if he will develop a national security strategy and functioning security agency to deal with future security events. [8090/24]
I propose to take Question Nos. 1 to 5, inclusive, together.
I can assure the House that the State’s security is a priority for the Government and, in this context, I would emphasise that we already have in place functioning services which carry out significant and important roles in protecting the State and the people, notably An Garda Síochána, the Defence Forces and the National Cyber Security Centre.
Much of the security-focused work our services do is, of its very nature, covert and simply cannot be elaborated on in detail without jeopardising it. However, it will not be a surprise that combatting terrorism and violent extremism, protecting the interests of our people at home and abroad, and counteracting the ever-present cyber threat rank highly in their priorities. Deputies should be in no doubt that our services are active and dedicated to protecting our national security.
The Government will continue to ensure our services are properly resourced and developed to continue to work effectively against the threats we face. This is clearly evidenced by the Government’s resourcing and reform programmes for policing, defence and cyber security. The Government is committed to the delivery of a national security strategy in the coming months. Work is ongoing in drawing up the strategy, co-ordinated by the National Security Analysis Centre in my Department, and integrating inputs from a range of relevant stakeholders, including the Departments of Foreign Affairs, Defence, Justice and Environment, Climate and Communications; An Garda Síochána; the National Cyber Security Centre; and the Defence Forces.
The preparation of a draft strategy covers a broad range of national security issues. This will include the implications of more recent security, defence and international developments and their related impacts, notably the serious deterioration in the European security environment and the related political and economic impacts that arise from the war in Ukraine; the deepening conflict in the Middle East; the growing impact and scale of cyber and hybrid threats; and the continued instability in the geopolitical environment. This work also takes account of the report of the Consultative Forum on International Security Policy and the ongoing implementation of the recommendations of the Commission on the Defence Forces.
From drugs, human trafficking and cyberattacks, this country is seriously vulnerable with regard to security. A headline in the Irish Examiner stated today that Ireland is being used by cartels as a staging post for drugs sales in the country. Tonight, drugs will be consumed in pretty much nearly every second pub across the country. There is no doubt that they may be consumed in the walls of the Dáil and the Seanad as well.
There is a shocking trend emerging where the parents of people who run up drug debts are being targeted with violence and arson if they do not pay off those drug debts. Aontú councillor Jim Codd in Rosslare called for an investigation into unknown wealth among certain individuals, and he too was threatened when he spoke out publicly. How many personnel do we have working in the harbours across the country to stop drugs from entering the country?
On the issue of cybersecurity, there is a ludicrous situation where this country had a National Cyber Security Centre, which is operating out of no physical building, with no director and an annual budget less than the cost of running the PR for the Taoiseach's office. What has been the cost to the State of that cyberattack financially, and in human life?
If the Deputy has any evidence of narcotics being consumed on this premises, I would be very glad if he would bring it to my attention. Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh is next.
For a long time, we have traded on the fact that we are physically very remote, and that insulates us from the kind of cross-border aggression we have seen in eastern Europe. However, cyberwarfare does not know boundaries in the same way. I would like to see that we are adequately supporting and resourcing the National Cyber Security Centre. I know it is difficult for the Taoiseach to elaborate on the work it does, and that is right and proper.
I would also like to mention the resourcing of the Data Protection Commissioner. I say this with a view to 2024 being a year of elections. We know that roughly half of the world's population is going to the polls this year. I fully expect there to be an unprecedented level of interference in terms of misinformation and disinformation. The Office of the Data Protection Commissioner in Ireland has an outsized role because of the presence of so many social media companies in our jurisdiction.
Parts 4 and 5 of the Electoral Reform Act 2022, which deal with outside interference in our electoral process, have yet to be commenced. I know we have brought that to the European Commission for ultimate sign-off. Ahead of next month's referendums, the local and European elections, and at some stage over the next 12 to 13 months a general election in this country, it is very important that we get this right and have ourselves protected from outside influence by malign actors.
We often think of cyberattacks as only affecting major corporations and public services but to the contrary, a report last October showed that more than 70% of Irish businesses suffered cyberattacks in the previous 12 months, and that represented an increase of more than 20% on the previous year.
Cybersecurity and protection of IT systems, data systems and communication networks are vitally important to the economy and all of society. The trend towards an increase in the use of digital and cloud technologies in both the public and private sectors has been under way for some time. As we all know, Covid-19 has accelerated this trend, transforming much of how we live and work. I raised with the Minister, Deputy Harris, previously the need to have the trained personnel and infrastructure to protect these systems. The risk of failures in cybersecurity can lead to massive disruption to critical infrastructure. The necessity to address this risk rises as the extent to which society relies on digital technology increases.
The Taoiseach will have often heard me constantly repeat in this House the need for collaboration on an all-Ireland basis in the whole area of the further development of further and higher education. With the evolution of new cyberprogrammes, maybe we should be looking at it in the all-Ireland context. There is collaboration at further and higher education level but there is always scope to do more. I know from a visit to the college of further education in Enniskillen-----
We are way over time.
-----that it has a very modern course in cybersecurity. That is the type of course we need to be replicating in our jurisdiction. I thank the Leas Cheann-Comhairle.
Since 2019, the Government has been preparing a national security strategy which is supposed to shape our approach to cybersecurity. A lack of urgency and priority from the Government is increasing our vulnerability as global volatility increases. The HSE attack, which was hugely disruptive for patients and staff, is estimated to have cost €144 million. Many smaller but harmful attacks happen regularly as well. In my own group water scheme in County Mayo, the digital board was hacked, disrupting the water supplies. Who would imagine that it happened from the Middle East, right into Belmullet? People were left for days without water.
We need to be sure our public services are protected. The State needs to be capable of preventing and responding effectively when attacks happen. We have to take a broad but comprehensive approach. The public sector is often vulnerable when it interacts with the private sector. Will the Taoiseach ensure that the national security strategy is finally published, and that we have a step-change in how we prepare for cyberattacks? Will he assure people that it will not take another HSE attack for this Government to act?
Seán Lemass did not go. Neither did Jack Lynch, and neither for that matter did Liam Cosgrave, Charlie Haughey, Garret FitzGerald, Albert Reynolds, John Bruton, Bertie Ahern or Enda Kenny. However, the Taoiseach went, the first Taoiseach to go to the Munich Security Conference, mixing and mingling with the generals and admirals, the NATO heads and the representatives of imperialism at the Davos of defence.
Pushing the envelope again, before the Taoiseach left, his Government came to an agreement with NATO, the details of which remain secret. There will be more co-operation but the areas of co-operation are confidential, pushing the envelope again, with no vote in the Dáil on the matter.
The direction in which the Taoiseach is taking the country is clear. Next up is the triple lock. I put it to the Taoiseach that on the issue of what he would call Irish neutrality - although there is little enough of it left; it is what I might call Ireland's relationship with military alliances - he should put his cards on the table and call a vote. Let us have a referendum. What does he say on that matter?
The evidence is mounting of a concerted campaign of intimidation and repression by the State against pro-Palestinian activists in this country. I raised with the Taoiseach before the case of Léna Seale, a PBP local election candidate who was arrested, held for more than ten hours and charged with criminal damage for allegedly putting washable red paint on the Department of Foreign Affairs.
More evidence emerged at the weekend when, in the aftermath of a massive pro-Palestinian protest at which Palestinian activists were doing a BDS action on Grafton Street, gardaí approached an activist demanding that they remove their Palestinian keffiyeh, which was partially covering their face. No legal justification was provided for it. The activist did respond and removed it, but nonetheless the gardaí then decided to arrest two people, charging them with a breach of the public order Act. One of those activists is another People Before Profit local election candidate, Eoghan Ó Ceannabháin.
In that context, another activist - again, another local election candidate for People Before Profit, Conor Reddy - was intimidated with undisclosed information being revealed to them by the unit, and this appears to be headed by a former head of intelligence at the anti-terror unit, SDU. Why is this happening?
Did Deputy Ó Murchú indicate that he wanted to come in?
Yes. I apologise, Leas Cheann-Comhairle, if I did not indicate properly.
The Deputy has 40 seconds.
We obviously need an infrastructure to be able to make a determination with regard to the threats that we face. Again, we are talking about hybrid and cyberthreats, and we are talking right down to what was mentioned earlier with regard to the plague that is organised drug crime in the State.
We are also dealing with the fact that we have a genocidal slaughter in Gaza and the escalation there. We have had the effect of the brutal Russian aggression in Ukraine. Obviously, we still need our own independent foreign policy but we must have that infrastructure to allow us to mesh everything together: the NCSC, the Defence Forces, An Garda Síochána and everything else. In this way we can see what the threats are and lay out our approach to dealing with them.
I thank the Deputies for their contributions. I want to put on the record that the Irish authorities have been very successful in recent months in stopping drugs being smuggled into the country. I want to recognise the contribution of An Garda Síochána, the Defence Forces and the Revenue Commissioners, which work in consort with counterparts in other parts of Europe and around the world. By acting on intelligence, they have stopped a lot of illegal drugs coming into the country in recent months. They deserve our compliments for that.
It seems that when drug smuggling is not stopped, it is seen as Ireland being a soft touch or being a weak underbelly. When drugs are interdicted, people seem to make the same case. I think there is very good evidence that An Garda Síochána, the Defence Forces and the Revenue Commissioners are doing a very good job in stopping illegal drugs coming into the country. We must always recognise that it will never be possible to stop it all. Only a proportion of it ever can be stopped. The US, with its enormous resources, power and equipment, has not been able to stop large amounts of drugs coming into its territory so there are clear limitations there.
Deputy Tóibín asked for figures on staff and budgets. I do not have those figures to hand, but I will provide them.
Deputy Ó Cathasaigh asked about cyberthreats and cybersecurity. The NCSC is situated in the Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications. It leads a strategic national incident response process that involves co-ordinating across government and internationally. It works closely with An Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces, both through personnel secondments and continuous joint working and information sharing. It also maintains close contacts with a range of private sector enterprises in the State and third level institutions here. The Government is committed to delivering world-class connectivity and communications. This includes continuing to invest in cybersecurity. This commitment is reflected in the budget allocation of €10.7 million to the NCSC in 2024. Cyberthreats are a concern, both for Ireland and for international partners. Cyberattacks are now a constant and persistent feature of the security landscape. The NCSC works closely with An Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces and across Departments to help to protect the security of Government networks and the State's critical infrastructure.
I agree with Deputy Ó Cathasaigh on the risk of electoral interference. While we have no solid evidence of outside bodies engaging in electoral interference in Ireland, it has happened in other jurisdictions and it is something we are concerned about. It is not necessarily that malign actors would want to change the result of an election or affect the result of a vote, but from experience in other countries we believe that creating destruction in any democracy is to their advantage. We have to watch out for this. The Electoral Commission is being given the powers to deal with it to the extent that we can. We need to make sure it is properly resourced as well.
Deputy Conway-Walsh mentioned the very real problem of cyberattacks on individual businesses, voluntary groups and community organisations. The NCSC is working closely with the Garda and the Defence Forces. It is currently engaged in a detailed risk assessment of critical infrastructure vulnerabilities for the State. It also provides public information on cybersecurity risks and best practice for bodies to follow. Cyberattacks are a constant and persistent security threat. We are working closely with the gardaí and the Defence Forces on this issue. We co-operate very closely with the EU and other international counterparts in combating this threat.
Regarding my attendance and that of the Tánaiste in Munich, we made a considered decision to attend. First of all, we thought it was important that Ireland be present. People talk about Ireland at these meetings. It is a good thing to have people from Ireland there to be able to respond to some of information requests and some of the odder ideas that float around about this country. I was able to inform one gentlemen who was very concerned about the massive Russian Embassy in Ireland that in fact it has only 15 people in it, including diplomats and staff. As a lot of misinformation about Ireland is being spread at events like this, it is good to have Irish people there to be able to give people the facts, if they are interested in the facts. It also allows us to set out what we are doing in terms of our own security, for example by increasing our defence budget, engaging with PESCO and updating our relationship with the Partnership for Peace. The nature of security threats has changed since the time of Charles Haughey, Seán Lemass, Éamon de Valera and others. At the time, the major international security threat was in the form of a physical invasion, something that our geography protected us from. The threats today are very different. They are international terrorism, cyberterrorism, disruption and interference, and attacks on cables and pipelines in our seas. It is a very different security landscape than was the case during the time in office of the former taoisigh the Deputy mentioned. We have to be part of the security discussion in this regard because it is a different threat. The world moves on. We have to move on as threats emerge and change.
My attendance in Munich also gave me an opportunity to make the case to a lot of people who would not normally hear it that security has to be about more than defence spending. It is not just about how many aircraft carriers a country has or how many planes or how much ammunition it has. At the conference, I made the very strong case that while countries are understandably increasing their defence budgets and have a target of reaching 2% of GDP, an alternative target that could be considered would be matching defence budgets with international development and climate finance budgets. This is precisely because dealing with underlying security threats such as climate change, conflict, lack of economic opportunity and supporting institutions are the things that drive conflict. These investments and this spending is as much about security as military spending is. A lot of people would not hear that argument. It was good to be able to make the case to people, many of whom appeared not to have heard it before and were almost flummoxed in trying to respond because they knew what they were hearing is inherently true.
We have no plans for a referendum on neutrality. I think it would be extremely difficult to define. It is a policy that has to be open to evolution. If we were attacked and we needed to call for support from others, quite frankly I do not think we would have time to organise a referendum.
Deputy Murphy mentioned some issues about party colleagues. I do not know anything about them, Deputy, and I prefer not to comment. He seemed to imply that some of them are under Garda investigation for possible criminality, but I trust the Garda to carry out any such investigation without fear or favour.
Cabinet Committees
Alan Farrell
Ceist:6. Deputy Alan Farrell asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [4000/24]
Mick Barry
Ceist:7. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [5336/24]
Peadar Tóibín
Ceist:8. Deputy Peadar Tóibín asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [5112/24]
Ruairí Ó Murchú
Ceist:9. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet [5276/24]
Marc Ó Cathasaigh
Ceist:10. Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [6208/24]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:11. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [6661/24]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:12. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [6663/24]
Seán Haughey
Ceist:13. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [7794/24]
James Lawless
Ceist:14. Deputy James Lawless asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [7796/24]
Rose Conway-Walsh
Ceist:15. Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [8091/24]
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:16. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs will next meet. [7938/24]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 6 to 16, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet committee on EU and international affairs oversees the implementation of programme for Government commitments and considers policy matters in relation to the European Union and international issues. It most recently met on 4 December, when it looked ahead to the EU-western Balkans summit which took place in Brussels on 13 December and the meeting of the European Council on 14 and 15 December.
As I have reported to the House, the December meeting of the European Council discussed a wide range of issues including the situation in the Middle East, Ukraine, EU enlargement and the future strategic agenda for the European Council.
The EU-western Balkans summit was an important opportunity to reiterate our commitment to the EU perspective on the countries of the region and to urge them to continue with the reforms necessary for membership. The summit also discussed how to better integrate western Balkans countries economically, including through the western Balkans growth plan. It is expected that the Cabinet committee will next meet on 4 March, ahead of the March European Council meeting scheduled to take place in Brussels on 21 and 22 March.
I thank the Taoiseach for his response. I would like to quote a part of his letter which he wrote with the Prime Minister of Spain, Pedro Sánchez, with regard to the events and the war in Israel in the occupied territories:
Against the background of the risk of an even greater humanitarian catastrophe posed by the imminent threat of Israeli military operations in Rafah, and given what has occurred, and continues to occur in Gaza since October 2023, including widespread concern about possible breaches of IHL [International Humanitarian Law] and international human rights by Israel, we ask that the Commission undertake an urgent review of whether Israel is complying with its obligations, including under the EU/Israel Association Agreement, which makes respect for human rights and democratic principles an essential element of the relationship.
Has the Taoiseach received a response to that letter? Does he believe the actions of the European Union can make a difference in convincing the Israelis to stop this slaughter?
Israeli war cabinet minister, Benny Gantz, said on Sunday, "If by Ramadan our hostages are not home, the fighting will continue to the Rafah area". Ramadan begins this year on 10 March. That is the start of the week in which the Taoiseach presses his shirts and packs his bags to fly off to the United States for a celebration with President Joe Biden. Has the Taoiseach considered the fact that the most bloody episode of the Israeli state's entire genocidal campaign might now coincide with him providing a bowl of shamrock to a man who, despite cautioning against a ground invasion of Rafah, has been Israel's main provider of finance and weapons? Does he think this is an appropriate moment for a celebration with this man? Does he think it is an appropriate moment for a present of a bowl of shamrock? Does he not think it is time to reconsider his plans for 17 March?
Representatives of the Midleton flood campaign came to Leinster House today to present 14,500 signatures to the Minister with responsibility for the Office of Public Works, OPW. They did so because four months ago, we had a horrendous flood in the Midleton area. Some four months later, most of the families are still living in a catastrophe. We have an incredible situation that many families are still not back in their homes. There is a bureaucratic nightmare in trying to get the funds to be able to fix homes and even when they manage to go through that bureaucratic nightmare with the State, people were told they could get only 50% of the money that was necessary to fix their homes. Threats to their lives are hanging over these people because of the horrendous nature of those floods. One man does not go to sleep if it is raining. He is a human water gauge, watching the river to see if it will inundate the homes again. One of the points the flood campaigners mentioned was that on the day in question, there was no warning system. The European Flood Awareness System supports preparatory measures to provide warning systems when floods are about to break. That still has not been put in place in Ireland. Why is that the case?
UN agencies are warning of an explosion in child deaths in Gaza, on top of the situation we have seen already. This is an explosion on what has been already the unmitigated slaughter of the Palestinian people. We know Rafah is under threat as Israel makes its preparations. While we may welcome that the language of the United States has improved somewhat, I agree with many others that the likes of the US, Germany and Britain could put on some pressure by stopping the delivery of weapons to the Israelis. It is about what we can do in that regard. We obviously welcome the letter written to Ursula von der Leyen by the Taoiseach and Pedro Sánchez. When can we make moves in relation to recognising the state of Palestine if we do have other takers who are willing to do that? Are there any other moves we can possibly make to put any sort of pressure on Israel and its allies?
I understand this is the Cabinet committee that discusses our approach to matters at the UN. In September this year, we will have the UN Summit of the Future. At the committee meeting of 4 December, the zero draft text for that UN summit had not yet been finalised. There is a significant opportunity here if we pay attention to this process and get our spake in early. I know the ZOE Institute for Future-fit Economies has talked about the possibility of having an executive vice president for future generations in the European Commission. The example of the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales is strong and powerful. It is an example from which we could learn an awful lot. What is the Taoiseach's view on the possibility of having a commissioner for future generations in the Irish context? What position are we going to take at the UN Summit of the Future later this year?
It has been reported that Ursula von der Leyen is to seek a second term as European Commission President, the most powerful political position in the European Union. Politico sums up her pitch as, "More military might, less climate talk". This is the Commission President who went to Israel to give a green light to the genocide that is now under way and continues to support that genocide. This is the Commission President who called for an accelerated process of militarisation, calling for an EU defence Commissioner. It is also reported that the Irish Government is to back Ursula von der Leyen. Is that accurate? If it is, that means not just that a vote for Fine Gael is a vote for a genocider to continue as European Commission President but also that votes for Fianna Fáil and the Green Party in the European elections are also votes for the continuation in office of a supporter of genocide.
On a recent visit to the EU institutions by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Union Affairs, we were informed that security and defence were becoming matters of increasing concern in Brussels. This first emerged following the Russian invasion of Ukraine two years ago and has been added to by Donald Trump's recent remarks about NATO and the defence of Europe. I commend the Taoiseach on defending Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality at the Munich Security Conference last week when he stressed the importance of peacekeeping and the need to resolve international conflicts through multilateral diplomacy. Obviously, there should be no question of us joining NATO. Would the Taoiseach agree that we need to be fully engaged in the ongoing debate about the EU's common security and defence policy, given the current global situation?
Last year, the EU Commission published guidelines on biodiversity and friendly afforestation. It provided recommendations on biodiversity and friendly afforestation projects at a local level. Forestry should deliver for the environment, economy and local communities. The response to the inability to meet afforestation targets has been to invite in investment firms with solely commercial interests. Last year, we saw the disastrous deal between Coillte and a British investment firm. Craggagh community, between Kiltimagh and Balla, has rallied in response to plans by a French investment company to plant an enormous plantation of Sitka spruce forest in the area while at the same time, young people cannot get planning permission on their own lands. Sinn Féin called then and calls again now for the new planting to be done by public bodies, farmers and co-operatives. We should be supporting farmers and foresters rather than investment funds to plant trees. EU forestry grants and single-farm payments going to investment funds with only a commercial mandate is wrong. Will the Taoiseach raise the concerns of Craggagh residents with his Ministers for agriculture and climate change?
I thank Deputies for their questions. In response to Deputy Alan Farrell, I have received an acknowledgement from President von der Leyen of the letter I co-wrote with Prime Minister Sánchez but I have not received a detailed reply from her as yet. The matter was taken up by the Tánaiste at the Foreign Affairs Council meeting on Monday and there was a discussion about it among the foreign ministers so we have successfully put it very much on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council. High Representative Josep Borrell sought a political view from ministers from different member states. Commissioner Várhely, who is the Commissioner responsible for external affairs for the EU neighbourhood, takes the view it is very much a matter for the Commission to decide. It is a matter that we intend to pursue both at the Foreign Affairs Council level, through the Tánaiste, and that I will bring up again at the European Council meeting in March.
Deputy Barry asked about my visit to Washington DC next month. All of these visits are an opportunity to meet with political leaders in the US and, for me, it is an opportunity to speak to President Biden and other US leaders and to tell them about the views and feelings of the Irish people on the Middle East. That is what I intend to do. I live in the real world and know that if I did not turn up for that engagement, the slot would be given to someone else who might not put across the views of the Irish people in respect of the situation.
On Deputy Tóibín's question, Midleton is a town I know well. I was there after the floods and I visit it at least every year. I am very concerned about what the Deputy said here in the Chamber. I will seek an update from the Minister of State, Deputy O'Donovan, and the Minister, Deputy Ryan, on the matters raised.
On Deputy Ó Murchú's question on the possible recognition of the state of Palestine, this House has already passed a resolution in favour of recognising it. The Government wants to do that formally as a Government, but it also wants to do it in a way that is meaningful. Doing it unilaterally would not be meaningful; it would be dismissed outright by Israel and its allies, and it would be of little or no benefit to the Palestinian people. It would be of more benefit if a number of like-minded countries, not necessarily European, acted multilaterally, connected to a ceasefire or peace process that would perhaps involve a Palestinian Authority taking over control of Gaza and recognising a state of Palestine, and creating the possibility of some degree of equality in future peace negotiations between the State of Israel, which of course we recognise, and the state of Palestine.
On Deputy Ó Cathasaigh's questions on the composition of the new Commission, it is probably a debate we should start thinking about. As was mentioned, President von der Leyen has suggested a Defence Commissioner. Others have made suggestions for different sorts of Commissioners. It is a matter we definitely need to think about over the coming months. I am not fully up to date on the UN Summit of the Future, but I will get up to date on it. I might get a response from the Tánaiste on it.
Deputy Murphy asked about top jobs at EU level. As I believe everyone knows, they are agreed as a package. I am referring to the European Commission Presidency, the European Council Presidency, the Presidency of the Parliament. Often, the ECB comes into play as well, along with other positions, including those of the High Representative and Vice Presidents. No decision has been made on this by the Government, nor will we make one until after the next European elections. In that context, we will have to decide on who we, as a Government, nominate to be Ireland's Commissioner for the period 2024 to 2029. That is when the talking begins. We want to ensure that whoever we nominate to be our Commissioner will get a good position and a good brief in the Commission. The negotiations happen on that basis. It is never a case of just supporting any individual. It is about a package, and one in which Ireland will be looking for a position.
President von der Leyen has done very well on many issues. She has been a very good supporter of Ireland in respect of Brexit. She did a very good job in pulling Europe together during the Covid pandemic, and she has been good on climate and nature, often going against the wishes of her own parliamentary group, the EPP. She has been very good on Ukraine also. We do not agree on the Middle East, which is very clear.
On Deputy Conway-Walsh's question on forestry, I am not familiar with the Craggagh proposal but I will bring it to the attention of the two Ministers. I agree we should support farmers, landowners and Coillte to plant trees on our lands for forestry, timber and recreation, but I do not believe we should lock out or exclude private finance. There is a role for all.
Northern Ireland
Brendan Smith
Ceist:17. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach to report on his recent discussion with Prime Minister Sunak. [5226/24]
Bernard Durkan
Ceist:18. Deputy Bernard J. Durkan asked the Taoiseach the extent of any discussions he has any with the British Prime Minister following their recent meeting. [6348/24]
Alan Farrell
Ceist:19. Deputy Alan Farrell asked the Taoiseach to report on his meeting with the UK Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. [6370/24]
Mick Barry
Ceist:20. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach to report on his recent discussion with the UK Prime Minister. [7449/24]
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:21. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach when the British-Irish Council will next meet. [7769/24]
Seán Haughey
Ceist:22. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent visit to Northern Ireland following the restoration of the Executive there; and the discussions he had with British Prime Minister. [7793/24]
Paul Murphy
Ceist:23. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach to report on his meeting with the UK Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. [7877/24]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:24. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach to report on his meeting with the UK Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. [7880/24]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 17 to 24, inclusive, together.
The return of the power-sharing Executive and the Northern Ireland Assembly is hugely welcome. I was very pleased to travel to Stormont on 5 February to meet the new First and deputy First Ministers and other members of the Executive Committee of Ministers. While in Belfast, I met the British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. I acknowledged his efforts and those of his team in concluding the talks to achieve restoration. We discussed and agreed on the importance of ensuring all strands of the Good Friday Agreement are functioning fully and to the benefit of all. We had spoken by phone on 30 January about the prospects at that time of the restoration of the power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland and touched on the interstate case Ireland has taken to the European Court of Human Rights concerning the UK legacy Act of 2023. We acknowledged our differences on this issue but welcomed the ongoing strength of our bilateral relationships in other areas.
In my meeting with the new First and deputy First Ministers, I confirmed that the Government was keen to work with them and further North–South co-operation wherever possible and practical. I also met the Executive as a whole. I congratulated it and stressed the Government's desire for its work to be successful.
A common theme across the meetings was the importance of communication, building relationships across the island and the benefits of working together in areas of concern.
I was also very pleased to be welcomed to Parliament Buildings by the new Speaker, Edwin Poots, and to take the opportunity to meet members of the SDLP, which has assumed the role of official opposition within the assembly.
The Government will engage proactively and constructively with the institutions, and I look forward to seeing the positive results of restoration for the people of Northern Ireland. I look forward to an early meeting of the North–South Ministerial Council. I also look forward to the next British–Irish Council Summit, which will be hosted by the Isle of Man and is due to take place in June.
I ask Members for their co-operation because we are running out of time. There is one minute per person.
I, too, warmly welcome the restoration of the assembly, Executive and North–South Ministerial Council. As we all know, all legacy legislation should be victim centred. Unfortunately, the recent British Act is totally perpetrator centred. I raised on many occasions in this House the terrible bombing of Belturbet in December 1972 that resulted in the deaths of Geraldine O'Reilly and Patrick Stanley. Next May marks the 50th anniversary of the horrific bombings in Monaghan and Dublin. The Taoiseach will recall that, in 2008, 2011 and 2016, this House unanimously passed resolutions calling on the British Government to give access to all papers and files pertaining to the Dublin–Monaghan bombings to an independent eminent legal person. My understanding is that the British Government's response to the unanimous request of an independent sovereign parliament, a neighbouring sovereign parliament, has been zilch. Will the Taoiseach take up again with the British Prime Minister, well in advance of May, the necessity for the British Government to co-operate in the necessary investigations to get to the truth of who carried out all these horrendous crimes?
To what extent does the Taoiseach expect to be able to co-operate with the Northern assembly and all parties in Northern Ireland in the window of opportunity that now presents itself, with particular reference to the need to ensure we avoid a collapse of the assembly insofar as that is possible and touch upon the points most likely to irritate either side in Northern Ireland? Will he, with the British Government, ensure he brings these matters to the fore in every possible situation and at every opportunity?
With the Executive now up and running, it is crucial that east–west and North–South bodies be established under the Good Friday Agreement and robustly fulfil their remit. The Taoiseach will know that, having been starved of adequate public funding by the Tories for years, public services are now at breaking point. This will be a priority for Sinn Féin in the new Executive, with finance Minister, Caoimhe Archibald, having described a recent offer by the Tories as not providing a sustainable solution and involving fundraising obligations that would serve only to cause more harm for hard-pressed families, households and businesses. Co-ordination and the progression of major cross-Border infrastructural projects must also be an immediate priority for both the Executive and Irish Government. I welcomed this morning's announcement by the Irish Government to commit €800 million to infrastructure in the North of Ireland. However, works such as the N2 and A5 motorway will not be maximised unless the Irish Government delivers on both sides of the Border. Indeed, with the Executive restored, we have an obligation to demonstrate delivery as part of our work to ensure public confidence in the institutions. I am aware that Minister John O'Dowd stands ready to work with the Irish Government on these projects. Will the Taoiseach outline what his priorities will be for the British–Irish Council and the North–South Ministerial Council?
It is great that the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive are finally up and running after a two-year stalemate. We need to do everything possible to ensure the institutions are not collapsed again. There is now an urgent need to get meetings of the North–South Ministerial Council under way to pursue all-island opportunities and, indeed, foster the all-island economy. I welcome the Government's announcement today of new funding of more than €800 million for shared island investment priorities, including the A5 north-west transport corridor and Casement Park, Belfast.
The Tánaiste has spoken about the need to reform the rules governing the establishment of the assembly and Executive, particularly those requiring cross-community consent.
Is that something the Government will actively pursue in the months ahead?
I wonder whether, in the Taoiseach's discussions with Rishi Sunak, the question of financial support for Israel's genocide in Gaza came up. Britain continues to be probably the second most enthusiastic supporter of Israel globally after the US. War bonds are a type of government debt to raise capital to fund war efforts. Does the Taoiseach agree that US Treasury bonds have effectively become war bonds, given the US's crucial role in funding the genocide in Gaza? As of last November, funds domiciled in Ireland have invested €315 billion in US Treasury bonds, including €15.4 billion bought in the month the genocide got under way. The US Treasury allocates billions of dollars to arms contractors that supply weapons directly to the genocidal Israel Defense Forces, including more than €18 billion to Lockheed Martin, the manufacturer of the F-35s that fly over Gaza. The Tánaiste has said that Israel's bombardment of Gaza is a war crime. Is the Taoiseach content for the Irish financial system to fund these war crimes?
We all welcome the €800 million in funding that has been announced. In my constituency, we want to see the Narrow Water bridge built. We know what is necessary for the projects relating to the A5, the Battle of the Boyne site and Casement Park. I even see proposals on educational disadvantage. Will the Tánaiste provide timelines? As I said, we all welcome the funding. We also welcome that the Executive is up and running.
I do not usually listen to Joe Duffy's show.
Why not?
However, when he dealt with a particular issue earlier, a proposal that was also brought to me by Alison McCabe was mentioned. It is for a reduction in the grant for post-mastectomy products for women who have been through breast care. This is an issue we need to look at. It is going to be highlighted by many people. Will the Taoiseach take a look at it? The grant is necessary.
I thank the Deputies for their questions. Deputy Brendan Smith asked about the legacy Bill. He raises these issues regularly in the Chamber. I welcome that because it keeps them on the agenda. I will certainly continue to discuss them with Prime Minister Sunak any time we meet.
Deputy Durkan asked about the Executive and the assembly. I am keen to work with them and to work closely with the new First Minister and the deputy First Minister. In fairness, they have got off to a good start, which is encouraging. We want the Executive to be a success and I hope today's announcement will in some way assist them in the work they are doing, although the investment is not just for Northern Ireland, but for the whole country, especially for the Border areas. On sustainability, I am keen to see the Executive last, complete its term and not be disrupted by other political events, such as the UK elections or elections in this jurisdiction.
Deputy Conway-Walsh mentioned the A5. We are making a commitment of €600 million in respect of that project. I met the Minister for Infrastructure, John O'Dowd MLA, briefly when I was in Stormont two weeks ago. He said to me that at least one section of it can commence construction this year. I hope that is the case and I look forward to it happening. I agree with what Deputy Conway-Walsh said about the M2 and the Donegal trans-European transport network, TEN-T, projects, for example the Stranorlar to Lifford to Letterkenny road. We have to make sure we do the parts on our side of the Border as well as co-funding the works in Northern Ireland.
We do not have a date yet for the North-South Ministerial Council to meet, but we are keen to have an early date for a plenary meeting of the council. The council has only met once in person since 2016. That is a real shame. I would like to get back into the rhythm of those meetings happening regularly, as they used to. I would particularly like to see the North-South sectoral meetings taking place because often the real work is done when Ministers meet their counterparts in Armagh. It is less so at the plenary meetings, important though they are.
Any change to the rules of how Stormont operates would be a strand one issue. I would very much lean on the views of political parties in Northern Ireland to guide us on that, but what is important for the next few months is that we allow the Executive to settle a bit and give it a fair wind to concentrate on the bread and butter issues. I am sure we can talk about reforms and changes in due course.
Regarding Deputy Paul Murphy's question, I have not discussed Gaza with Prime Minister Sunak. It has not been on our agenda. The meetings are short.
On the Narrow Water bridge, Deputy Ó Murchú mentioned the fact that it will benefit his constituency. We are confident that we will be able to sign the contracts for the project as soon as next month, which means it could be under construction this year, perhaps by the summer.
Will the Taoiseach look at the other issue?
Yes. The Deputy might send me a note. I am aware of the issue but am not 100% across it.