I call the Taoiseach to make his opening statement under Standing Order 113. He has 15 minutes.
Post European Council Meeting: Statements
I attended a meeting of the European Council on Thursday, 20 March in Brussels. The agenda covered Ukraine, European defence, the Middle East, competitiveness, the post-2027 EU budget or multiannual financial framework, migration, oceans policy and multilateralism.
Is there a copy of the Taoiseach's statement?
We will get a copy. It is arriving now.
We can arrange that.
In his contribution to today’s debate, the Minister of State for European Affairs, Deputy Byrne, will provide further detail on the multiannual financial framework, MFF, including the question of possible new own resources for the EU budget, as well as further detail on migration, oceans and multilateralism. I will deal with all other issues.
I welcomed further discussions at the European Council on how the European Union can step up its support for Ukraine, including military assistance, play a constructive role in any potential peace process and contribute to security guarantees as part of a ceasefire agreement. The aim is to ensure that Ukraine enters any serious negotiation from a position of strength and that a lasting and just peace can be secured in line with the principles of the UN Charter. We are committed to continuing to support Ukraine as it exercises its inherent right to self-defence against Russia’s war of aggression. To date, the European Union has provided substantial military support to Ukraine to enable it to defend itself against Russia’s ongoing aggression. Ukraine requires our help now even more urgently.
Ireland is playing its part. We have contributed extensive political, humanitarian, non-lethal military and economic support to Ukraine since February 2022. Earlier this month, the Government approved €100 million of bilateral non-lethal military support for Ukraine. These funds will be used to invest in priority areas identified by the Ukrainian side, including non-lethal elements of air defence to be procured in Ukraine.
It is positive that member states are engaging on how the European Union can do more and are considering options and proposals to ensure Ukraine continues to get the military support it needs. Leaders reiterated their continued and unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. They agreed that a ceasefire can only take place as part of the process leading to a comprehensive peace agreement. It was agreed that any such agreement needs to be accompanied by robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine that contribute to deterring future Russian aggression.
There was also agreement to continue work to progress the negotiations on Ukraine’s accession to the European Union, work that Ireland strongly supports. European Union membership for Ukraine would also be an important part of broader security guarantees for Ukraine and its people.
This war and the threat posed by Russia is an existential issue for Ukraine and its neighbouring European Union member states. It is also a major challenge to the security of Europe. In this context, I welcome the publication of the White Paper for European Defence Readiness 2030 on 19 March. On foot of this publication, the European Council had a preliminary discussion on the need to enhance Europe’s defence capabilities and readiness within the next five years. This was a key moment for these discussions and for European security, taking place in a rapidly changing context. European Union member states, including Ireland, are faced with a multitude of threats and challenges to our security that are acute and growing. It built upon discussions and conclusions at the special European Council in early March and President von der Leyen’s proposals on the financing to meet Europe’s defence needs.
My fellow European Union leaders and I recalled that a stronger and more capable Europe in the field of security and defence will contribute positively to global and transatlantic security. The White Paper puts forward options on how member states can make the investments necessary in the coming years in a collaborative way which strengthens European capacity for manufacturing defence equipment and reduces dependencies outside of the Union. It also incentivises member states to co-operate more on capability development and inter-operability. This very much aligns with the ambitious investment programme for our Defence Forces that is in place to implement the recommendations of the Commission on the Defence Forces and aligns fully with the programme for Government.
It is welcome that it has been clearly agreed that any proposals in this area are without prejudice to the specific character of the security and defence policies of member states. Ireland’s policy of military neutrality is not affected in any way and our position is fully understood and respected by our European partners. Member states remain in the driving seat in determining the capabilities they require nationally, and it remains a national prerogative to decide how to use capabilities developed jointly. Procuring collectively with other member states in no way impacts Ireland’s security policy choices. It is nothing new, as it is already provided for in the existing legal framework. We look forward to continuing our work on Ireland’s national defence spending and on how we can complement this by working with other member states on common projects to the benefit of us all, including the areas of cyber and maritime security, which are priority areas for Ireland.
The European Council met against the backdrop of extremely shocking developments on the ground in the Middle East. I have condemned the resumed Israeli airstrikes and new ground operation, which have brought more death, suffering and destruction to the people of Gaza and have breached the ceasefire. European Union leaders deplored the breakdown of the ceasefire in Gaza and called for an immediate return to the full implementation of the ceasefire-hostage release agreement, calling for the release of all hostages and a permanent end to hostilities. All the hostages should have been released by now.
The European Council also recalled the importance of unimpeded access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale into and throughout Gaza. Ireland has been consistently clear that humanitarian aid into Gaza must resume immediately and at scale. United Nations and other humanitarian workers must be protected at all times as they carry out their lifesaving work.
A further important element of our discussions at the European Council was the Arab recovery and reconstruction plan for Gaza endorsed at the Cairo Summit on 4 March 2025. The European Union has a longstanding commitment to contribute to a co-ordinated international effort to rebuild Gaza and this plan represents a very strong basis for taking forward our engagement. I welcome that this has since been a focus of discussions between the High Representative and Vice President of the Commission, Kaja Kallas, and Arab partners in Cairo on 23 March, during which there was also categorical rejection of any displacement or expulsion of the Palestinian people out of their territory.
The European Council recalled its commitment to a lasting and sustainable peace based on the two-state solution and called on all parties to refrain from actions that undermine its viability.
Ireland has been clear that unprecedented settlement expansion in the last few years, displacement of Palestinian communities, and ongoing Israeli security operations are a threat to the viability of the two-state solution and are unacceptable. The European Council committed to continue supporting the Palestinian Authority and its reform agenda. In this context, I welcome the planned high-level dialogue with the Palestinian Authority in April. The European Union must continue to support the Palestinian Authority’s role and standing, and its ability to deliver services. It will be important to accelerate European Union funding for the Palestinian Authority, including the immediate release of the remaining emergency funds committed to last June.
We have also seen a renewed escalation in Lebanon. I commend the vital role being played by Irish peacekeepers in Lebanon and can confirm that they are safe and well. It is vital that all sides show restraint. At the European Council last week, European Union leaders reiterated their call on the parties to implement the terms of the 27 November 2024 ceasefire agreement and for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701. I also welcome the European Council conclusions condemning the violence against Syrian civilians and calls for perpetrators to be held accountable for their actions. We also welcome the importance placed on the peaceful and inclusive transition in Syria during the Council discussion and the ninth Brussels conference on 17 March.
The March European Council also set important orientations on strengthening Europe’s economic competitiveness. A dynamic European economy is needed, both to improve the lives of our citizens and to provide the resources that will ensure we advance the Union’s shared political objectives, including its long-term economic security. Leaders agreed that 2025 should mark a step change in our collective action to boost competitiveness, strengthen the Single Market, promote quality jobs and ensure successful twin transitions, in line with agreed climate objectives. Our exchanges reinforced the strategic importance of closing the innovation and productivity gap with the European Union’s global competitors, consistent with the core emphasis of last September’s Draghi report. Leaders identified three priority areas on which we should move decisively forward: simplification and reducing regulatory and administrative burdens - basically cutting red tape; lowering energy costs; and mobilising private savings to unlock necessary investments. Simplification must be implemented at all levels to provide a clear and innovation-friendly regulatory framework, without undermining predictability, policy goals or the Single Market. Leaders specifically called for early progress on the target of reducing administrative burdens by at least 25% and 35% for small- and medium-sized businesses, and for adherence to better regulation principles throughout the legislative process.
Leaders also called for urgent stepping up of efforts to build a genuine energy union before 2030, including electrification through net-zero and low-carbon solutions, while ensuring long-term cross-border investment planning to fully integrate and interconnect the EU energy market. Last week’s meeting also acknowledged the importance of truly integrated capital markets in developing much stronger links between European savings - currently estimated at roughly €11.5 trillion - and necessary investments in productive capabilities. The savings and investment unit is now moving at pace in terms of a desire on behalf of quite a number of member states and the Commission to bring that to a conclusion.
Leaders welcomed the competitiveness compass presented by the new Commission at the end of January, which prepares the ground for up to 50 specific initiatives between this year and next under the new Commission work programme. Europe’s future prosperity must be based on the fundamentals of long-term productivity growth, and on ensuring that we create the right market conditions for high levels of investment and entrepreneurship in the decades ahead. This requires stronger mobilisation of both public and private resources through the European research and innovation system, supported by the deeper capital markets necessary to finance new and fast-growing firms at the technological frontier. I will continue to advocate strongly for unlocking the full potential of the Single Market as the foundation of European competitiveness.
Leaders also held a first exchange of views on the next multi-annual financial framework, MFF, the EU’s long-term budget. The Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, will address this matter in more detail in his remarks, including Irish priorities. These include not least the strategic importance of a strong and well-funded Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, ensuring a modern and sustainable EU agriculture sector; advancing shared climate, food-security, and biodiversity objectives; and supporting vibrant and prosperous rural communities across the Union. We will also be focusing on the importance of research and development through funding for the Horizon programme. This will be a very challenging agenda. Overall, in normal times, we are looking at about 1% of European income, in total, being the EU budget. There is a view that this is not sufficient for climate-change objectives, defence commitments of individual member states, cyber-security issues, agriculture and so on. This will be a most difficult debate from 2027 on to 2035. Ireland will have a key role in the second half of 2026 with the Presidency of the European Union. It will be very challenging to get agreement to collectively increase available resources to the Union so that it can deploy them for all of the priorities that have been identified. However, at the moment, the priorities have been identified and the cost of those do not reconcile with the revenue-generating capacity of the Union. All in all, it was an important and very busy meeting of the European Council, which addressed many of the pressing issues of the day and laid the groundwork for future important work across a range of areas important for our citizens.
With all due respect, it is hardly convincing for the Taoiseach to warn us about the impending difficulties for the multi-annual framework for the budget when out of the other side of his mouth, he has lauded what amounts to a weapons race and a hyper-militarisation of Europe. It is also ironic to note that the origins of the European project going back to the European Coal and Steel Community were all about demilitarisation, deconstruction the apparatus of war and creating continental security and contributing to global security on that basis. This does not suit the von der Leyen leadership and has been thrown in the bin. We are asked to celebrate the fact that a system that is so penny-pinching regarding the big issues that face societies and communities, now opens up its largesse to keep the armaments industry happy and to remilitarise Europe. That is not a good news story but, of course, it is a story that resonates very strongly with the clear intention of the Taoiseach's Government to dismantle our position as non-aligned and militarily neutral. If the Taoiseach believes in that position, then he should go to the people with it and see what they think and get his response from them.
The meeting of the European Council took place days after Israel resumed its genocidal war on the people of Gaza. There have been fresh airstrikes, which have killed thousands of Palestinians in a matter of days, targeting civilian populations and again refugee camps. Again the majority of those killed have been children, women and the elderly. That ferocious aerial bombardment is now backed up by a new ground assault by the Israeli war machine. It coincides with new evacuation orders to a refugee population with literally nowhere to go. Israel has laid waste to towns, villages, communities and homes. More than 50,000 Palestinians have been slaughtered by Israel in the 18 months since they began this atrocity. Those who have died have died hungry. The resumption of the genocide follows Israel's complete blockade of humanitarian aid, including food and medical supplies into Gaza. Israel had already cut off Gaza's electricity, which impacts on the supply of water. The threat of starvation and exposure to deadly disease is rife.
Journalists and medical teams have stated that this renewed attack resembles the height of the bombardment last year. Gaza's health system has been devastated, with its remnants completely overwhelmed.
On Friday, Israel bombed Gaza's only specialised cancer hospital. Medics do not have the equipment or supplies needed to treat the catastrophically injured. They watch people die before their eyes because they cannot treat them. One heartbroken surgeon shared how he operated on six children, knowing that they would not make it through the night.
On her visit to Ireland last week, Francesca Albanese who, as the Taoiseach knows, is the UN rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories - the Government did not meet her - put it powerfully. She said "It is not a war. This is a total elimination that will continue until the last breath of Palestinian life is gone in Gaza." It is a matter of shame that no representative of the Government could find time to meet with Ms Albanese while she was here.
The resumption of the genocide in Gaza is a result of the impunity handed to Israel by the international community, including the European Union. The Taoiseach says he is shocked by Israeli actions. It is not enough to be shocked. If he is so shocked, what precisely is he going to do about it? Israel broke the ceasefire because it knows it can. It knows that there is no accountability, no sanctions or no push for justice. That is why Netanyahu brazenly states that this murderous bombardment is, in his own words, "only the beginning", yet the Taoiseach and the European Union continue on a path of appeasement. The conclusions of the European Council meeting, as regards Gaza, deplore the breakdown of the ceasefire. They talk about humanitarian aid and call for the full implementation of the ceasefire-hostage release agreement, as the Taoiseach has just done. What is glaringly and catastrophically missing at a European level and from the Taoiseach, despite all of his rhetoric, is any plan to pressurise Israel into ending its genocidal war. There is no mention of sanctions or any collective action by Europe to force Israel to restore the ceasefire or to engage in a real process that would ensure the agreement is fulfilled.
The word "Israel" does not appear even once in the conclusions of the meeting. Is that not extraordinary? It is as if Israel is not committing a genocide for all the world to see. Did the Taoiseach raise the need for Europe to stop handing this impunity to Israel? He should have made it clear. What exactly has he said on this subject? Depressingly, I suspect he has said very little, if in fact anything at all.
That is so untrue. The truth never matters.
This European Council meeting took place at a highly uncertain and volatile time right across the world, but in particular in the Middle East and in both Gaza and the West Bank in Palestine. As Deputy McDonald outlined, the conclusions that came from the European Council meeting are very disappointing, as is the review of the EU-Israel agreements, both commercial and otherwise. The Tánaiste touted the success of getting a meeting on this but the outcome of it is effectively much as it was. Despite the depravity and the numerous war crimes committed by the Israeli Government, it seems to be business as usual when it comes to trade between Europe and Israel. Ireland must be vocal in that regard. It should not be business as usual. Everything that has happened in the Middle East in the past 15 to 20 years is because Israel has been allowed to act with impunity given that there are no consequences for its actions. There are no ramifications in any respect - economically, politically, culturally or socially. That cannot continue. That is the central point behind the occupied territories Bill. It is about ensuring that international law is implemented. However, much to my regret, this Government is walking away from it, contrary to the wishes of the Irish people.
The Council meeting did discuss Ukraine at length. Any progress towards a ceasefire is welcome, although, if it is happening, it is happening haltingly. It is imperative that any settlement that occurs is a sustainable and fair one that recognises the rights of the people of Ukraine who have suffered immensely in the past three years due to the war of aggression by Vladimir Putin. I hope any proposals for negotiations can deliver a just, lasting and sustainable peace in Ukraine.
There was also significant discussion of the economy, trade and so on. Ireland is extremely vulnerable and we must be clear sighted. We do not need to panic by any manner or means but we must be realistic about the challenges we potentially face. Ireland is uniquely vulnerable to the threats that exist due to changes in economic policy in the United States and elsewhere because of a government that has failed to invest in the infrastructure that we need and has placed a heavy reliance on tax incentives, some of which were subsequently found to be contrary to the rules and European law. We must prepare for the potential impacts.
The Taoiseach, who has departed from the Chamber, has expressed his concern, as I have, about the impact on the food and drink sector, in particular the whiskey sector given the potential for 200% tariffs from the United States. We must do a number of things. First, nobody wins a trade war. The only way to win a trade war is to stay out of it. We hope that cooler heads will prevail. Obviously, that cannot be guaranteed or controlled. The Government must ensure that the European strategy on tariffs, in terms of retaliatory actions, safeguards to the greatest extent possible the sectors that are important to us here in Ireland. That is food, drink, pharmaceuticals and life sciences, tech, financial services and aircraft leasing.
We must continue to find new markets. We must look at areas such as south-east Asia and also countries that have already been affected by tariffs, including Canada and Mexico. That is something that has been talked about for a long time, but requires an enhanced approach. We must begin preparation of a package of supports for industries and businesses that will be affected. That was part of the preparations for Brexit. There are lessons to be learned. There were good elements and there were elements that could be improved on. We now need to begin that preparation for businesses that will be affected by tariffs.
I call Deputy Duncan Stewart. The Deputy should please excuse me.
It is not the first time it has happened to me.
I wish to focus on the massive move towards militarism within the European Union and reflect on what the Taoiseach presented to us. He referred to the loosening of the purse strings in Europe in terms of rearming countries at a time when we have so many crises, including the housing crisis. During the European elections last year, our candidate in Dublin, Aodhán Ó Ríordáin, as well as our other candidates, strongly focused on the need for housing and a housing commissioner. We have that in the EU now. Despite significant evidence of housing crises, not only in our country but throughout Europe, the EU has been slow to move to fund a solution, but when it comes to rearmament and militarisation, Ursula von der Leyen is opening the coffers.
The Taoiseach said this very much aligns with the ambitious investment programme that is in place for our own Defence Forces to implement the recommendations of the Commission on the Defence Forces and it aligns with the programme for Government. He says that we will be able to do what we need to do to improve our own security. A couple of hours ago I spoke about the need for us to invest in our own security. That is fine. What the Taoiseach is saying is that we will be able to benefit from the EU's largesse in opening the coffers, but that the EU also fully respects Ireland's policy of military neutrality, which will not be affected in any way. He says our position is "fully understood and respected by our European partners". That is not what we hear from the European Union. What we hear from the European Union and our partner countries is that Ireland remains an outlier, that we must get our act together, and that we should be joining a common defence union, which we are implacably against. What does not compute is the Taoiseach saying that in one way we will be able to benefit from the free-flowing funds from the EU to improve our own defence capabilities, but that there will be no ask from the EU relating to the implementation of our policy of military neutrality. We know that when we required EU funding during the bailout there were significant conditionalities placed on it, as there is for all EU funding mechanisms. It does not compute that if we benefit by drawing down money to invest in and improve our own security and Defence Forces that there will not be conditionality towards a common defence union and an impact on our neutrality. We must have a more rigorous and honest reflection on the conversations on militarism happening in the EU and how that will impact on Ireland.
On the Middle East, I hope the Taoiseach strongly put forward our condemnation of Israel's breaking of the ceasefire and pushed for serious sanctions to be placed on Israel. I do not have confidence from what he presented here that that actually took place. We know from his briefing on the occupied territories Bill that our support for the Palestinian people, including those in Gaza and the West Bank, has been weakened and diminished in recent weeks by the new Government's actions, after it did important things last year, such as the recognition of the State of Palestine.
He stated that the EU has a long-standing commitment to contribute to a co-ordinated international effort to rebuild Gaza and this plan represents a strong basis for taking forward our engagement. How does that EU plan for the rebuilding of Gaza mesh with the grotesque video from Donald Trump and his Administration about their views on what Gaza should look like in the future? That poses a threat from the United States. While it happened after the EU Council meeting, we will need further and more in-depth briefings about how the EU is engaging with the US Administration after the leaked Signal messages in which JD Vance and Hegseth called the European Union pathetic and freeloaders. These are strange and concerning times and we need to see stronger action from the EU in that regard.
While I have the floor, I raise the Government's response to the detention of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul, and others on charges of alleged corruption and terrorism. There is not doubt in the minds of the Labour Party that these actions are politically motivated and aimed at undermining and potentially preventing a challenger from participating in the upcoming elections. It is important to pay tribute to the thousands of demonstrators on the streets of Türkiye who protested despite the risk of police brutality. We have to be clear about our rejection of Erdoğan's actions at a European level.
It is interesting we are having these statements on the day the Schengen Agreement turns 30. The Schengen area is 30 years in existence today. It started with seven countries and now comprises 25, plus four non-EU countries. It is a union that has made us somewhat complacent about crossing borders because, as part of its operation in the European Union, it makes it very easy for citizens to travel around the European Union. Unfortunately, Ireland is not part of the Schengen area for understandable reasons, given the free travel area we have with the UK and the importance of the open Border with Northern Ireland. However, post-Brexit we have benefited from some other Schengen instruments, including for example the Schengen alert system under the extradition framework, the European arrest warrant framework, which has benefited us hugely. One of the things I would like us to be looking at in a broad sense towards the future is how we can move towards co-operating with Schengen in whatever way we can.
I acknowledge the conclusions the European Council made in relation to Ukraine and welcome its continued support for Ukraine. We all feel for the Ukrainians, not only because they are victims of the war, but they are now in a situation where their so-called allies across the Atlantic have turned on them. There has been a regrettable rhetoric from the United States about Ukraine. It has been dealt with admirably by President Zelenskyy in difficult circumstances but it is worth acknowledging that there is a role for the European Union as a whole to step into the breach, take over and ensure this is something we are serious about. The reality is that this is not a Ukrainian problem alone. It is a problem and future threat for everyone in the European Union, even those of us who are far removed geographically. We are all vulnerable if the situation that obtains in Ukraine is allowed to continue.
Equally I note the comments on Gaza in the Middle East section of the conclusions from the summit. I am slightly concerned about the opening commentary that states it deplores the breakdown of the ceasefire and then goes on to criticise the failure to surrender hostages. That is absolutely a valid criticism and Hamas has once again behaved deplorably. However, at the end of the day, the assault is very one-sided and there is a reason that is not acknowledged. I recognise that some countries in the European Council have very different histories with the Jewish people and have a very different psychological attachment to what they did to them in the past which may dictate their foreign policy today. It is important to acknowledge that there is a one-sided conflict happening in Gaza and it is worth the European Union acknowledging that as well.
I regret to see the new laws passed in Hungary to suppress LGBT minorities in that country were absent from the conclusions and the discussion. While the Council was good at addressing serious issues in such places as the Middle East and Ukraine, a discussion on the law that was passed by the Hungarian parliament by a majority of 136 to 27, led by Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party, was absent. That law is hugely problematic and will create lots of problems for everyone in Hungary, not only members of that community. For example, the law creates many draconian elements that are totally contrary to the principles of the European Union and the laws we all respect within the European Union. It is worth paying tribute to those parties that stood up to the rest of the parliament, given the overwhelming vote that went through, especially the Momentum party. Standing up for basic human rights is very important and it is worthy of remark because there was such an overwhelming majority in favour of it. I was sorry to see it was not discussed at the Council meeting. It would have borne discussing because allowing these things to go on affects every European Union citizen.
As we reflect on the outcomes of the recent European Council meeting, it is vital we in this House consider and respond to the key priorities raised, including Ukraine, the Middle East, security and defence, migration and the European Union's next multi-annual financial framework. Each of these issues is significant. I made a statement on security last week, emphasising Ireland's need as a mature, militarily neutral but politically aligned State to invest in its security and defence.
Today I will focus on the theme at the heart of our long-term prosperity, namely, Europe's competitiveness. European businesses, especially SMEs, are facing an excessive regulatory burden which slows down growth, holds back innovation and weakens our global competitiveness. The European Commission is responding with specific targets aiming to reduce reporting requirements by at least 25% for all companies and at least 35% for SMEs. This is a necessary and welcome step. If fully achieved, these simplification measures could deliver €37.5 billion in annual savings across the European Union. This is not just a statistic. It is money that can be reinvested in job creation, innovation and productivity instead of being lost in red tape.
For far too long, our SMEs have been weighed down by layers of overlapping and complex regulation. These are the very businesses that power our local economies, create jobs and drive entrepreneurship. If we want to keep up in a competitive global market we need to ensure they can operate with clarity, confidence and agility. Let us be clear, this is not about abandoning regulation. It is about smarter regulation and rules that support, rather than stifle, innovation; and simplification that boosts transparency without compromising standards. We need a system that recognises our businesses, not as boxes to be ticked, but as engines of growth.
In January 2025, the Commission introduced the competitiveness compass, a new roadmap to restore Europe's dynamism and accelerate economic growth. It builds on the insights of Mario Draghi's report on the future of European competitiveness and provides a strategic framework for the Commission's work during this mandate. The Draghi report identified three core imperatives, closing the innovation gap, developing a joint strategy for decarbonisation and competitiveness and increasing security while reducing excessive dependencies outside Europe. The competitiveness compass outlines a clear path to turning these priorities into tangible outcomes, offering both direction and accountability. This broader vision matters because competitiveness is not just about reducing paperwork. It is about enabling Europe to lead in technologies, industry and energy systems of the future.
The EU's renewed focus on completing the Single Market, improving access to capital and removing unnecessary barriers is both timely and essential. However, ambition alone will not be enough. It must be backed by real delivery. As legislators, we have a responsibility to support this agenda at home. In Ireland that means making sure our businesses, especially SMEs, feel the impact of this drive for simplicity and efficiency. It means championing reforms that reduce bureaucracy, accelerate growth and make Ireland a leader in business dynamism within Europe. Let us seize this moment to align with Europe's momentum for reform. Let us give our SMEs the freedom to thrive, innovate and compete, not only across Europe, but globally.
Competitiveness is not just an economic goal but the foundation of sustainable prosperity for Ireland and the EU.
The European Council continues to be entirely impotent when it comes to the genocidal actions of Israel and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. The Council's conclusions do not even mention the word "Israel". One would think Israel was not even involved and that it was not the party to have smashed the ceasefire and resumed the bombardment of the Palestinians, and indeed of another sovereign state in Lebanon. Ireland must lead the way when it comes to standing up for human rights and against the vengeful slaughter of more than 50,000 people, many if not most of whom were women and children.
There must be a ban on all trade, including services, with Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem. Occupiers must not be allowed to legitimise that occupation through trade, not to mention profiting from it. The occupied territories Bill is not something that can be dangled before the electorate to win votes. If this Government does not immediately move to pass the Bill, it would be cynical in the extreme and worse, it would make us complicit in and party to genocide. Back in 2020 we saw the ramping up of the annexation of the West Bank when President Trump was due to leave office. We have seen a similar increase in aggression now that he has been returned. It falls to Ireland and the wider European community to be a bulwark to crimes against humanity. Toothless conclusions from the Council are not enough. We cannot shrug our shoulders and ask what else we can do.
By contrast with the conclusion on Ukraine in particular, the EU has no plan or intention to rein in genocide within touching distance of the Union’s borders. The measures outlined regarding sanctions on Russia are a justified and appropriate response to its illegal invasion of Ukraine, but it could be asked why such measures have not been considered for use against Israel in its war of aggression, which has been going on for almost 80 years. There is a glaring contrast with the call on member states to urgently step up efforts to address Ukraine’s pressing military and defence needs. We will funnel weapons into Ukraine while standing back and shaking our heads when it comes to the Palestinian people. I am not calling for weapons to be sent to Gaza. An arms race between both sides in any conflict only serves to deepen and prolong it. However, it highlights the difference in our level of concern about the two conflicts.
The Israeli government is committed to making it impossible for the Palestinian people to maintain a viable homeland. It respects no international laws or norms as it pursues a policy of scorched earth by tearing up all that the Palestinian people have built, homes and businesses included. It is time for the Government to give a strong and unambiguous statement there can be no impunity for Israel’s mass killing of Palestinians and its continued illegal occupation of Palestine.
As we are discussing post-EU Council statements I am glad it is the Minister of State who has joined us. Earlier we brought a motion on the triple lock and during his contribution the Minister of State accused me and members of my party of being anti-EU. He went further and almost compared us to Farage. That was an interesting point. I did not see the Minister of State doing any of the kind of rebuilding that members of my party had to do following the far-right protests and agitation in our constituencies. As for our being anti-EU, that simply has not been the case with the Social Democrats from our foundation. Deputies Gibney, Hearne and I all contested European elections on pro-EU platforms because we understand that, as the Minister of State mentioned, it was a vehicle for peace. As we are pro-EU we wanted to stand for the values of what we understand the EU to be in its original conception, which was as a vehicle for peace. What we dispute is the change happening now where there is an arms build-up. There are very clearly weapons races. The Minister of State criticised my colleague, Deputy Hearne, for his contribution last week on having a war on poverty, but it is for that very reason we are pro-EU.
I did not criticise him for that.
I remind the Minister of State it was places in the UK, such as Holyhead in Anglesey, that voted overwhelmingly to remove themselves from the EU precisely because they were not seeing any benefits from it. They were the areas most devastated by poverty and most removed from what we describe as the benefits of that Union.
One of the single greatest threats, as we engage in an arms build-up of €800 billion, will be poverty and a sense that people are not feeling the benefits of EU membership. It is therefore okay for us to say that we believe in the European Union and that we also believe those overseeing it, such as Ursula von der Leyen, the EPP and others who are driving it in a direction it was never intended to go, are a threat to the concepts we hold dear in that regard. Looking at the agenda for the Council, one cannot step away from the fact the game has changed. We obviously understand Russia’s horrendous invasion of Ukraine has changed the game, but we also need to see what our role is in that. There has never been a period in history where an arms build-up of that magnitude, with so much money being invested in rearmament and building weapons, has been done in the name of peace. It does not happen. History repeats itself first as tragedy and then as farce and there are many similarities between what is happening at the moment and what was happening in the build-up to the First World War and the horrors that happened. If we separate ourselves from that, we are doomed to repeat the mistakes. That is all we are saying.
The European Union, in its ideals, is a vehicle for peace. If we invest solely in weapons and neglect the lived experience of people in their homes - or even in their bedrooms, when it comes to what we see with the banning of Pride parades and making it a hostile environment for LGBTQ communities - we will not have an EU built on peace. We think we should stand for those ideals and we will not neglect to stand up, advocate and shout, because we are pro-EU. As we are pro-EU, we also believe in the trade agreements that have humanitarian clauses built into them that should be activated. The EU made a trade agreement with the State of Israel. Article 2 of that is a humanitarian clause that states that if it is violated there cannot be trade. We have been vociferous in saying that because we are pro-EU we should stand up for those agreements and ideals, yet we are being told we are not and that we are like Farage. We are not, actually. We are far from it. We believe in a peace project and one that does not prioritise military spend over basic humanitarian decency, a peace project that means people can be free to be whoever they may be and love whoever they may want. When that is being neglected, we will stand up. We will stand up especially when it is nations like Germany that are arming states like Israel to commit a genocide against the people of Gaza. If we do not scream at the top of our lungs, we neglect what the Minister of State tells us we are against, namely, a European Union project based on peace. That is all we are asking for. We want an Irish State that believes in neutrality, that does not want to be a little dog barking behind the other, larger dogs of war but stays true to our principles. Every time that is being failed or neglected, the Minister of State will find us here standing up for the values we believe in.
Tariffs are of course going to be a threat to Ireland and the broader EU. We should work in unison with our EU partners to try to advance diplomacy. Nobody wins in a tariff war. Trump is bringing this to the table based on ego and being a vile person and we should not neglect to stand up for ourselves. I wonder what our EU counterparts thought of the Government’s St. Patrick’s Day visit when we did not stand up for those principles. I wonder what they thought when the Government allowed Trump to blast all over our EU colleagues.
Bogaimid ar aghaidh leis an Ríaltas agus an Teachta Malcolm Byrne. I wish him well with his sore arm.
Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh. I thank the Minister of State for taking this very important debate. I was delighted to see him appointed as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs. He has carried out the role well in the past. He is holding the role at a very important juncture in Europe's history, but also when we are preparing for Ireland's EU Presidency and when we host the European Political Community in the latter half of 2026.
In response to Deputy Gannon's remark about hearing the voices at the White House and so on, I say that we as a party have always believed in multilateralism and talking to people, even those we disagree with. At least this Government is willing to show up, unlike the "Social Media Democrats", who much prefer to get their little clip on TikTok rather than engaging in meaningful discussion.
Europe is a concept and a reality based on the twin pillars of peace and prosperity. Those twin aims have always underpinned the work of the European Union. The values we hold dear about democracy, human rights and the rule of law always must underpin the work of the EU.
In our commitment to multilateralism, we should continue to advocate for those both internally within the European Union and indeed externally. The agenda at the European Council meeting was obviously a quite heavy one. I will refer first to the competitiveness agenda because the economic agenda cannot be divorced from the security agenda and we cannot use the need for security to forget about the importance of also investing in Europe's competitiveness. I am somewhat concerned at the slow pace of the reforms with regard to competition. There is a commitment again and the statement from the meeting last week reaffirmed the EU's commitment to the creation of a capital market's union. We should see investments and saving flowing across Europe. The reality is that is not the case. It is critical in the context of the green deal and the digital agenda that a capital market's union is put in place. However, this is not just some nebulous concept. This is also about being able to have small businesses and also for consumers to see a much more open market in areas like banking, financial services, insurance and pension products. There is no reason as to why an Irish consumer cannot be able to shop around and look to a Belgian pension provider, a Dutch insurer or a Czech financial services provider if they can offer a better deal. Equally, Irish companies should be able to compete and offer good deals to consumers right across Europe.
Europe's competitiveness will also depend on how we respond to the AI revolution and the rapid changes of technology that we are now experiencing. Europe's success in that will depend very much on skills. I am worried for instance that it was stated within the Draghi report that even still 42% of Europeans lack basic digital skills. It is absolutely critical at a European level, but also at a national level here, that we invest in digital and media literacy to a far greater extent and indeed that we ensure every Irish person and every European has access to AI technical and literacy skills. This has to be a top priority. While the Government has rightly appointed a Minister of State with responsibility for AI, it is not just the responsibility of the Minister of State, Deputy Smyth, or the Department of enterprise. This has to be a whole-of-government approach. Indeed, the Department of enterprise has been charged with a campaign around digital and AI adoption among micro and SMEs and we are not seeing any particular urgency to that. Therefore, as part of both Ireland's and Europe's competitiveness agenda, we need to move more quickly.
Of course, the main talking point at the meeting was around Ukraine and around Europe's security. We reiterated our support for democracy, for respect and for sovereign borders and showed our solidarity with the people of Ukraine. It is not just at this time that it is important to show our solidarity with Ukraine but also to those many neighbours of Russia who are increasingly worried by the threat of Vladimir Putin. We should be showing to Ukrainians now at their hour of need the same solidarity that was shown to us by Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and by Poland during the time of Brexit. Obviously, this is not just around defence matters. This relates as well to issues around energy security and indeed global logistics, which is vital for countries operating in and out of Ireland.
I listened to some of the debate. As we know, Government backbenchers were not allowed contribute to the Social Democrats debate earlier on the question of the triple lock. However, I am really concerned that there are some in Irish politics who would seem to be happier writing love letters to the President of Iran than necessarily dealing with what has to be the greatest geopolitical threat facing Europe in at least 80 years. We know the actions of Russia in particular are constituting a major threat not just to other European countries but to this country as well. Russian military intelligence is engaging in shadow attacks against government and infrastructure. We know about the fact that there have been Russian vessels operating in Irish waters. The Yantar had to be escorted out of Irish waters last year. We need to take seriously the critical pieces of infrastructure that are located on Irish territory and in Irish waters. We now know, for instance, that there are 16 key cables that operate between North America and Europe that run through Irish waters. We have seen what the Russians have done with cables in the Baltic Sea and with Nord Stream the hybrid attacks it has engaged in against critical infrastructure in Europe. Therefore, it is right that Europe takes security issues very seriously. If a hybrid attack happens on this country or if somebody with whom Vladimir Putin has an issue ends up being poisoned on Irish soil, if Members of this House have not taken strong enough action, questions will be asked. It should not be forgotten that the biggest terrorist attack in recent years on this country was the attack on the Health Service Executive. The reason I call it a terrorist attack is because people's lives were seriously disrupted as a result of it.
Will the Minister of State continue to raise the very important issues to Ireland around security and defence? This is about what is in our own interest. It is about protecting our own critical infrastructure and our own citizens here and abroad but also showing solidarity with our European friends and colleagues in the spirit of defending those values that are critically important. We should not make any apologies for standing up at a global level and saying we will stand for the values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
I wish to speak about the ongoing genocide in Palestine. The headline in the minutes of the European Council meeting read: "The European Council has been following the situation in the Middle East very closely since Hamas' terrorist attacks against Israel of 7 October 2023." For a layman reading this headline, you would think that Israel carried out no atrocities prior to 7 October. Palestine has been subjected to an apartheid regime by Israel for decades. Palestinians have seen their children gunned down, their lands robbed and they have been treated as second-class citizen by an oppressive occupying force. Since 7 October, what we have witnessed is genocide - a campaign to wipe out the Palestinian people from the face of this earth. Were there any discussions at the European Council meeting about sanctions against Israel? Why does Israel commit war crimes? It commits war crimes because it can. There is no retribution. It has no fear of retribution. The world needs to impose sanctions on Israel but this Government has shamefully taken the occupied territories Bill off the agenda despite misleading the public during the general election that it would be a priority. People want action. People want sanctions. The State needs to be brave and lead the way. If the Government had listened to the public then this Bill would have been progressed years ago. We have seen how Palestinian victims are described using passive language. Only last week, on RTÉ, we saw how four family members of a Palestinian doctor who was based in Ireland were said to have died in Gaza after their house collapsed on top of them. This is what RTÉ reported. It was reported they died after the house collapsed. The reality is that an Israeli airstrike killed them. The roof did not collapse; the roof was bombed. They did not simply die; they were murdered. They were innocent civilians. Since Israel ended the ceasefire there has been 792 Palestinians murdered in the last number of weeks. When are we going to say enough is enough?
The Taoiseach has recently announced that the EU will be breaking its spending limit for militarisation efforts. There is always enough money for war but never enough money for service for people. Before the last elections the Government announced a fund of €8 million for children with disabilities. Pearse Doherty revealed last week that the HSE had still not received approval nor funding for this grant, leaving many of my constituency stranded. In my constituency of Dublin Mid-West, waiting times for speech and language therapies, occupational therapies and all other therapies are years long. We have children waiting up to four years for an appointment. Children are not being allowed the dignity to reach their developmental milestones. The Government has been embarrassed this week into moving on this and the funding has finally been approved.
It also has to be pointed out that the person who launched this funding, former Minister, Senator Anne Rabbitte, failed to be re-elected in the last general election, failed to be elected to the Seanad and was subsequently appointed by the Taoiseach to the Seanad. It seems failure is rewarded by this current Government.
In his regular statements, the Taoiseach is very happy to say - as am I - that Putin is a warmonger, tyrant and imperialist. The problem is, however, the people the Government wants us to ally with in the United States and Europe, are also brutal warmongers, imperialists and militarists. Trump is giving billions to Israel to commit a genocide in Gaza and is actively promoting the ethnic cleansing of Gaza.
The first action of Friedrich Merz, the new Chancellor of Germany, is to invite Prime Minister Netanyahu, a wanted war criminal who is guilty of the genocidal massacres in Gaza and the horrific actions Israel is committing against Palestinians, to the country at the same time he proposes we spend billions more on weapons - hundreds of billions to use his phrase - similar to Ursula von der Leyen. Many European states and the US which the Government allies itself with are complicit in genocide. The Government is right to condemn Putin but will it acknowledge European leaders and the US are complicit in genocide? Will the Government call them out? Israel could not do it; it could not commit the crimes it is committing without the weapons provided by the United States, Germany, Britain, Italy and France. Will the Government say they are complicit in this genocidal horror?
Yesterday, I heard a trauma surgeon from the United States working in Gaza describe a young infant who he said had the worst injuries he had ever seen in his life. The child's limbs were blown to pieces - mutilated - and he said that little baby will probably have to have all four limbs amputated. This is the horror, the brutality, the disgusting actions being done by Israel, with weapons provided by the Government's allies in Europe. Will the Government call them out for their crimes and distance this country from them? Will it stop facilitating the sale of Israeli war bonds in the Central Bank?
I welcome the opportunity - two and half minutes - to speak on this and I will choose words carefully and with focus.
We have 17 pages from the European Council meeting conclusions and I have failed to find Israel mentioned in any of those pages. Does that not tell you something? These are the conclusions of the recent European Council meeting and Israel is not mentioned. Genocide is not mentioned. Gaza is referenced regarding the deploring of the breakdown of the ceasefire but it does not tell us who broke the ceasefire and it talks about the return. It recalls "the importance of unimpeded access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance". What kind of language is this - "recalls the importance of unimpeded access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance." Is it in a void? What has happened that we need to recall the importance of humanity and giving food to starving people? What has happened to context? What has happened to meaning?
I hope the Minister of State is uncomfortable - I really do - because I was more than uncomfortable reading 17 pages and failing to find one reference to Israel or genocide. The two highest courts in the world; one where Israel is up for genocide and the other having issued a warrant for his arrest, yet not a mention of the trade agreement that continues. There is not a mention or discussion of it; not a mention of the occupied territories Bill. Perhaps I missed it in the Taoiseach's speech.
I am wondering what I can say as I look at the ramping up of the arms industry, set out in black and white in the 17 pages and how we are going to spur the economies of the European countries, including Germany, by ramping up the arms industry, killing and slaughtering people. The Minister is shaking his head.
No, I am obviously not.
Will he read the figures for Palestine, Gaza and the occupied territories? Will he look at Sudan? Will he look at what is happening in Yemen as we speak, with American planes flying from England over to Yemen? Who is backing all of this? Who is pushing an open door for the arms industry, for Lockheed Martin and all the other industries? The Minister sits there and shamefully shakes his head. How could anybody stand over 17 pages that shape the narrative to dull us from thinking for ourselves?
Energy prices are crippling ordinary people, business owners and even schools right across this State. At a time when people are enduring a cost-of-living crisis and undue financial burdens in a plethora of other areas, our regularly scheduled energy cannot break a person's back.
In this context, people expect the Government to do all it can to help alleviate this burden and it is welcome that energy prices were on the agenda for the European Council. One area where the Government utterly failed the Irish people was through its opposition to the decoupling of gas and retail electricity prices, in effect, burdening ordinary household and business electricity bills unnecessarily with volatility of gas prices. Decoupling was raised by several states at the energy council last week. The European Union's plan for affordable energy outlines scope for decoupling over the course of 2025 but, independent of that, it is within the Government's gift to do this now.
I ask the Minister of State in his closing remarks to address whether his Government spoke in favour of decoupling at the European Council, and if so, if he acknowledges it was a mistake not to implement this years ago while families and businesses are suffering. Does he accept the Government willingly did not employ every tool at its disposal to alleviate these undue financial burdens families and businesses are now suffering under? Will the Government begin to implement this necessary reform today and for the many months ahead?
At the recent European Council meeting, discussion took place on the Middle East. It was really disappointing to see the subsequent resolution that passed did not mention Israel. Nowhere in the resolution does it mention the genocide being carried out by Israel in Gaza, or the unprecedented violence being carried out by Israel in the West Bank.
It is clear for anyone to see that Israel is guilty of crimes against humanity and carries out atrocities that are in breach of international law. There is no red line Israel has not crossed in its attempt to wipe out the Palestinian people by ethnic cleansing. In light of the genocide and the longest of crimes against humanity, I call on the Minister of State to join me in calling on Government MEPs to demand the EU-Israel Association Agreement be abolished. This trade agreement is worth €46.8 billion. It should be reduced to the rubbish bin of history. It is blood money and has no place in a civilised world.
All trade with Israel should cease until there is a free and independent Palestine. This Government must take the first step by immediately enacting the occupied territories Bill. There should be no further delays. This will send out a loud and clear message that Ireland stands with Palestine. Saoirse don Phalaistín.
What protections do we have from Europe regarding the tariffs threatening to be introduced by America on our businesses here and across Europe? What protections have we got from such a thing coming down which could impact the loss of jobs, as well as the loss of investment in this country? Vance said Ireland was a tax haven for these companies. The funds and jobs we have from these companies need to be protected. Even more, how do we counteract the likes of President Trump and Vance?
I believe the Government was right to go over to meet President Trump. All avenues have to be kept open. However, the knock-on effect will not only be from those companies, but will be across transport and local businesses. Also, the cost will be the loss of jobs. At all times we have to keep communications open.
I send this across the world to America. Many Irish-Americans who are descended from here live in America. I am asking them also to add their voices to protect the place from which they came and protect jobs here. That is a message I would like to send to President Trump, to make sure that Irish-Americans who are working in America, have built their lives in America and helped to build America into what it is, should use that in protection of the country they came from.
I refer to whatever we have to do to protect these jobs and to protect the moneys that have come into this country, which have helped to make our economy sustainable. In the present, we see massive inflation as it is. Things are spiralling out of control, including house building. If we are not careful we will be heading into a deep recession where we will need all the funds possible to make sure that we can keep people fed in this country.
Ireland is considered a tax haven internationally. Ireland is considered to be in the top ten tax havens internationally at the moment. That has happened because the Government has depended too much on corporation taxes and breaks in corporation taxes to attract foreign direct investment. We should be spending more time investing in infrastructure, including transport, ICT and educational infrastructure. We should be spending more time trying to keep the inputs and costs to business low. These are the ingredients that most foreign direct investors want in terms of making their businesses successful. They would make their experience here stickier and less mobile, less likely to flee the country if the situation changes.
Right now, pharmaceutical companies are actually working out what they should do if there is a tariff change. Right now, pharmaceutical companies are working out how they can transfer manufacturing and their taxation system outside of Ireland. My major worry is that this Government has little influence over the EU's decision-making situation. A couple of weeks ago we had a situation where, in response to the US, the EU came up with a retaliatory tariff against the US which included bourbon. It literally put Irish drinks in the target by making that decision. I would like the Minister to address this if he could. What, if any, influence do we have over Ursula von der Leyen in regard to the decisions made over what products are part of the retaliatory tariff policy of the EU? I have seen no evidence that we have any influence in relation to that. These decisions in Europe will be made on the basis of Germany, France and Italy, of the big economies defending the big industries that they preside over. The worry is that we are a small country between two elephants and the grass is going to get trampled and we are going to suffer in relation to that. In terms of the US, obviously I welcome the visit to the US but the Irish Government has been too slow in terms of building relationships with the US Administration and the Republican Party in terms of trying to influence them with regard to the tariffs that are coming our direction. We have a significant vote and significant leverage in terms of Irish America to put pressure on them to protect our interests there.
On that last point actually, nobody has worked harder in this House than my colleague, the Cathaoirleach of the Seanad, in developing relationships with congresspeople at state level and leveraging the Irish connection with literally hundreds of congresspeople. That is a significant network and a significant opportunity for lobbying for our interests.
I welcome the Minister and thank him for his statement and update to the Dáil. In the context of our neutrality I agree that he re-emphasises the fact that Ireland can enhance our defence capabilities while maintaining military neutrality. An issue we were talking about recently is that enhancing defence capability in years gone by, would probably have connoted the notion of increased and enhanced weaponry and more people carrying guns whereas, for me and for most informed Irish people, it means creating the abilities, capacities and intelligence to defend ourselves against for example cyberattackers. I was on the Oireachtas health committee when the cyberattack on the HSE happened, as was Deputy Crowe. It had more impact and used up more time and resources of the HSE than Covid did at the time. We were told that. It still has ongoing consequences.
I welcome the fact that the Taoiseach has expressed the desire to establish a security and defence committee in the Houses of the Oireachtas in order that we can begin a reasoned conversation about security and defence. It does not mean building up military capacity and that that necessarily has to be at the expense of other programmes for Government. If you develop an expertise in helping to withstand and fend off cyberattacks, then that kind of expertise can be spread across to enhance and benefit every Department of Government. We have seen that if we cannot defend against a cyberattack then, to refer to what a previous speaker was saying, every social protection programme or every HSE programme that depends on some kind of digital platform is jeopardised and threatened as a consequence of that. Therefore, when I talk about security and defence and spending more money on it, I am talking about developing the skills, artificial intelligence skills and the other range of skills that are necessary to protect Ireland, our economic base, our waters and to protect us from the modern world of cyberattack.
Much of our debate does not reflect the reality of a changing world. Any of us who have Finnish or Swedish counterparts, friends or family connections will absolutely inform us that they are rightly on a footing and terrified but prepared, particularly in relation to the Nordic countries. We are a million miles from that, surrounded by water. However, we are part of the European Union. If the values are threatened by Hungary or Russia there will be consequences for all of us.
In regard to the expansion of the European Union, particularly in relation to Turkey, where is that at? What concerns has the Minister at the moment? No doubt Ireland would have concerns in relation to the imprisonment of a potential presidential candidate. There is a kind of quasi-democratic situation in Turkey.
As I said, for me security and defence is about enhancing our ability to defend ourselves against cyberattacks. Failure to develop a preparedness for this exposes potentially everything we do. I want to emphasise that because there is an argument that is too easy to make that if we spend money on defence then we are not spending money on poverty. However, failure to, as I said, defend ourselves and any of our programmes that have digital platforms would have consequences for every user of those programmes.
It is my view that increased spending on security also helps Ireland to protect itself from the abuses of migration systems and asylum seeking systems so that people who do seek asylum and refuge here are entitled to do so. The more enhanced information and intelligence we have in that regard the better.
A topic which I know is top of the Minister of State's agenda, as Minister of State for European Affairs, is the simplification and reduction of administrative burdens on business. This was addressed at the recent meeting at which the Commission had some things to say in that regard.
I welcome particularly the fact that the Commission and co-legislators, including the Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, are called on to work towards achieving the target of reducing the cost of all administrative burdens on business by at least 25%, and by at least 35% for SMEs. The Minister of State might expand on that, if he can, in his closing remarks.
I welcome the call on the Commission to rapidly follow up with further simplification initiatives, including on industrial decarbonisation, etc., and identify ways to further simplify and consolidate existing legislation that would benefit people doing business in the member states. I would appreciate it if the Minister of State could elaborate on that.
I liked the pieces in the reports that we got in terms of the discussions around the making available of European investment and savings possibilities, including enhanced possibilities for EU-wide savings and pension products so that I am not totally dependent on a pension product that is available only in Ireland. It is something I always thought the European Union was about and should be about. If I could purchase a pension product in any country across EU borders - or non-borders, obviously - I might be able to take advantage of saving schemes not only in Ireland but across the European Union. This is important. It is something I would be interested in. I am probably too old to avail of it, but anybody in their 20s and 30s would have a vested interest in it. One of the things the Commission decided was that one might be in a position to take decisive steps on this in 2026.
I would like to ask the Minister of State about something that comes to us. I wonder whether the European Union has any comment to make on scam messaging, which particularly targets vulnerable people and older people. Is there an EU-wide approach to that? I would be interested to know whether anything was discussed on that as well.
I would be interested to hear any additional comments the Minister of State might have to make in relation to Ireland’s Presidency in 2026.
Finally, I welcome the points in relation to the prevention and countering of irregular migration, as has been mentioned, and the steps that will be taken to reinforce and prevent that.
Anois, bogaimid ar aghaidh le Teachtaí ón grúpa Neamhspleách réigiúnach - an Teachta Gillian Toole, an Teachta Barry Heneghan agus mé féin.
Gabhaim buíochas leis an Cathaoirleach Gníomhach agus leis an Aire Stáit. I have a few points to make rather than a duplication of points that other Members have made.
I welcome the updates, in particular, for the small and medium-sized enterprise sector. The simplification and reduction of administrative and regulatory burdens is something that dovetails with our objectives in the programme for Government.
The second point is in relation to the multiannual financial framework, particularly vis-à-vis ensuring we have a well-funded Common Agricultural Policy, particularly to improve areas of biodiversity and food security. However, I ask the Minister of State to pardon my cynicism in light of the absence of a land use policy in this country to ensure the best use is made of tillage land. In parts of our constituency of Meath East, we have a proliferation of solar panels. I do not want the wrong message to be taken from this, but there is a need for balanced development and for a land use policy. Many vibrant and prosperous rural communities are very worried about this matter at present. Energy union endeavours vis-à-vis Ireland and our rising energy costs are absolutely to be welcomed and we must feel the benefit of that.
At a side committee of the Euro summit, on 20 March, in relation to the ECB, Ms Christine Lagarde made a presentation on the digital euro. While I completely understand and support digitisation, I raise a flag of caution here vis-à-vis our older people. It is a simple request to ensure they are able to access their own resources. That is a concern. With all of the good work that is done, we must approach it in a balanced and fair intergenerational way.
Gabhaim mile buíochas leis an gCathaoirleach Gníomhach agus an Aire Stáit.
I want to reflect on the recent European Council meeting and what it means for Ireland and our role during these challenging times. As I have stated previously, I welcome the Council’s continued support for Ukraine. The suffering caused by the war remains immense. I am grateful to see the compassionate role that we have played in welcoming those who are fleeing from this conflict to our communities. I have seen at first hand the generosity of people in communities across my constituency and across the country.
I would also like to highlight the growing concerns across Ireland about the ongoing genocide in Gaza, in particular the breaking of the ceasefire. Israel refuses to allow new aid to enter into Gaza. Ireland has been a principled voice for peace, international law and human rights. We should continue to engage with our European partners and stress that the current situation is completely unacceptable. Ireland has always stood up for what is right, even when it is not easy. Let us continue to lead with clarity, compassion and courage.
While we are speaking about the Defence Forces, I would like to say that I am very sad to see that the progression of Cadet Matthew Scully, who is due to graduate on Friday, is not moving as quickly as we would hope. It really shows the clear need for communication to be sped up between our Defence Forces because the men and women who have served and continue to serve deserve more respect.
Glaoim ar an Teachta Maitiú Mac Craith.
Táim buíoch den Cathaoirleach Gníomhach freisin for allowing me time to speak here.
I am not as enthusiastic as some people about the spending on our European military. Some people, such as the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach, Deputy Lahart, would say that it might help with our situation regarding illegal migrants here. Possibly, but I live in hope.
We need to build relations with President Trump, the Republican Party, Vice President Vance and the Irish diaspora. I visited the White House, thankfully, for the shamrock presentation. I met with many people, such as RFK Jr.; Ms Pam Bondi, the attorney general; and several Congressmen on Capital Hill. There is a unique situation for Ireland. We need to be cautious. We do not need to have people making interventions such as the idiot-like intervention made by the current Tánaiste, Deputy Harris, at the time of the election. We need to mend bridges. We need to keep the Irish diaspora on board as well. There is a willingness. There is huge affection and huge support. They have concerns as well.
I met many of the business groups. Ireland could be damaged here with the tariffs and everything else. There is a fierce lobby within the Republican Party and within business circles, including the chambers, etc. A good few people from Chambers Ireland were over there. I met them as well.
We need to work together. Ní neart go cur le chéile. We need to be mindful of our comments here, and respect the fact that he is President Trump. In this House, everybody is calling him "Trump". We would not like it if that was happening to our Taoiseach. He is the duly elected President of the United States. He is entitled to that. We are entitled too. I am not saying we should massage him, but I would be careful - an-chúramach ar fad - to try to build bridges and maintain the wonderful relationship with the Irish diaspora as well.
Rachaimid anois go dtí ceisteanna agus freagraí chuig an Aire Stáit.
When I spoke earlier, I asked the Minister of State whether this Government will stop facilitating the sale of Israeli war bonds through the Irish Central Bank. It is an absolute outrage that that is allowed. Maybe the Minister of State’s official can fill him in there. I am quite happy if the Minister of State wants to confer with them.
I am answering questions on the European Council last week.
Okay. The Government raised its concern for the Middle East. In his speech, the Taoiseach said that he condemns the attacks that Israel has resumed against the people of Gaza and the ongoing attacks on the West Bank. The Government does not call it genocide. Its European partners refuse even to mention the name "Israel" when these horrific attacks are taking place, but the Taoiseach says he condemns it. I ask the Minister of State what the Government is going to do about it. As long as Israeli war bonds, which are being used to finance the horror that is being visited on the people of Gaza, continue to be sold through the Irish Central Bank, Ireland is complicit. Therefore, I ask the Minister of State whether the Government is going to do anything about that to show an example to his European colleagues who are up to their necks in complicity with this horrific action.
My second question is this. Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic just released the thread he was in with JD Vance, Peter Hegseth and the various leading figures in the Trump Administration over the missile attacks on Yemen. In it, it says "From a messaging standpoint we absolutely ad this to of horribles on why the Europeans must invest in their defense."
Go raibh maith agat.
As they bomb Yemen, they are pushing Europe to spend more on defence. Is not the European Union dancing to the tune of the Trump Administration -----
Will you dance to my tune now, please?
-----in its plans to ramp up military expenditure in Europe?
Did the Government speak in favour of decoupling at the European Council? If so, does the Minister of State acknowledge it was a mistake not to implement this years ago while families and businesses are suffering? Does he accept the Government wilfully failed to employ every tool at its disposal to alleviate the undue financial burdens that families and businesses are suffering under? If so, will the Government begin to implement the necessary reform today, rather than many months from now?
Will I take one more question and the Minister of State can answer three?
I will answer these because there is a lot of stuff here. It is kind of a free-for-all. I am happy to answer but in some ways I am limited to answering on what comes before the European Council. I do not have information on some specific items that were not discussed at the European Council and nor am I the Minister of State with responsibility for some areas. I do want to take one point, however, that has been raised by a number of people, particularly Deputy Mary Lou McDonald, with regard to the Taoiseach apparently not meeting with the UN special rapporteur for Palestine. The Taoiseach met with her boss, the Secretary General of the United Nations, at the European Council last week and raised directly with him, in front of the other leaders, the situation in Palestine and Ireland’s concerns and, indeed, many of the concerns that were raised here in the Dáil. I want to put that on the record because it is very important. There is a lot of misinformation going out here regarding what the Taoiseach did or did not say at the European Council but I can say very clearly that he did that at the European Council.
It is also important for people to understand what the European Council is. Ireland does not decide the conclusions of the European Council. Ireland is one of 27 countries that come together with their various views and nuances that exist in every single country and we work together, not to take minutes, as some people have put it, but instead to give direction to the European Commission, the Council and the Parliament as to where we see things going in a general way. The workflow in those institutions follows from that.
It is also very important to note, because there is a lot of talk about war, peace and everything, that defence policy is a matter for member states and the conclusions - the bit the Deputy did not read out in the Chamber - refer to the specific traditions of certain member states. It is written in there, acknowledging countries like Ireland, Austria, Cyprus and Malta.
I assume the specific issue Deputy Boyd Barrett raised on the Central Bank is a matter for the Department of Finance and can be answered there. Ireland was to the fore in putting our voice forward in the conclusions. For example, I raised the issue of airstrikes at the General Affairs Council on the Tuesday before the meeting in preparation for the meeting. It happened the night before. I am glad there was reference to that there. Again, there were 27 countries around the table, all with different nuances and views.
On energy, the biggest decoupling we need is decarbonisation. That is the decoupling we need. It is something Sinn Féin has opposed time and again in regard to the various measures we have been taking to try to decarbonise and remove that link between natural gas and energy prices but Sinn Féin has opposed every measure we have brought in. Sinn Féin speaks out of both sides of its mouth on that.
That is not an answer.
What about energy prices? Have energy prices reduced?
The Deputy will get her chance. Deputy Lahart.
The EU recommitting to the simplification piece, to use the Minister of State’s language, and reducing the cost of business, including up to 35% for SMEs, would have been music to the ears of businesses. Will the Minister of State expand on that?
Will he update us on preparations for the Presidency, what it means for the country in practical terms, when it begins and ends and its rubrics?
Finally, migration is a topic that exercises a lot of minds. The European Council reiterated its commitment to “the prevention and countering of irregular migration, including through new ways in line with EU and international law; efforts to facilitate, increase and accelerate returns, using all relevant EU policies”, etc. Can the Minister of State give any insight into any of those new ways?
Sorry, my final question was not answered. Have energy prices reduced for families and businesses?
On a point of order, there are 20 minutes for questions and answers. If other people have questions, that is fine, but there is no strict time limit on this.
The Deputy had three minutes to ask the question. Be fair.
Fine, that is okay, but there is nobody else signalling and there are 12 minutes on the clock.
There was.
There was no need for the Acting Chair to try to -----
I have more questions.
Okay, grand. No problem. I am quite happy to give way to Deputy Lahart for a second question but I will take my second question.
I asked the Minister of State a question about Jeffrey Goldberg and The Atlantic and the reference, to use the words in the chat, to adding to the “horribles on why the Europeans must invest in their defense" in the context of attacks on Yemen. I just want the Minister of State to understand the question here.
I understand the question.
Okay. I just want to elaborate in order that people understand. They are saying that they are prompting the European Union to spend more on defence, which Ursula von der Leyen and this Council are promising to do, with the current EU expenditure on weapons, at €356 billion, more than doubling to €800 billion, in their interests. The same regime is threatening tariffs against Europe and this country. Deputy McGrath thinks we should cuddle up to it, by the way. What does the Minister of State think about that? Does he think we ought to be dancing to their tune?
On the issue of the war bonds -----
How much more time does the Deputy want? Please.
Does the Minister of State accept that any country in Europe that is providing weapons to Israel is guilty of complicity with genocide?
I cannot speak for the Signal conversations. We saw what was said there. I cannot speak either for pressure on people to spend money on defence. I think Deputy Lahart summed it up best. He mentioned the Nordic countries and said they are terrified but prepared. That is why these individual countries, not the EU, want to spend more on their own defence. I have here a booklet that has been sent out to every house in Sweden by the Swedish Government, “In case of crisis or war”. Every house in Sweden is getting that, a country which is an exemplar of a social democracy. It is a country that we speak about very regularly in the context of things like the Swedish model of childcare and how women can go out to work because of the childcare model. It has an advanced social security system that looks after all sections of society. However, as Deputy Lahart says, they are terrified but prepared. Defence spending, as I said, is a member state competence. We are doing it ourselves anyway. We decided to do that as part of the Commission on the Defence Forces. That pressure to increase spending is coming from the threat it sees from Russia, which Ukraine has suffered in the land invasion and which other countries have seen in cyberattacks. We were the victim of a well-known cyberattack among other cyberattacks that have not been publicised. This is very important. It is important we prepare ourselves to protect that social safety net that countries like Sweden, and indeed Ireland, aspire to and have put in place at world-leading levels. It is important that we protect our economy.
Tariffs were mentioned by Deputy Boyd Barrett in this context too. Everyone is against tariffs because they cut growth and jobs but when we had the Canada trade agreement three or four years ago it was a big debating point in the Dáil. That reduces tariffs to zero or near-zero on trade with Canada, the friendliest country in the world. One of the Green Party TDs went to the High Court to stop it. Sinn Féin, through An Phoblacht, said it was a threat to our democracy. The Social Democrats wanted a risk analysis of this tariff-free agreement with Canada. That is the reality from the Opposition and now it is bemoaning tariffs.
On this side of the House, Fianna Fáil in particular and Fine Gael also have always supported free trade. The Deputies opposite told us the Canada trade agreement was a threat to our democracy. It is called CETA, probably the worst-named treaty ever. It should have just been called the Canada trade agreement and people would not have had any difficulty with it. We do not want tariffs. A question was asked about what we have done in terms of discussions on tariffs. The Taoiseach went to visit President Trump and this issue was on the agenda. Everybody saw that. The Tánaiste has had interactions and conversations with the commerce secretary and Commissioner Šefčovič. I met Commissioner Šefčovič last week. In response to what Deputy O'Donoghue said about the pharmaceutical industry, I made it very clear that it is not just an Irish asset but a European asset in terms of protecting ourselves and our security of health care. Commissioner Šefčovič is well aware of that.
On what Deputy Lahart said about simplification, the easiest way to describe this, as the Taoiseach described it, is to reduce red tape. The leaders call on the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the Parliament to work towards achieving the target of reducing administrative burdens by at least 25% to 35% for small and medium-sized enterprises; to advance work on the packages that have been published already; and to adhere to better regulation principles throughout the legislative process. This is a step change from the European Union, while acknowledging that we need to protect workers, the environment and consumers. In some cases, business regulation has gone too far and has stifled investment, economic growth and job creation in Europe. We are going to push that forward and I look forward to doing my bit at the General Affairs Council.
On CETA, a number of us across all parties have an issue in respect of the investment court system. We have seen in other countries that there has been a chilling effect in those sort of scenarios where a Legislature can leave itself open to actions by major industries if it were to change the laws to its own benefit. There is a bit more complexity to the issue around CETA. I am not sure it is necessarily going to benefit us in that particular aspect.
There has been considerable conversation around Palestine. We know the work we can do here, for example in respect of the war bonds Deputy Boyd Barrett spoke about or in following through on a proper, full-scale occupied territories Bill. We know that the genocide is back in action to some degree, which is down to Benjamin Netanyahu and his colleagues in a really right-wing Government, with the support of the American Administration. I get that people in Europe come from a different place on this. However we have seen no movement whatsoever on the EU-Israel association agreement and the human rights conditions that are meant to be within it. Has there been any movement whatsoever on that?
On the conversation that is happening across Europe about further militarisation, I understand this is different in Baltic states and so on. Has there been any pressure on the Irish Government in respect of how we would spend money if there were increased spending? We all know there has been a deficit in spending as regards the Defence Forces, and that we need to ensure we have capacity as regards everything from radar through to hybrid attacks and cyberattacks, which we are all open to now. On the issue of tariffs and the dangers that are coming from America, has there been any initial agreement on how we and Europe will try to tackle that issue? We need to make sure we do it from the point of view of best supporting our own industries.
Thus far the European Union has spent approximately €135 billion in support of the Ukrainian effort. While it is premature, I am just wondering if the Commission has considered, similar to the US, the thought of a repayment plan or indeed any type of cross-investment or resource access? It is premature but, in light of the conversations vis-à-vis tariffs and the pending uncertainty of future trade with the US, I would imagine we are thinking in terms of a wider interdependency and movement of funding from member states collectively.
I ask the Minister of State to pardon my naivety or ignorance in my second question. There are different agendas for the different Council meetings. I am wondering how often the healthcare piece appears on the agenda. To cross-check that with the programme for Government, there is a stated objective for expansion and development in the area of orphan drugs and clinical trials. The legislation around that in this country dates back to 1986. While European legislation is a bit younger, it is an area that needs to be strengthened and modernised for Ireland to go down that route as a stated objective over the next five years.
An Teachta Lahart has a brief question which I disallowed him earlier. It was in error.
I think I might have let it go out of my head when I was told that I could not ask it.
Do not worry, I will take your time.
I am sure you will.
Not if the impartial Chair gets his way.
Briefly, now, please.
It was on preparations for the Irish Presidency.
To respond to some of the Deputies' comments, the Opposition vociferously opposed the trade agreement with Canada. I was asked what we will do about tariffs. What we do about them is we have trade agreements where we reduce the tariffs to nothing or nearly nothing. Every time we do that, there are High Court cases and Opposition motions. We had all those photographs on Twitter, "they all voted for CETA." We all voted for zero tariffs with Canada, the friendliest country in the world, and we are proud of that. The Opposition's stance at the time was grossly misinformed and grossly opposed to the economic interests of this country. Deputies were given absolute clarity that the investor court system was no threat whatsoever to public services in this country.
On the EU-Israel association agreement, review of compliance by Israel with its obligations under that agreement is a priority for Ireland. Every agreement between the European Union and another country must be grounded in international law. That is absolutely clear and the Irish Government has been very clear on it.
In response to Deputy Toole's question on Ukraine, I do not have the full details of the various mechanisms for funding in Ukraine but they have been a mixture of grants, loans, development assistance, practical assistance and advice. I can get the Deputy a summary of the various supports that have come from the European Union and its member states. On healthcare, it was a big feature of the European Council agendas during the Covid period. There are meetings of the Council of Health Ministers regularly enough but health is not a core competence of the European Union. Mostly what we do on healthcare is at national level.
To answer Deputy Lahart on the Presidency, Ireland is going to hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of next year. It is a huge opportunity for us not simply to drive an Irish agenda but to drive the agenda of the European Union in that period. I will certainly be happy to give Opposition and Government TDs a full briefing on that in due course. At the moment it looks like we will have about 250 meetings in Ireland. There will be significant opportunities to show what Ireland can do and how well we can do as a modern, independent country.
Go raibh maith agat. Anois tá cúig nóiméad ag ain Aire Stáit chun----
I still have not had my question answered on families and if they are going to get lower energy costs.
I answered.
We are moving on. I call the Minister of State to wrap up.
I thank Deputies for their statements and questions. I will address some of the issues that the Taoiseach did not go into in great detail. He did mention them and spoke about the multiannual financial framework and new own resources. Some of my contribution will be as Gaeilge. I wish to address the issues of migration, which Deputy Lahart raised, oceans, and multilateralism.
In respect of the next multiannual financial framework, EU leaders held their first exchange of views on the EU's long-term budget, for which the Commission is expected to present proposals in the summer, and negotiations for which will reach a bit of a climax during our Presidency. Our priorities are for security, prosperity and values.
In these turbulent times, forging a secure and competitive Europe is crucial for all member states. It is clear that difficult negotiations lie ahead for all member states, given the increasing financial needs across a range of policy areas. Ireland sees value in collectively financing European public goods that create clear dividends, such as research and innovation and the development of cross-border infrastructure, in particular increasing investment in energy grids, interconnections and digital networks.
It is also very important for Ireland that there is a fully funded Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, and this is something of a priority for the Government. In my discussions at the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, at my level this has been one of my priorities. Our position is that the social, environmental and economic impacts and spill-over benefits of CAP throughout the country, but particularly, of course, in rural Ireland, cannot be underestimated.
The European Council discussed the means of financing the EU budget, to which the Taoiseach referred in respect of increasing needs, with reference to own resources. The majority of funding for the EU budget is drawn from contributions from national governments, based on gross national income, GNI. This ensures that each member state contributes according to their relative income and that all member states play their part in financing common EU goals. The GNI metric also ensures the EU budget has the necessary resources to finance its objectives. Ireland is willing to consider proposals for genuine new own resources that meet the objectives of simplicity, transparency and equity, including burden sharing, as agreed in July 2020. However, we are not simply looking to repackage existing taxation into own resources.
On migration, which Deputy Lahart raised, I can update the House that EU leaders welcomed an update they received from President von der Leyen, as well as the European Commission’s proposal on a new common European system for returns, published on 11 March. The European Council called on the Commission and Parliament to make progress, as a matter of priority, on files with a migration dimension. The EU is prioritising migration. We need a swift examination of the recent proposal on returns. Our position is very clear. We must address the shared challenge of migration, through collective effort, including on returns, in accordance with fundamental rights and international law.
We fully support EU efforts to intensify co-operation on migration with countries of origin and transit, through mutually beneficial partnerships, in order to address the root causes and fight trafficking and smuggling with a view to preventing irregular departures and loss of life. We cannot not lose sight of the benefits that migration can bring, but migration must occur in accordance with the law. Legal migration is welcome and it plays a vital role in our economies.
Fáiltíonn Éire roimh chonclúidí ón gComhairle Eorpach maidir leis na haigéin, go háirithe i bhfianaise na ndúshlán domhanda agus geopholaitiúil atá ann faoi láthair. Mar Stát aigéin mór de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh, aithnímid an luach a bhaineann leis an acmhainn nádúrtha ríthábhachtach seo a chosaint agus a fhorbairt i gcoinne na mbagairtí a bhaineann le cáilliúint bithéagsúlachta, truailliú agus athrú aeráide. Tacaímid leis an obair atá ar bun ag an gCoimisiún Comhshocrú Eorpach um na hAigéin a fhorbairt mar thionscnamh uaillmhianach uileghabhálach chun réimsí beartais mhuirí a chomhtháthú ar bhealach níos fearr. Aithnímid acmhainneacht an gheilleagair ghoirm, lena n-áirítear iascach agus dobarshaothrú inbhuanaithe, iompar muirí, foinsí in-athnuaite amach ón gcósta agus turasóireacht mhuirí gan ach roinnt earnálacha a ainmniú. Ní mór iad sin a mheas laistigh den chomhshocrú aigéin, ar comhshocrú é nach mór é a bheith comhordaithe, nach mór a bheith in ann é a chur chun feidhme, nach mór tacaíocht a bheith aige le cistiú iomchuí agus nach mór eolaíocht láidir mar bhonn taca leis.
Tá Éire i mbun rannpháirtíocht dhearfach leis an gCoimisiún Eorpach chun an comhaontú aigéin seo a fhorbairt agus táimid ag tnúth leis an gCoimisiún an comhaontú aigéin a chur i láthair den chéad uair ag Lá Muirí na hEorpa i gCorcaigh i mí na Bealtaine. Rinne an Chomhairle Eorpach a machnamh ar na hullmhúcháin do Chomhdháil na Náisiún Aontaithe maidir leis na hAigéin, a bheidh ar siúl in Nice ón 9 go dtí an 13 Meitheamh 2025. Tá toscaireacht á cur le chéile ag Éirinn chun freastal ar an gcomhdháil seo, faoi stiúir na polaitíochta. I dteannta ballstát eile den Aontas Eorpach atá ar aon intinn linn, tacaímid leis an éileamh go ndéanfaí níos mó gníomhaíochta domhanda maidir le cosaint agus athbhunú na n-aigéan ag an gcomhdháil seo.
The importance of multilateralism was also discussed at the Council. The Taoiseach discussed this matter in detail with the UN Secretary General.
Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 3.15 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 4.15 p.m.
Sitting suspended at 3.15 p.m. and resumed at 4.15 p.m.