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JOINT COMMITTEE ON ENTERPRISE, TRADE AND EMPLOYMENT díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 2 Apr 2008

Agency Workers: Discussion with ICTU, SIPTU and UNITE.

I welcome Ms Patricia King, SIPTU regional secretary for Dublin; Mr. Christy McQuillan, SIPTU regional secretary for the midlands and south east; Ms Anne Speed, SIPTU national campaign organiser; Mr. David Begg, general secretary of ICTU; Ms Esther Lynch, ICTU policy officer; Mr. Jimmy Kelly, UNITE regional secretary and Mr. Jerry Shanahan, UNITE national officer.

Before we begin, I draw everybody's attention to the fact that members of this committee have absolute privilege but this same privilege does not apply to witnesses appearing before the committee. It is generally accepted that witnesses have qualified privilege but the committee cannot guarantee any level of privilege to witnesses appearing before it. Members are reminded of the long-standing parliamentary practice to the effect that they should not comment on, criticise or make charges against a person outside the House or an official by name or in such a way as to make him or her identifiable.

I ask Mr. David Begg to commence the proceedings.

Mr. David Begg

I thank the Chairman. On my behalf and on behalf of my colleagues, I wish to say how much we appreciate the invitation from the committee and the opportunity to address its members. We also appreciate the fact the committee is taking an interest in the question of agency workers which is causing us a great deal of anxiety these days. In a preliminary discussion we had, the Chairman indicated he would like me to be reasonably brief. I am aware members of the committee have had a look at the quite lengthy submission we have made so I will not go through all that. It may be useful, however, if I spoke a bit about the context of this matter as well as summarising the key legislative points we need to achieve to rectify the difficulty we see on the ground.

While the issue of agency workers is of great concern to us in Ireland, it is on a twin-track in the European Union because the European Commission for quite some time has been trying to get agreement among member states on a directive concerning agency workers. Most recently, under the Portuguese Presidency, an initiative was taken to try to crack the final differences which are outstanding between countries. In fact, the majority of European countries — all except three — have comprehensive legislation covering the employment of agency workers. The three countries in question are Hungary, Britain and Ireland. To some extent, Hungary has provisions in place to offer protection. Britain and Ireland are unique in the European Community, however, in having a very low level of protection for people employed in agencies.

The most recent initiative of the Portuguese Presidency failed because it was not possible to get agreement with Ireland and Britain on two specific points. One concerns equality of treatment, which I will come back to, and the other is the timeframe over which persons would be employed to ensure they are eligible to be treated in like manner to a non-agency person alongside whom they are working. The EU was not able to get this agreement. Britain was supported by Germany on that occasion and there was a blocking minority in the three countries.

There is a parallel discussion going on in the United Kingdom at the moment and I can give the committee more information on that if members so wish. We have been in frequent contact with the TUC about it and with the European Trade Union confederation which is processing the matter at European level.

As regards our own domestic situation, we must refer to the context in which this has become an urgent problem in Ireland. It can be traced back to the enlargement of the EU when we had a significant increase in the numbers of people from the accession states coming to work here after May 2004. As members of the committee know, Ireland, Britain and Sweden were the only three members of the original EU 15 that opened up their labour markets fully without any kind of derogation in terms of timescale. As a result, we had quite a significant influx of people to this country. When that happened, it quickly became apparent through a number of high profile cases of which members of the committee will be well aware, including Gama construction and Irish Ferries, that the potential for exploiting conditions of employment were quite significant. This is because Ireland has a very low level of regulation in its labour market. We have an even lower level of enforcement in respect of the regulation we have.

In 2005 congress became aware that we would be obliged to petition the Government to put in place a legislative framework to offer the protection necessary to incoming workers and to members of the indigenous workforce. A good body of legislation has been agreed under Towards 2016 and the various items that comprise this corpus are at different stages of enactment.

Among the measures agreed was the introduction of a Bill to regulate employment agencies. There is legislation in this area but given that it was enacted in 1970, it is hopelessly out of date. It was agreed to introduce legislation and the parameters relating thereto were more or less agreed when Towards 2016 was being put in place. However, it gradually became clear to us that the use of employment agencies as a means to engage people's services was becoming much more prevalent. There are approximately 520 such agencies in the country at present and, in addition, a large number are operating externally, via the Internet, etc. There has been a phenomenal growth in the degree to which employment contracts are mediated through employment agencies.

It eventually dawned on us that the traditional idea of an employment agency providing someone with a means to take up temporary employment in a clerical or nursing post or whatever was changing dramatically. It became apparent that the provisions we had agreed with the Government under Towards 2016 were completely inadequate to deal with the emerging situation. We were obliged, therefore, to petition the Government to bring forward further legislation to deal with the problems outstanding. In parallel, we petitioned it to agree to the accommodation on the relevant European directive. That, more or less, is the current position. We have not been able to achieve anything on that and it will be a major issue in the forthcoming negotiations we are likely to have with the Government in the coming months.

That is the context for our concern and it is set out in the paper we submitted. I will provide a summary of the principal points in that paper. The first of these is the principle of equal treatment, which informs all of the legislation introduced in every country in Europe with the exception of the three I mentioned earlier. I refer to a situation where a person employed by a particular business is doing precisely the same work as one of his or her colleagues. In normal circumstances, and under our equality legislation, if two people are paid differently or have different conditions of employment, either one is entitled to bring a case for equal treatment based on the comparator — that is, the circumstances of the person alongside whom he or she works. If, however, a person is placed in a company by an employment agency, he or she is prevented from doing so by law and can only compare his or her circumstances with those of others placed in positions by that employment agency.

This is the first principle of equal treatment and it comprehends wages and all of the other conditions of employment people normally expect as part of their work contracts. Members can see how, if taken to extremes, the method of employment to which I refer can be used to force down conditions of employment. If a substantial element of a workforce is employed through an employment agency, the potential to reduce the conditions of employment of those involved would be quite significant.

The second point of concern to us is the length of time of which an employer can avail in terms of using a person to fill a post. The conventional idea is that a person might be brought in to cover maternity leave or sick leave. However, people are being brought in for prolonged periods. This reinforces the idea to which I referred earlier, namely, that agency work is redefining the employment relationship. It is no longer the exception; it is becoming the rule.

In certain circumstances the use of agency workers should be prohibited. Generally, such an approach informs legislation elsewhere. Even in Britain, one of the worst performing countries in this regard, provisions are in place to ensure, for example, people cannot be employed to do dangerous work or replace workers involved in industrial disputes or matters of that nature.

The employment agency and end user employer should be made jointly and severally liable in order that workers can ensure enforcement of their rights. A problem in practice is that where a dispute arises as to a person's rights, the employment agency and end user employer both deny liability or, in fact, that they are the employer of the person in question. Members will have seen from the submission that under existing legislation, conditions differ according to circumstances. To avoid ambiguity or a clash with existing legislation, liability should apply jointly and severally to both employers.

Agencies should not be allowed to charge workers for any cost arising from the job. For instance, the possibility of charging for services, training and so forth should be precluded.

The ICTU is concerned about the potential for infringement of existing legislation in the equality area in respect of recruitment. For example, most employers who have any sense will not overtly discriminate in the selection of people for positions on the eight grounds enshrined in equality legislation. The danger, however, of using employment agencies is that by using a method of profiling, that is, of giving a specification, so to speak, to the agency of the type of person who would ideally suit the position in question, the agency will only forward the profiles of persons whom it knows the employer wants. We have presented to the joint committee some evidence of surveys we have conducted which indicate a belief on the part of individuals who have used the employment agency system that there is, let us say, a resistance to certain categories, the most obvious being pregnant women, older people and other categories one would expect.

Employment agencies should be properly licensed to practice in accordance with a statutory code of practice. Individual agencies should be required to place a bond to ensure that in the event that they fold and sufficient money is not available to pay workers, the bond can be cashed in, as it were, to ensure the outstanding moneys become available. By the same token, anyone seeking to operate as an agency should be required to be licensed and it should be an offence for anybody to use an agency which is not licensed. Accordingly, increased sanctions are needed for non-compliance in this regard.

To return to the core of the European discussion on the length of time for which rights should apply, the trade union position generally has been that these rights should apply from day one and that there should not be a grace period of weeks or days before which a person in employment is entitled to claim equal treatment with his or her colleagues. In the context of the discussions on the European directive, the ETUC agreed, in an effort to have this issue settled, on a six week period as being acceptable across Europe. Unfortunately, adoption of this position did not result in the type of agreement everybody had hoped for. Positions on this matter have hardened significantly in Britain and among individual Irish unions. For practical purposes, a sensible period is required and six weeks was not a bad arrangement. The idea of 12 months which has been floated at Government level is crazy, as such a period would be so long as to eliminate for all practical purposes most realistic working scenarios that would arise. We must have a practical operable working period when the protections included in legislation kick in. Our review of the current state of legislation which is practically non-existent, apart from the 1970 Act, and the conditions in different industries suggests to us that those priorities are necessary. As the Chairman is aware, my colleagues are daily practitioners of the black art of industrial relations and will be able to give him good examples of what is happening on the ground relating to any of the key issues to which I referred.

Ms Patricia King

I apologise for Mr. Jack O'Connor's absence today. Unfortunately, he was obliged to attend another engagement.

I wish to take up the final point in the submission made by the general secretary of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. It is worth sharing with the committee the world of an agency worker and how it affects a worker in Ireland today to be recruited by an agency. Our union represents a number of agency workers but we also have cases where indigenous workers work alongside agency workers. I wish to give an example in this city and its surrounds which will serve to highlight accurately some of the main issues that arise for agency workers and those working alongside them.

The distribution sector is strong in parts of the city of Dublin. In one case I dealt with personally there were approximately 550 workers. The staff are made up by a combination of people who drive heavy articulated trucks and those who prepare the goods for distribution. We represent the main body of the workforce in the company concerned. Traditionally, indigenous workers were employed in this sector on a permanent basis, while peaks and valleys in demand were dealt with by agreement with the employer concerned which allowed temporary workers to be employed. That is normal practice and there is nothing wrong with it. In the past two years, however, a change became evident with this employer.

During one set of negotiations it became clear that there was a 30% density of agency workers. On the day I dealt with the case the group of workers concerned involved drivers, of whom 30% were agency workers. The negotiations related to ordinary, mundane details. I inquired of the company why 30% of staff were agency workers. The argument made was not a substantive one and related to the difficulties encountered in recruiting people, how staff were not available when required and the lack of flexibility in recruitment. I replied that there was an agreement under which only 5% of workers would be employed on a temporary basis and asked why 29% of staff were employed on this basis. The reply was that a significant difficulty had been encountered in filling places. I then inquired what temporary staff were being paid. There was silence. Six managers — all men — were sitting around the table and only one of them was brave enough to say they were being paid €15 an hour. I inquired of the shop stewards sitting beside me what was the hourly rate for drivers. The reply was €18.50, with a bonus being paid for a long run. The lads in question drive mostly at night and if they do a long-haul trip, they receive a bonus. I inquired why temporary staff were being paid €15 if the rate was €18.50. There was silence. It was a great meeting for silence, which is not common at such meetings. The individual concerned said he would have to come back to us on the issue. We adjourned and I had a meeting with my colleagues in Liberty Hall at which I asked if we could check out the agency supplying most of the labourers. We discovered he was not paying them €15 but €13.20, but only after they had worked for six months. While on probation, they earned €11.20. They received no overtime payments, shift premium, were not covered for sick pay and had no pension entitlements. I suspect they had less than the annual leave entitlement because he was cutting them off before they received their full entitlement. They had absolutely no entitlement to continuity of employment. If he did not like the look of them on the day they came in, he would ring the agency and say, "Get rid of him and give me someone else". They were not all non-Irish nationals but the majority were. The final outcome was that he owned the agency. He told me across the table during negotiations that he had to pay an agency fee; therefore, it did not cost him any less. I told him it was a neat trick as he owned the agency; therefore, in effect, he was paying himself.

This was a well thought out organisation. We are not talking about Dickensian conditions. The work environment was good and clean and proper rosters were kept. On the face of it, this was an employer with good business ethics. However, going deeper one found the scenario I have just outlined. The agency workers were asked to wear high visibility vests which did not have the company name on them. They were not allowed to have their cup of tea in the same canteen as the other workers. An employer organisation advised the employer that if he allowed it, there would be a claim for the agency workers to enjoy the same rights as the indigenous workers. That brings us back to the conditions of the 1800s and 1900s. When making these comparisons, some may describe me as a Luddite or dramatic, but that is the reality.

The employer was also creating huge divisions within his own workforce. The indigenous workforce, seeing the employer using agency workers on this basis, felt the next move would be to drag down their rates of pay, not to offer continual sick pay or continue the shift. Despite what some might say, the indigenous workforce also had a huge difficulty with the manner in which their agency colleagues were being treated, regardless of their nationality or colour. At many Sunday morning general union meetings, the indigenous workforce told me they had a problem working alongside people who were being treated in this manner. That served to highlight to us what was happening across the workplace.

The sad part is that I can repeat many of these stories. Yesterday morning I was dealing with workers on a construction site who will be in dispute with their employer. The construction site is covered by a registered employment agreement, REA. The workers laying the pipes are not considered by the construction site employer to be general operatives covered by the REA. The only thing that stands between them and exploitation is the minimum rate of €8.65 an hour. The law of the land does not force us to do anything else but to pay them that rate. That is what the law states. That is the profile of lower paid working people here. Those employers were not concerned about what has been collectively agreed. Those employers were not concerned that the rate for the job was €18.50 or about the registered employment agreement. They want to make a profit and they want flexibility which means that if the workers do not do it the way the employers want it to be done, then the workers must go. What chance does a Latvian, Pole, Lithuanian or even an Irish person have when that is the confines of their employment relationship? Who has the better bargain in terms of the direction of the lives of those people?

We are not talking about a few hundred people, but thousands of workers. We are talking about a growing phenomenon and an employer group that does not want to admit that this is happening nor that it is associated with it. The Irish Ferries dispute — in which I was involved — was resolved at sea, where there was no law at all covering it. That dispute provided the Irish public with a photograph for a short period of how bad this can get. Unfortunately, the description I have set out is indisputable.

I am not here to paint all employers in a bad light, because they are not all bad. There are some good employers who would not hear of behaving in that fashion and would not condone their colleagues for doing it. Unfortunately, there are employers who are quite happy to make profits and behave like that. For as long as I have any energy to continue as a trade union official, I will say that is wrong. Regardless of political affiliation, no government should stand over a situation where an economy allows that to happen.

I hope the committee does not have difficulty in taking these facts on board and recognising that this issue needs to be addressed. The principles of equal treatment, achieving permanency after a reasonable period and proper employer behaviour represent a far better place to go. My colleague, Mr. Christy McQuillan will deal with the possible consequences if what I have described is allowed to continue.

Mr. Jimmy Kelly

I thank the committee members for taking up this issue and I hope that by reflecting on what is said today, we will get to the stage where workers will be treated fairly. The members are not listening to a submission today that unions would generally make about poor pay and conditions. We are specifically focusing on a group of workers who are being treated in an unequal manner and in a disgraceful fashion, and we have built up evidence on this.

In their submissions, Mr. Begg and Ms King went through the issues, so I will be brief on what we are asking the committee to do. The union gathered evidence in terms of agency workers' testimonies, getting specifics and building information on the gross exploitation of people referred to by Ms King. For example, "Jeff" works 12 hours per day and seven days per week as an agency worker. He must work seven days per week to earn a wage on which he and his family can live. His pay is a nightmare, as he has no opportunity to earn any premiums and does not get paid overtime. His point is that colleagues of his who are less qualified and who work less earn much more than him because they are paid in accordance with the nationally agreed rates. Agency workers have been put into a position in which they are grossly exploited and unequally treated. All of his terms and conditions are seriously affected by working through agencies. Directly employed workers are employed under national agreements that cover issues such as health and safety, pay, overtime and travel allowance to name but a few, but he has none of those rights. Working for an agency means he cannot contribute to the good nationally agreed pension scheme, which worries him as he works towards retirement age. "Rebecca" earns just €8,500 per year working alongside colleagues doing the same job and who are paid in excess of €21,000. She is paid weekly, her pay is wrong almost every week and she must battle for her proper pay entitlement.

I use these two examples of a string of testimonies not in the context of negotiations, but to illustrate what we are trying to describe. A group of workers is being exploited, but not by accident or in isolated incidents. It is by the design of those to whom Mr. Begg and Ms King referred who want to exploit a group of workers for extra profit. The trade unions want a level playing field and domestic legislation to enshrine in law agency workers' rights to equal treatment as directly and permanently employed staff. We want to put across a message that is not complicated. One would not need 50 pages to describe the situation we believe should apply to agency workers.

There is agreement among trade unions on what needs to be done. There is no difference within the movement in this respect. Mr. Begg touched on the joint statement issued in or around the new year by the ICTU, the Wales Trades Union Congress, the Scottish Trades Union Congress and the British Trades Union Congress on what must be done in terms of agency workers in Ireland and Britain.

A growing number of politicians want to move in the direction described by the trade union movement. We do not need to climb a large mountain or wait for a long period to convince people of how just the case is. I do not want to refer to different parties in this forum, but many politicians are on board and saying this situation cannot be tolerated. Momentum is building. There is acceptance across the wider public that one cannot pick on a group of workers or exploit the migrant workers to whom Ms King referred. It has become distasteful for the wider public which believes the situation does not stack up. Irrespective of the argument on what our pay, holidays, sick pay and so on should be, one cannot pick a single group and trample on its rights.

Many good measures are being taken and the joint committee can build on the goodwill and the unity within the trade union movement. Many politicians are on board and, with the help of the committee, will move the situation that extra step. This is a flavour to add to my colleagues' comments in respect of where we want to move to quickly.

I thank Mr. Kelly and the precise presentations, which have been useful.

I thank the delegations for attending and giving us compelling examples of the difficulties that arise with agency workers. It is an important issue that needs all the airing it can get. This problem is growing by the week, if not the day. I congratulate SIPTU and the other trade unions for their campaign across the State on this issue, giving strength to those who wish to tackle it. This is also about helping decent employers trying to be fair to their team members or workers. We owe it to them not to allow others to undercut their businesses by this underhand method.

Mr. Begg referred to this being a major issue in partnership talks. I wonder if it could be considered a deal-breaker. Would any of the unions consider it as such in the upcoming partnership talks? Clearly, many unions have said it is important. The Government has reneged on a number of issues in the past. Section 21 of Towards 2016 states:

The parties are agreed on the need for the improved regulation of employment agencies and agency workers. New legislation will be published before end-2006 reinforcing the existing system of regulation by requiring all employment agencies established and/or operating in Ireland to hold a licence.

This has not been delivered in 2008. There is an element of goodwill when one enters talks. One cannot get everything on the table there and then and must take people on good faith. In light of past experiences, is there imagination to employ initiatives to ensure better compliance by the Government in terms of the upcoming partnership talks?

Regarding legislation, can the delegation give an indication on the principle of equal treatment that might be contained in legislation? The Government has given an indication of a technical approach to this, requiring agencies to register on a number of technical issues. The Government is veering away from the principle of equality or has not been talking it up. In the recent private Members' business motion by the Labour Party and Sinn Féin, the Government evaded the principle of equality of treatment. I would appreciate comment on this. The Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment reiterated his view that the agency worker is an anecdotal issue. We have heard many examples in the past and some anecdotes this morning. How does the delegation reply to the claim that this is an anecdotal issue?

The Employment Law Compliance Bill was published in recent weeks. The Minister, in his speech to the LRC, referred to an amendment that he will propose to the Bill, which he claims will reduce the exploitation of agency workers in sectors governed by registered employer agreements. I am worried about this because it seems the Minister is leaving a gap or a void for wayward employers to dodge the issue by dealing with the issue of registered employer agreements. Does the delegation have a view on this? I see it as a considerable cop-out if he can get away with that.

Mr. Begg referred to the issue of equal treatment and when it commences. The period of four to six weeks has been discussed for some time. I am concerned that, particularly in the construction sector and as the economy slows and there is a glut of workers available, wayward people will use the six-week gap to churn workers, allowing the current exploitation of agency workers to continue.

I welcome the delegates and thank them for their contributions. For me, this process involves communication and information. I recently attended an informative meeting in Cork which was organised by SIPTU and addressed by Mr. O'Connor. Therefore, I have had the benefit of his views on the issue.

We held an interesting debate in the Dáil on the motion tabled by the Labour Party and Sinn Féin. In his contribution the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment set out the raft of legislation in place to protect workers. A Bill will come before the Dáil in the coming weeks to put the National Employment Rights Agency on a statutory footing. However, lack of enforcement is at the heart of this matter. I see the need for the legislation recommended by delegates but the Minister is questioning the use of further legislation. We certainly have insufficient labour inspectors. Ms King has referred to a distribution company with which she is working. What can be done in that case and can the employer be reported? Legislation probably does not cover that matter. Enforcement is needed because there is no point in passing legislation if it left sitting on the shelf. How serious is the issue of legislating for employment agencies? The delegates state in their submissions that it is important but is it a make or break issue?

I understand there are some stumbling blocks in the directive, particularly in regard to the six week period. We have been told by IBEC and employers that six weeks is a very short period. If somebody on maternity leave is being replaced, the temporary period would last longer than six weeks but it may not be adequate for seasonal workers. I acknowledge that 12 months is a long time but a period in between could accommodate all types of employments and recognise the genuine employers who do not wish to exploit people but need flexibility to keep their businesses in operation.

The United Kingdom, Hungary and Ireland are the three countries which have had difficulties with the directive. Is the situation in the United Kingdom similar to here? I have further questions which perhaps the Chairman may permit me to ask later.

I welcome the delegates. It was most interesting to hear the case histories because, although many of us are familiar with what needs to be done, it was empowering to learn the details of cases. As a newly-elected Deputy, many of my constituents approach me with similar stories which I forward to the relevant agencies and support groups.

I will not make a pious statement in regard to the legislation because we want it to be brought forward quickly. When I spoke to the aforementioned motion, I expressed similar concerns to other Members about the need for equality. I disagree with Deputy Morgan's assertion that the Minister was trying to veer away from equality. If we introduce legislation that is not equality proofed, it will be challenged and we will look silly. Particularly in the light of the fact that ours is an open economy, to which people are coming from all over the world, we have to ensure legislation provides for equality and is watertight, protective and just. In my small home town of Borris, County Carlow, there is a large number of agency workers from overseas. While I am aware that many of them are being treated very well, certain cases have arisen which make us hide our heads in shame. We must ensure legislation is placed in the Statute Book with the greatest possible speed.

I do not like the idea that we have a system of rented labour which exposes vulnerable people. One of the statements made likens it to slavery, particularly if people are treated badly. We have had high profile cases, including those of the Gama and Irish Shipping workers and the unfortunate restaurant worker who suffered lack of dignity, poor pay and had no decent place in which to lay his head after a tough day at work. It was appalling. We hear of such cases all the time. As a member of one of the coalition Government parties, I assure the unions that the Green Party will push to ensure legislation is placed in the Statute Book quickly, is watertight, just and will not be challenged, and that we can be proud of this new legislation to protect agency workers.

Mr. David Begg

I thank the Chairman and Deputies who raised questions. I will take Deputy Morgan's question first — Deputy Clune also raised this point — on whether legislation for employment agencies would be a deal breaker. Most assuredly it will be a deal breaker. I do not say that with any sense of machismo on our part but because if we leave this problem unsolved, we will not have credibility as a trade union movement. For that reason we must solve it. We have no choice but to ensure some legislative framework will be in place to deal with this issue.

On Deputy Morgan's other questions, one must acknowledge what happened in the Towards 2016 agreement. A body of legislation has been agreed and put in place. The Government has followed what it said it would do, albeit not as quickly as we thought or wanted. The Employment Law Compliance Bill is detailed and important legislation which will introduce significant improvements in workers' rights. It will deal particularly with some of the points Deputy Clune made on the enforcement issue. The establishment of the National Employment Rights Authority with 90 inspectors and 30 technical staff with legal and accounting expertise should represent a significant improvement in the enforcement climate. The Protection of Employment (Exceptional Collective Redundancies and Related Matters) Bill and the amendments to the Unfair Dismissals Bill were all agreed and followed through. Therefore, agreements have been honoured.

As Deputy Morgan pointed out, the Agency Workers Bill has not yet come to the fore. It was mentioned this morning, is listed for the next session and no doubt will be brought forward, but the problem is that it will not do the job. I have to take some responsibility for this because when we sought certain changes in the regulation of employment agencies, we did not seek enough. At the time, three years ago, we did not think the problem was as acute as it has ultimately manifested itself to be. At the time we were anxious to update the 1970 legislation to ensure proper registration of agencies and that they would have premises here and be licensed by reference to a code of standards. However, we signed on for something that was inadequate. The key missing ingredient is equal treatment, without which, as colleagues have graphically exposed to the committee, employers will run rings around it.

There is a paradox in that as we have tightened regulation in the areas I mentioned, the line of least resistance presents itself to employers. As the conventional employment relationship has become more regulated, employers have moved in a different direction to get around this. The employment agencies are a dream solution to that problem because employers have staff cheaply and without any of the hassle involved in managing people. As Ms King said, if one does not like an agency worker today, one can telephone the agency and tell it to take that person back and send somebody else tomorrow. Our concern is that it has moved from being the exceptional provision for dealing with an emergency staffing problem to redefining the employment relationship, and not always at the lower end of the socio-economic spectrum. It often happens high up the spectrum and is a most serious matter. Unless an equal treatment provision is included, the legislation will be no good. What the Minister has said is part of what was agreed but it does not go far enough and we must press the point to go further.

The question was raised as to the extent to which this was an anecdotal issue. Deputy Morgan referred to what the Minister had said in that regard. If this is an anecdotal issue, how come all of Europe is convulsed in efforts to achieve a solution in the form of a directive? How come it is the two Anglo-Saxon economies which are holding out on the matter? On page 9 of our submission, which I hope members will have a chance to look at in due course, we provide a brief outline of the position in every other European country. Members will see that it is only Britain and Ireland that are holding out on the three core questions of what is necessary. Hungary does not do so well on two of the issues but has a provision in respect of the third one. We in this part of Europe stand out because of the neo-liberal economic model we favour, which is a huge problem.

While registered employment agreements are welcome, they do not deal with the problem in its entirety. They deal with selected industries but there is only a small number of industries which have legally binding wage systems. At a national level we have the minimum wage and the registered employment agreement applies to the construction industry. In the hotels industry there are employment regulation orders. I do not know if members have been tracking this matter but in recent weeks the hotels federation brought a case to the High Court to have an employment regulation of the Labour Court struck down in so far as it pertained to the hotels industry. It is very interesting to observe this being done because in that industry over 35% of employees are non-nationals.

One must be very hard-nosed about this issue. When some Irish employers have a chance to waltz out of any decent measure, they will take every option available, although not all employers can be tarred with the same brush. There is a concentration of people in the hotels industry who are open to exploitation and employers seek to dismantle even the minimum legal provisions.

The point about the churn factor is valid as it relates to construction. Our preferred option which is shared by trade unions right across Europe is for these rights to be applicable from day one. However, in an effort to have the matter resolved at European level the ETUC settled for a six-week period, thus allowing some flexibility in respect of single day or two-day absences. I agree it would be better if we had the measure from day one but, in practical terms, the six-week period marks a significant move forward.

Deputy Clune asked about enforcement and compliance, issues I have more or less covered. I have also answered her question on the deal-breaker and the six-week period.

In the EU directive being contemplated there are possibilities for derogations in particular industries through collective agreement. However, there are always difficulties in Ireland with such provisions because we have no right to a collective agreement. That paragon of the private sector, Ryanair, has ensured through a Supreme Court judgment it recently received that there is no legal basis for collective bargaining. We have a very elaborate system of social partnership which is the envy of the world and a little tourist industry in which delegations of employers, governments and trade unionists come to see how it works but the whole system is built on sand and has no foundations. As we have no legal right, any employer can refuse to become involved in a collective agreement. The irony is that when the Minister argued his position in Europe on the matter, he objected to this clause of collective bargaining. His colleagues around the table from the different European countries wondered how Ireland with its social partnership could be against collective bargaining. The reason Ireland is against collective bargaining is that we do not have a legal right to it. We must have it at some stage. The whole edifice cannot continue like this. I could go off on a rant and I do not want to do that.

I would not allow that. We will focus on the key issue.

Mr. David Begg

Deputy Clune asked me to comment on the position in the United Kingdom. Ireland and the United Kingdom have been hand in glove in all of this and I speak regularly to my opposite number in the Trades Union Congress, TUC, Mr. Brendan Barber, who also meets the British Prime Minister on a regular basis, trying to get a solution to this problem. The reason the British Government is so reticent on the directive is that it is politically bad news to say anything comes from Europe. It is more open to trying to do something at a domestic level.

At the moment it has tabled the idea of a commission, somewhat like the low pay commission. The current view of the TUC is that it will not comment one way or another on the matter and will seek clarification from the Prime Minister on it, the implications, terms of reference and so on. It is really not in a position to judge but that is the state of the debate in the United Kingdom at the moment.

I have covered the issues. I thank Deputy White for her comments although she did not ask any specific questions. I am not ignoring her contribution.

Ms Patricia King

Deputy Clune referred to my contribution, and the answer to her question is that the employer did not break the law. NERA has no influence in that case for the simple reason that the employer paid the minimum rate and therefore did not break any rule. Clearly, what the employer was and is not doing is paying the rate for the job. There is a big difference between the rate for the job of €18.50 in that case, with €8.65 being the minimum rate, and between €11.20 and €13.20, which is what the employer opted to pay.

I refer to the six-week period. Members referred, for example, to maternity leave replacement and so on, which can go on for much longer than six weeks. Thankfully, it can go on for up to a year or even more. There is nothing debarring an employer from recruiting somebody on a direct basis on the correct rate for the job on a temporary basis. In fairness, in 2003 the Protection of Employee (Fixed Term Work) Act was enacted, which adequately covers all the eventualities that have arisen from questions of conflict on contract employment.

There is nothing to stop an employer from behaving correctly and there is legislation that guides employers on doing so. Anybody who looks to an agency to solve problems should know there is nothing wrong with an employer going to an agency to seek to have a person recruited into employment. That is what an employment agency is there for. When the employer gets the employees, the employer is expected to behave correctly. For example, if the employee replaces a person on maternity leave or for any other reason, it should be done in the correct fashion.

Fundamentally, NERA does not apply in the case of agencies. There have been many communications from Government in the past 18 months, and it has always tried to blur the boundaries by indicating action when NERA comes on stream. NERA exists on an interim basis now and will come on-stream with the passing of the compliance Bill but it will not solve the problem. It was never meant to solve the problem. The legislation we achieved, as Mr. Begg has stated, is insufficient because it will not only refer to registered agreement or employment regulation orders which are for particular groups. Our experience has been that large employers, particularly in the areas of construction and contract cleaning, have sought to get out from underneath these. If we do not achieve a resolution, everyone concerned about what may happen in the future, particularly if there is an economic dip and the unemployment rate starts to rise, should seriously consider what sort of country we will be living in if people are not paid suitable rates for jobs and wage rates are pushed down. Many of the people in question are non-Irish nationals who have come here and obtained work and helped the economy in a positive way. If there is an employment dip, members can paint the rest of the picture themselves. This is a hugely worrying scenario for us and it should worry everybody. There is a need for equal treatment. There is a need for legislation to cover all the angles Mr. Begg has outlined. We needed it yesterday, for all these reasons.

Mr. Christy McQuillan

I will follow Ms King's comments to this extent: on the question of equality of treatment, particularly with regard to what Deputy White said about the pending Bill being brought forward by the Government, Mr. Begg is absolutely right, as we understand it. I was present for the two nights of the debate on the Private Members' motion in the Dáil. Nothing that was said by the Minister or the Minister of State during that debate on behalf of the Government convinced anyone who was concerned about the principle of equality of treatment. Standards of employment equate to standards of decency and respect. If we do not adopt the principle of equal treatment, we will be in a serious position with the potential to create a two-tier society.

Ms King was right in her comments about dealing with any downturn in the economy, with regard to the tensions that will be created and the potential for development of a very serious racism problem. Any complacency in our actions now will be the subject of extraordinary regret later. There is an opportunity to put this right. Not to do this would make a sham and a mockery of the equality legislation currently on the Statute Book. It would run completely contrary to the spirit and intent of the legislation currently in place. That is a major problem.

When we speak of agency workers, most immediately think of migrant workers. However, a high percentage of agency workers are Irish. There is a combination of Irish and migrant workers and the one thing they have in common is exploitation and the driving down of standards. This drive is being well thought out, planned and managed, in the main, by Irish employers. It is driven purely by the extent to which one wants to make profits, which represents nothing other than greed. That is the purpose. We will either do the decent thing with regard to the legislation mentioned or we will not. What needs to be done is the equivalent to the present Bill being promoted by two parties in the Dáil. If the Government is prepared to stop short of that, then we have done something we will seriously regret as a society.

Mr. Jerry Shanahan

Thank you, Chairman. I thank the members who have contributed because their contributions have been incisive and supportive. One of the key issues is whether it is anecdotal and when does it move from being anecdotal to being a reality. Deputy White has given the answer to that question. It moves from being anecdotal when one or a member of one's family experiences it, or somebody who knows a member of one's family experiences it. At this stage there are very few people who will not be able to recount a story about somebody who either works with him or her or works with somebody he or she knows who is being exploited in this way. At that point it moves from being anecdotal to becoming the elephant in the room.

Given that these workers are in the main below the radar they do not come into any empirical data source of collection, such as the CSO. There is a need to collect empirical data in tackling this issue. We have done some work on it but most of the evidence we get is the type of witness statement, referred to at this meeting, or our direct and practical experiences.

I had a case of a print firm in Cork where a member of the EU, but a non-Irish national, offered to bring his son to work for this printer for the same rate being paid to an Irish printer. The actual rate that he and his son would work was the same rate as one Irish printer was being paid. I had a contact from one of our representatives in the print firm asking what it could do. We were able to use our collective bargaining relationship with the employer to say one cannot exploit not only the father and his family but the son and his family in this way but would have to pay them the rate for the job. We can produce plentiful witness statements such as that. It is happening in the Minister's county if he wants anecdotal evidence. We can provide that. It has gone beyond the stage of being anecdotal; it is much more than that. As David Begg has said, it is not just an Irish but a European issue.

Within Europe, recruitment agencies are referred to as merchants of labour. I have heard that term used. That is a polite way of saying slave merchants. Why are they called merchants of labour? It is because, effectively, they are trading in people in labour as a commodity. One has to ask oneself why a recruitment agency is selling for the amount of money it is selling. I could not figure this out for a while. They supply people to companies, be it for maternity leave, long-term absences, and in the case of car accidents, when somebody is needed to fill the gap.

On further examination one finds that is not what they are doing. They are not supplying temporary staff. People of my age would have grown up with the concept of Mary Cremin supplying people to fill a gap in the case of maternity leave or a long-term illness. That is not what they are doing. They are supplying people below the rate that employers would normally expect to pay in these circumstances. They are not paid for holidays, public holidays and are not covered under equality legislation. We probably have the best equality legislation in Europe. We have nine grounds on which people cannot be discriminated. These workers are below that radar. Equal treatment, and using the comparator of somebody in the company for which he or she is working, is a critical issue. Collecting data has to be a critical issue.

If Deputy Arthur Morgan, who is from Dundalk, drives up the road to Newry, he has the statutory right to representation by a trade union. If he leaves Newry and comes back to Dundalk he has lost that right. We are promoting an all-Ireland economy and developments between the two sides of the island. We have an all-Ireland energy market now but once I leave Dundalk and go to Newry, my rights improve. I can have legislation which provides me with statutory legislation but when I come back to Dundalk I have lost that.

My final point, and I will be brief out of respect for the committee, is the question of latent racism. We cannot ignore that. We know there are construction sites throughout the country and this city where people have been let go because of the downturn in the industry. We know also that the first people to go are the local labour, the people on the REA and construction rates and those for whom pension contributions have to be made. The people being kept on are the non-Irish nationals whose employment is being disguised through different types of contracts, including self-employed contracts or some other form of below the radar employment status. That will create a hot bed of racism and the development of a society in which neo-fascist organisations can grow, as we have seen in the rest of Europe. We have not had that in this country. We probably had it in the 1930s to some degree but we never had the type of neo-fascism that can be seen in Britain and other parts of Europe. If we do not deal with this issue and have equal treatment, the absence of that equal treatment will create the rise of fascist movements.

I want to make a contribution. I am a member of the Labour Party and we proposed a Bill on this area on 27 February. The Bill has been introduced in the Dáil and obviously we have to seek Government time to bring in the legislation. We believe the Bill will outlaw discrimination against agency workers that have been mentioned earlier. It underpins the fundamental non-discrimination principle, as David Begg said, of equality of treatment, which is essential. We also defined a "comparable employee", which allows no room for nuances or anything else. A comparable employee is someone who is working side by side with other employees in the industry and not just another agency worker, as David Begg said. That lacuna will be closed.

The Bill sets out the conditions of employment for agency workers and information on employment and training opportunities available to agency workers. It was modelled closely on the EU directive but we went a little further and set out the insurance obligation of employment agencies, something on which the media focused. Section 30 deals with the inclusion of agency workers and contractors within terms of registered employment agreements. The Bill was fairly comprehensive in that regard. The Bill is available and if anyone in Government wants to take it, we are willing and ready to move to Second Stage. We will be facilitative also in terms of amendments and will deal with those in a positive way to ensure this important issue is addressed once and for all. Some of the points made here today were made by ourselves in the course of the debate.

I am concerned that Ireland lags behind other countries in this area. Labour market flexibility is important only up to a point in maintaining high employment. Everyone agrees market flexibility is important and no one at this meeting is saying it is not, but it should never be used to undermine the terms and conditions of employees. That is not the way to achieve productivity growth on a constant basis. Mr. Shanahan outlined the position of agency workers in the past but no one ever thought their terms and conditions, be it in regard to pay, working time, holidays, maternity rights or the ordinary protections against discrimination, would be undermined. That would be an avenue through which we could progress matters.

I was happy that the presentation focused on the fact that the new employment rights Bill is not an answer to the problem. We were told in the Dáil that the Bill was almost ready. The Labour Party devoted a considerable amount of time, resources, energy and commitment to something we believe goes back to our founding ethos in 1912. We were only building on what the party was founded for, but we were told that our Bill was almost a sideshow. We knew it was not a sideshow and that it focused on the fundamental issue being addressed by this committee today. The NERA legislation was part of what was negotiated under Towards 2016 to deal with employment agencies, their registration and so forth. I told the Minister that much of this was procedural but that the substantive element was contained in our Bill. I told him he could take our Bill and emasculate it in terms of amendments so long as the central objectives were not disturbed. I am glad the dichotomy of view being pronounced from Government sources has been laid to rest today.

The legislation being introduced, although it is welcome and meets commitments made, does not address the fundamental issue which is the subject of our debate this morning. That message must be conveyed because the media and everybody else caught up in this appear to have mixed up two legislative measures. One was published by the Government and we will obviously facilitate its passage as quickly as possible. However, the other legislation is the Bill we prepared. We do not claim to have all the answers and we are eager to deal with other parties to ensure it is progressed. Unfortunately, however, unless Government time is given in the House we cannot advance that Bill any further. We could take it during private Members' business at some time in the future but, again, it would still have to go through all the Stages and would depend on the Government ordering the business.

This issue is not just anecdotal. I attended a meeting organised by SIPTU in Mullingar recently and the number in attendance bore testimony to the dimension of the problem. There is a great deal of concern, and some of the illustrations given by the SIPTU executive and officials would cause one to consider this legislation a priority. It is not a time for working around the edges of the issue; it is time to grasp the nettle. It is mind boggling that we, who have in place a corpus of legislation in which equality is a fundamental principle, are now balking at an EU directive that complements and supplements the equality principle and drives it forward to the next stage. There are many excellent employers and employment agencies and they are eager to have this type of legislation on the Statute Book. They pay the appropriate rates and so forth. It is the people who fail in their duty to their fellow citizens and workers who are causing the significant problems.

The committee will report to the Minister giving a view of the proceedings today and asking him to progress the legislation without further delay.

I agree with the Chairman. The Government is a considerable way from bringing forward the promised legislation. The Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment said he will amend the Employment Law Compliance Bill. However, why will he introduce amendments to that Bill if another Bill is due to be brought forward quickly? That adds to the suspicion that he is not moving fast on that Bill. However, the biggest revelation here today was that the trade union movement is now redundant; the Green Party will look after all those rights and equality proof everything. Having seen how Shannon and other matters were dealt with, I look forward to it, but not immediately.

I said that the Green Party would not be happy to stand over any legislation before the House unless it is equality-proofed in tandem with European and current Irish legislation. I rest my case.

That is worthless.

I wish to thank our guests for attending the committee to discuss this important issue. They were Mr. David Begg, Mr. Jimmy Kelly, Ms Patricia King, Ms Esther Lynch, Mr. Christy McQuillan, Mr. Jerry Shanahan and Ms Anne Speed. Many of them have already contributed extensively to this matter outside the House. Their contributions have been helpful and informative.

As Deputy Morgan said, we learn something new every day from witnesses attending the committee. It is important for us as legislators to hear such contributions so we can move to the next stage. I thank the witnesses for their attendance and we will be keeping a close eye on this issue.

Mr. David Begg

I thank you, Chairman, for inviting us to the committee. We are glad that Members of the Oireachtas are taking such a keen interest in this issue. The attention of the committee is appreciated.

The next meeting of the joint committee will be on 9 April 2008.

Should we not also invite IBEC and the CIF to explore this issue? We are taking an interest in agency workers and the issue will obviously continue for a long time.

Yes, it is on our work programme to invite IBEC.

I think the CIF has been mentioned.

I read a letter from the CIF today and put that on the record earlier.

Should we not invite the CIF in to raise issues of concern to us that have been raised today also?

Absolutely.

It would be important to do so.

We will have no problem in inviting the CIF. We want to hear all sides on this matter.

Some of the evidence that has emerged is worrying.

Yes and it needs to be challenged.

The joint committee adjourned at 11.48 a.m. until 10 a.m. on Wednesday, 9 April 2008.
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