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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 23 Apr 2008

Business of Joint Committee.

We have received notice of a meeting that took place in Leinster House on 4 April with the Greek secretary general for EU affairs and the Greek Foreign Minister. The meeting took place at the request of the Greek embassy and a report has been circulated. It is proposed to note the report.

I hosted a dinner meeting with members of the Dutch Parliament and members of this committee and the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs in Leinster House on 14 April. The visiting delegation extended an invitation to the committee to visit the Dutch Parliament. A note on the meeting has been circulated.

Members of the committee held an informal meeting with Ms Edita Tahiri, a Member of Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo and economic adviser to the Prime Minister, on 15 April. We had to have an informal meeting because it clashed with the State funeral. They extended an invitation to the committee to visit the Parliament of Kosovo. A note on the meeting has been circulated.

Does it have a parliament?

Yes, it is establishing one. It is an area where there is likely to be considerable volatility and I strongly advise that the committee pay a visit, one way or another, between now and the end of the year.

There are a number of European Commission White and Green Papers before the committee for its consideration. They include the White Paper entitled, Together for Health: a Strategic Approach for the EU, 2008-13. The strategy set out in the White Paper aims to encourage co-ordination and support member states in tackling serious health threats which affect all member states and to develop, exchange and agree on best practice in the provision of public health care. I am sure this issue will engage committee members. There is a reference to the background to the White Paper, including objectives and challenges. I understand we do not have to make a specific submission on it at this stage. It concerns the administration of health services in member states. The European Union is not proposing to tell member states what to do, but to set a standard to which individual member states should aspire. Is it agreed that we should refer the document to the relevant committee? Agreed. In the event that it proves necessary for us to go back over it at some stage, we will do so. I suggest we examine the references when the document comes back to us from the relevant committee. Is that agreed? Agreed. We have considered the Commission's White Paper on health from the point of view of subsidiarity. I am satisfied that the proposed strategy does not compromise this principle. The White Paper proposes to leave discretion for health policy with individual member states.

The next item is the Green Paper entitled, Effective Enforcement of Judgments in the EU - Transparency of Debtors' Assets. The Green Paper is essentially a consultation document which invites interested parties to submit their views on the Commission's proposed options to improve the enforcement of judgments in the European Union in the area of debt recovery. These options include proposals for legal Community instruments which raise the question of proportionality. Would the introduction of legal European Union instruments be proportional to the objective of breaking down obstacles to the free circulation of payment orders within the European Union? The introduction of such instruments may also have specific consequences for Ireland, given our common law system. In this regard, it is worth considering the implications of the options proposed in the Green Paper. However, the problems, together with their proposed solutions addressed in the Green Paper, are of a technical and legal nature and require expert consideration. In the first instance, can we refer the matter to the next group of experts who wish to present themselves for such a laudable exercise? The relevant committee is the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights. Is it agreed that we should refer the matter to that committee? Agreed. On its return we would like to examine it just in case something might catch our eye. Is that agreed? Agreed.

A draft report on attendance by a delegation of the committee at the Wilton Park conference on Turkey's accession to the European Union from 31 March to 3 April has been circulated. Is the report agreed? Agreed. Are there any comments thereon?

Can we invite representatives from the Turkish Parliament to visit us? We could also invite people from Wilton Park who were responsible for the conference and let them know if the Turkish representatives accept our request.

Was there not a general election in Turkey recently?

It was held some time ago. There were elections everywhere last year. I recall that this committee was invited to visit Turkey.

We were going to go but then it was cancelled.

The Chairman is right. There were two events: the Wilton Park conference and the issuing of a general invitation.

It would be better for the committee to address Turkish Members of Parliament directly.

Yes and vice versa, rather than going through Wilton Park which is only an agency. It is not comparable to talking directly to parliamentarians.

It would be better to do it that way. We will note what has been suggested and if it transpires that we can do so, we will. I was not all that impressed with the Wilton Park people, given that they restricted the number who wanted to go.

It was for their convenience, rather than ours.

Good work is done at Wilton Park. They are very good facilitators.

I wish to comment on the basis that I was part of the delegation. It may have been due to a misunderstanding on our part of what Wilton Park does and the nature of the conference. If we had sent a delegation of seven or eight members, it would have looked extremely out of place. There were a number of parliamentarians from various countries and many academics from different interest groups. That is the nature of what Wilton Park does rather than it being an assembly for an entire committee to visit. The misunderstanding might have been more on our side than any effort by Wilton Park to cause us any discomfort.

I attended a conference before in Austria and the UK and addressed it. I found it a little restrictive from the point of view of the activities of the committee. The Deputy is right in that it is made up of academics and politicians. It can be very interesting but the committee members are at a slightly higher level than they are because they cannot interact with the members of parliament to the extent committee members can.

The next item is minutes of the meetings of 8, 10 and 17 April. Draft minutes have been circulated. Are the minutes agreed? Agreed.

We move on correspondence received since the last meeting which has been circulated. Item No. 101 is a letter from Mr. David Feeney, private secretary to the Taoiseach, acknowledging receipt of the committee's interim report on the Lisbon reform treaty. It is proposed to note it. Item No. 102 is a letter from Mr. Brian Crowley, MEP, confirming his acceptance of the committee's invitation to attend next week's meeting to discuss the Lisbon reform treaty. It is proposed to note it.

Item No. 103 is a list of proposed measures considered and decisions adopted by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Scrutiny at its meeting on 8 April which has been forwarded to the committee for its information. It is proposed to note it. There are no references, proposals or recommendations in any of them. We need to keep a watch in case something arises and we need to help each other out.

Item No. 104 is an e-mail from Mr. Roger Cole of the Peace and Neutrality Alliance regarding the committee's public meetings. Is it agreed to note it?

Is it about the Irish advertisements?

No. Mr. Cole reckons the DCU meeting was biased in favour of a "Yes" vote. We had expert speakers for the "Yes" and "No" sides. He was the speaker on the "No" side. The two speakers spoke at the end and members of the committee spoke in response to questions raised by the audience. I do not accept his allegation. There were far more speakers from the "No" side speaking from the floor than from the "Yes" one. Is it proposed to note the e-mail? Agreed.

Item No. 105 is an e-mail from Mr. Graham Long from the Citizens Information Board. Mr. Long wishes to inform the committee and others that the Citizens Information Board has produced a range of information on the Lisbon treaty which is available on its website. Is it agreed to note the e-mail? Agreed. He does not wish to address the committee.

Item No. 106 is an e-mail from Ms Sinéad Ní Bhroin, Sinn Féin press office, requesting a list of the top table speakers for each of the committee's regional meetings. It is noted. I received several e-mails to which I replied and I also spoke--

I have a query in regard to the second paragraph because I am not sure what she meant. I am sure she meant the opposite to what she said. She said that "every correspondence and communication of mine with the committee has been obstructive, unhelpful and again from my own view a slap in the face for the democracy...". Perhaps I am reading it incorrectly but she said "every correspondence and communication of mine" has been obstructive which suggests--

Maybe she is being honest.

She intended hurling the allegation in a different direction but the wires got crossed in transit. I reject the allegation. It is not possible to answer some of the questions put to us at this stage. We cannot say in advance precisely who our guest speakers will be. Availability determines where we will be.

Did the committee get a request from any other political party for a list of these speakers?

We got one from Ms Patricia McKenna. I spoke to the leader of the Sinn Féin group in the House and explained to him that neither I nor the committee obstructs anybody and that we would facilitate any Member of the Oireachtas who wanted to come forward. He accepted that. Is it agreed to note that e-mail? Agreed.

Item No. 107 is an e-mail from Senator Paudie Coffey on the committee's regional meetings in which he highlighted the fact that the committee has not included the south-east region in its programme of regional meetings and that the committee's southern meeting took place in Cork.

What did he say?

He said Waterford was the only city in which a meeting of the committee would not be held.

Waterford has a hang up.

Six meetings have been scheduled. We will be half way through them tomorrow night. We might have a chance for one more meeting. We will hold one more, subject to an order of the House and if it is deemed advisable.

There are good people down there.

We would not want to leave anybody out.

I have no doubt there will be a full house that night on the basis of the efforts--

A university for Waterford.

I will wear the t-shirt.

Item No. 108 is a copy of newspaper articles forwarded to the Chairman by the Ambassador of Israel to Ireland on Gaza and associated areas. We should invite the ambassador back for an update.

Which ambassador?

The ambassador of Israel.

We will have to invite the Palestinian representative as well.

We will invite them both. This committee has responsibility because the European Union has responsibility in respect of the Middle East. The General Affairs and External Relations Council meetings have a particular input into foreign policy, so members need to make an input into that.

With the Lisbon treaty referendum on 12 June, that should be our priority. I made a specific request in regard to the "Yes" side coming in. Will that happen?

Realistically, how many meetings can we have? We are already under significant pressure. There are now six additional regional meetings. It is not that long since we had the Israeli ambassador and the Palestinian attaché in.

I did not finish the sentence. We will do those things when we have finished with the treaty. The "Yes" side will be coming in as well.

We received an e-mail from Ms Patricia McKenna on the committee's regional meetings. It is noted. There is a slight change to the format of further meetings. There will be a greater concentration on questions and on the replies by the committee members.

How do we address the balance when the audience is predominantly from the "No" side? Is there anything we can do about it?

We cannot do anything about the audience. Members of the audience can ask us questions and I, as a former Ceann Comhairle used to say, can intervene to ensure we know what the questioner is asking so that the members of the committee can reply.

How many members of the audience from the Dublin meeting attended the Galway one? Did the same people contribute?

There were two people.

Will that happen at all the meetings?

One of them will be in Cork anyway.

Frank Mulcahy will be everywhere.

Will the Chairman give him the same amount of time?

No. He is running out of time. He will get a long reply from me. I am collating the information but it will take longer than I thought and will require some parliamentary questions, and so on.

Item No. 111 is a letter from Commissioner Wallström in response to the committee's submission on the European Commission's Green Paper on the future common European asylum system. Commissioner Wallström says the Commission agrees in general with the views of the committee and that a specific initiative on the subject will be brought forward at a later stage. I propose to note the letter. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Item No. 112 is an e-mail from Ms Aine Ryall, faculty of law, University College, Cork, advising the committee that she is hosting a conference on Thursday, 24 April - the same day as our committee meeting - on the subject of enforcing European Union law. The conference takes place earlier in the day. Ms Ryall suggests it may be of interest to members.

Item No. 113 is an e-mail from Ms Aoife Black, Trócaire, requesting an opportunity for Trócaire to make a presentation to the committee before the referendum on the Lisbon treaty to discuss the implications for development aid. I propose to invite Trócaire, Concern and, perhaps, Comhlámh to attend a future meeting. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Item Nos. 114 and 118 deal with an e-mail from Mr. Donal MacSleibhne regarding the non-advertising by the committee of the regional meetings in the Irish language. A copy of the reply sent to Mr. MacSleibhne and a subsequent response are also circulated. He has been informed that the advertisement was placed in Irish in Foinse and that the public meetings are assisted by a parliamentary translator from the Houses of the Oireachtas. I am also informed that the committee complies with the legal requirements in respect of the use of the first and second national languages. Since advertising is expensive, it is suggested we proceed without change. Is that agreed? Agreed.

I agree. If the committee is placing advertisements in Irish in Foinse and other newspapers, tá sé go hiontach.

I agree.

Deputy Treacy is so good.

Item No. 115 deals with an e-mail from the President of the European Commission in response to the committee's submission to the Commission's consultation document entitled, Europe's Social Reality. The Commission states it agrees in general with the comments made by the committee which, together with other contributions received, will feed into the forthcoming communication on a renewed EU agenda based on opportunities, access and solidarity. This issue has arisen in the course of discussion of the social agenda in the European Union and the related debates to date. Therefore, I propose to note the e-mail. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Item No. 116 is a letter from Ms Mairead McGuinness, MEP, informing the committee that she is not available to attend its meeting on Tuesday, 29 April due to a prior commitment. I propose to note the letter. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Item No. 117 is an invitation to attend a meeting of the European Parliament committee on development to be held in the European Parliament in Brussels on 26 June. I propose to forward the invitation to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, as it is covers its area of responsibility. Is that agreed? Agreed.

The COSAC questionnaire is used to compile a factual report every six months on parliamentary scrutiny in EU Parliaments. These reports form the basis for debates at six-monthly COSAC meetings. In preparing the ninth biannual report for the next COSAC meeting a questionnaire has been circulated to each national parliament seeking information for inclusion in the report. A draft reply on behalf of the Houses of the Oireachtas has been circulated. The questionnaire considers the involvement of national parliaments in the ratification process of the Treaty of Lisbon. Do members have any comments to make? The questionnaire requests that, before answering, member states check the link on the COSAC website to verify that the information available concerning the ratification process, procedure and timeframe in national parliaments is correct. The questions posed are straightforward. One concerns the consolidated version and the necessity of ratifying it in the parliament of each member state. It is not necessary to do this in our case. The questionnaire asks if a national parliament's communication with citizens deals with the treaty in general terms. We have done more than this; we are engaging in dialogue directly with them. We have explained to COSAC what we are doing.

The enlargement of the Schengen area is dealt with on page 4. This issue is becoming more and more important.

We have a common travel area with the United Kingdom.

This matter would require the prior approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas.

Chapter 5 deals with the European Union negotiations on the accession to the European Union of other countries. It looks okay to me. Do members have any comments to make on what is contained on page 7 of the document? Is it agreed that the reply to the draft questionnaire is approved for forwarding to COSAC?

On travel, there is an invitation to attend a conference on strategic choices for Europe's security and defence to be held in Paris on 5 May. Considering the interest shown in defence and security matters in recent days, someone from the committee should attend the conference. The draft programme, including the estimated cost, has been circulated. I need formal approval for--

I propose that the Chairman attend the conference.

I second that proposal.

Can anyone else attend or does the Chairman have to go on his own?

I want to make a general observation because we are all intent on the passing of the Lisbon treaty. We are all working towards that. I do not mean any disrespect but it struck me in the past three or four weeks that every time an "eminent" person comes to Ireland from Europe they leave behind them a trail of misunderstandings. President Barroso was fine on the first day but on the second day he seemed to have lost it and committed what one might call indiscretions - I do not know what you might call them. He left us all asking what he meant. Similarly Commissioner Wallström came here and was very engaging and attractive. Perhaps it is a matter of language and semantics, but when those eminent people come they seem to leave misunderstandings in their wake, leaving us all scrabbling about trying to make excuses and explain. Was there not some arrangement that we were not have have so called "eminent" people coming from Europe to influence us? It is a serious matter. A third person came whom I just cannot remember. There were three of them in succession and each of them left people wondering when they were gone. There was the French Treasury Minister, who did not come but spoke somewhere else and left everyone floundering around wondering what she meant. President Barroso spoke on the second day about our taxation and finance matters and I hope we will not be left to clear up any other misunderstandings which may arise. I do not know what other members of the committee feel. I am tired of saying to people that President Barroso or Commissioner Wallström did not really mean this or that. In fact we do not know what they meant.

It was the unanimous decision of this committee that we would not seek assistance from abroad.

We do not need it. They are bothering us. Tell them to butt off.

We felt that Members of Parliament in this member state were more than competent to interpret the rules and regulations. However, other groups invited them and we have no control over that. The feeling in the beginning was that the slightest emphasis on one word or another, an inverted comma or an apostrophe, could have huge meaning if misinterpreted. That is in the nature of things.

I am a little bemused as to what the confusion is about. We are operating at the moment on the basis of misconceptions and untruth being peddled by people on the "No" side, particularly on the issues of tax harmonisation and the WTO, which have the potential to lead 200,000 people to vote against the treaty. It was in our interests to have President Barroso making very clear statements, as I saw them, on both those issues. Having Chancellor Angela Merkel, Commissioner Wallström and others in the country to set out their position and clarify the facts, where there is confusion, is commendable. All of this is necessary. I do not think any of them came here to campaign in one direction or the other but rather to lay out the facts, which was very important and worthwhile.

I heard President Barroso speak three times while he was in the country and on each occasion he was very clear about those issues. My concern is about how he was interpreted by the media. Led by the Daily Mail, the media are following the UK Eurosceptic, anti-Lisbon treaty agenda, which is not in the national interest of the Irish people. Unfortunately, the media have been giving air time to people who are deliberately misinterpreting and misconstruing what President Barroso and others, including Cabinet Ministers and Members on the Opposition benches, have said The facts are being distorted by the media. I do not believe there could be any confusion or misinterpretation of the comments by President Barroso on the key issues of the veto, taxation and Commissioner Mandelson’s mandate from the 2003 round of CAP reform. He was very clear and it was necessary that the President of the European Commission should have come here.

The contributions made by these good people are important. They have been invited to our country by different groups. That they come to Ireland shows the importance of our country from a European perspective and it is important that this committee should facilitate them at one of its meetings in this House or elsewhere. We can ask the focused questions which are relevant and important. If there is any confusion, it is to do with the non set pieces. All these people performed exceedingly well in official fora, but when they were asked questions at ad hoc press conferences there may have been linguistic differences and misinterpretation of the points they were making. I agree with Deputy Creighton in that respect. The media, led by the Daily Mail and others, have tried to manipulate the anti-Lisbon operation. If we examine in detail the personalities and groups which are collaborating in a negative fashion to obstruct the progress of the European project, we see that there is an internationalisation of the anti-Lisbon, anti-Europe movement. It is something of which we need to be very mindful for the rest of this campaign.

I hold no brief for or against the media, but I do not think the media are particularly on one side or seeking to misconstrue or misconstruct what either side is saying. My point was made and it is relevant. I will repeat it because the Minister is here and I wish to say it in front of him. We have in the Minister of State, Deputy Roche, a very competent, highly accomplished Minister. Equally we have a very competent Minister for Foreign Affairs. I would repose my full trust in both of them.

It appears that every time an eminent figure comes to Ireland from Europe they leave in their wake misunderstandings and potential for misconstruction of what they have said, whether in the set piece or in answering queries from an audience. Perhaps it is a language difficulty, but one does not like to point that out. None of us is skilled in all the languages of Europe, so why should they be particularly skilled in English? Each person who has come has left behind a mess that we all have to clear up and sort out as we try to make shape of it. We have not talked about a mandarin the Department of Foreign Affairs trying to explain Ireland to somebody. I do not know how the clear up is going, but it certainly gave hostages to fortune. It seems that the more eminent people who have come here during the campaign, beautiful and wonderful people as they are in their role, have not helped the European cause because of contextual or language misunderstandings. We then run around desperately trying to clear up and explain what they meant. The most serious of those events was when the French Treasury Minister - I do not think she came here but she spoke-

She thought aloud.

She thought aloud. A French Treasury Minister left us all scrabbling around as to what she was saying. I will say no more about it, but I mean it very clearly. The Minister is more than able for anyone who wants to put queries.

Before the Minister contributes, I would like to thank all the people who came to Galway. I particularly pay tribute to the secretariat and the Oireachtas staff for the very professional execution of that meeting. We are very grateful and very proud of them. They were exemplary.

Apropos of the conversation the committee has just had, particularly the contributions by Deputy Creighton and Deputy O'Rourke, I would hope that the Irish people after all their experience will not pay too much attention to particularly hostile, British-based media which have always taken a virulently and viciously anti-Irish stance in all matters. We have our media, who will do a balanced job, to be fair.

I think our confidence can reside in them. However, that is not what I am here to talk about. I would wish to have been here for the conversation. On the issue of the treaty and the referendum, which is not on this agenda, I want to thank the committee for the manner in which it is approaching the issue.

I very much welcome the opportunity to meet the committee to review next week's General Affairs and External Relations Council in Luxembourg. As the committee will know, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, is away dealing with the matter of EU aid to Africa, something which is very close to everyone on all sides of the House. Exceptionally, the Council will take place on Tuesday. This is because of the Greek Orthodox Easter. The agenda is a busy one, as always. As there are no substantive issues on the general affairs side, I will address the issues on the external relations side.

The Presidency has indicated that discussion on the western Balkans at the General Affairs and External Relations Council will take place over lunch and will focus on political developments in Kosovo and in Serbia in view of the parliamentary elections scheduled for 11 May. The Presidency also proposes to have Council conclusions which will cover the Commission communication on the western Balkans which was discussed at the Gymnich meeting of Foreign Ministers in March. It will also discuss recent positive developments in police reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On Kosovo, we expect that Ministers will exchange views on recent developments, with a focus on progress to date in the deployment of the EULEX ESDP rule of law mission - I see my rules against the use of acronyms have still to take effect in the European Union - and the envisaged transition from the current UNMIK civilian mission to EULEX. In this context, Ministers will discuss particular difficulties arising in deployment in the majority Serb area of northern Kosovo.

On Serbia, discussions will focus on the prospects for the upcoming parliamentary elections, including their implications for Serbia's future approach to its European perspective and the Kosovo issue, and on how the European Union can most effectively encourage Serbia to maintain a European course. This is one issue to which the people who mendaciously misrepresent the European Union's role should perhaps pay attention. The prize for Serbia is ultimately to get itself in line to become an EU member state. It is a prize well worth achieving. There is no doubt in my mind that it would have a major impact for the good and peace.

Ireland shares and supports the determination of the international community through the international presence in Kosovo to help to build a safe and secure Kosovo, with guarantees for the promotion and protection of the rights of all communities and citizens. We believe close and constructive co-operation between the elements of the international presence in Kosovo is essential if we are to achieve this goal. We are positively engaged in this effort through our enhanced troop presence in the United Nations mandated KFOR mission, with which we now have 272 troops. We intend also to contribute nine personnel to the European Security and Defence Policy rule of law mission and support the future economic development of Kosovo.

We believe the future of Serbia and the whole of the western Balkans region lies with Europe. While Ireland is not inflexible on the stabilisation and association agreement with Serbia, we have frequently underlined the importance of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and other necessary conditions which have played an important role in the stabilisation and association agreement process in ensuring genuine progress in the European perspective of countries in the Balkan region. We would not block a consensus in the Union on signature of a stabilisation and association agreement, although such consensus is unlikely in advance of a positive report from new ICTY chief prosecutor Brammertz. At a time when relations between Serbia and the European Union are strained over Kosovo, it is important also to consider other ways to encourage pro-EU forces in Serbia through people-to-people contacts and visa facilitation. We urge the new Government in Belgrade which will take office after the 11 May elections to move quickly to enhance its engagement with the tribunal in order that this will no longer be an obstacle to advancing Serbia's European perspective.

The recent conclusion of the first phase of police reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina marks significant progress against what was widely seen as the most important of the four conditions for the signature of its stabilisation and association agreement. The Slovenian Presidency is keen to move quickly to signature, at next week's GAERC if possible, but it is unlikely that all language versions of the agreement will be available by then. In addition, an evaluation by the European Commission and the Council of progress against all four conditions was foreseen in advance of a Council decision to sign, but this has not happened yet. The Commission has given some informal indication that it will offer a positive assessment of progress on all four conditions. Ireland welcomes the breakthrough on police reform and we are positively disposed to early signature of the agreement if consensus can be reached on the basis of a positive evaluation by both the Commission and Council.

On Burma or Myanmar, Ministers will also adopt conclusions that, in advance of the referendum in Burma on a new draft constitution, clearly set out EU concerns regarding the complete lack of transparency and inclusiveness of the Burmese Government's proposed democratic reform process. Ministers will also agree the renewal of restrictive measures under the European Union's common position as strengthened by the Council last November. Due to the lack of a credible dialogue on democratic reform with the opposition and ethnic groups, serious concerns about the referendum process and continuing serious human rights violations in the country, Ireland fully supports the renewal of these measures.

We remain equally concerned at the refusal of the Burmese regime to engage seriously with UN Special Representative Gambari. The lack of tangible results from Dr. Gambari's most recent visit in March shows the regime's continuing disregard and disrespect for international opinion. It is extraordinary to consider that, on the first occasion on which I came to this committee last year, we spoke about Dr. Gambari's attempts to establish a toehold in Burma. I met him subsequent to that meeting and we are no further along on the road than we were then. It is important that pressure is maintained to persuade the regime that any national reconciliation must involve the full and unhampered participation of the opposition and ethnic groups and to encourage greater respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in Burma. The conclusions to be adopted will reiterate these points. The possibility of further EU sanctions has also been flagged.

The Council will provide an important opportunity to review developments - that is the correct word - in Iraq, following the visit of Prime Minister al-Maliki to Brussels on 16 April and the regional meeting of Foreign Ministers held in Kuwait yesterday. Ministers will welcome the initiative by Sweden to host the first annual conference to review progress under the international compact for Iraq on 29 May. It is clear that there is no room for complacency about the situation in Iraq, despite the broad improvement in the security situation which has been evident for some time. This appears to have enabled the parties to make some progress on the vital political issues of national reconciliation and reconstruction. Tragically, however, the news from Iraq continues to be about death and mayhem. Recent violence and bomb attacks and the threat of further confrontation with Shia militias underline the fragility of the achievements to date. The European Union has provided more than €800 million in assistance for the Iraqi people since 2003 and will continue to play its part, with Iraq's neighbours, to help the Iraqi people rebuild their society after years of brutal dictatorship and war.

The issue of Zimbabwe is high on the European Union's agenda and Ministers will discuss recent events there. More than three weeks after polling day, there can be no legitimate explanation for the failure to publish results in Zimbabwe's presidential election. I am appalled by the political violence and intimidation that have occurred in Zimbabwe since polling day. The context for any second round election will be compromised by this violence, as well as by restrictions on media access and freedom of assembly. The European Union will do its utmost to promote and support democratic freedoms in Zimbabwe, in keeping with the wishes of the Zimbabwean people. However, it is Zimbabwe's own neighbours which have most influence and which, frankly, have been pathetic in the use of that influence. Therefore, Ireland and the European Union welcomed the extraordinary summit of regional leaders on 12 and 13 April which met to discuss the issue. The clear commitment made by the Southern African Development Community to continue its engagement until the end of the electoral process was both welcome and necessary, but I suggest there should be more vigour in that area. The way in which this crisis is handled has broader implications for democratic governance throughout the southern Africa region. This is, therefore, a time for Africa and Africans to show leadership.

Following the parliamentary elections in Pakistan on 18 February and the swearing in of a new civilian government on 31 March, Ministers will adopt conclusions setting out EU policy and the ground for strengthening and deepening relations. Promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms, internal and regional security, and progress in development and economic growth will remain key priorities for EU engagement with Pakistan. Equally, based on the recommendations of the EU election observation mission, the European Union will seek to support the strengthening of democratic institutions, institution building and legislative reform in Pakistan.

The Council will review developments in the Middle East peace process. The focus will be on how the European Union can play a substantive role in maintaining the momentum of the political process launched at Annapolis last November. The Union strongly supports the negotiating process being pursued, with considerable political courage, by the Israeli Prime Minister and the Palestinian President. It is increasingly clear that the prospects of agreement are being undermined by a series of negative developments on the ground. The Government remains deeply concerned by the serious situation in Gaza, the reality and the threat of violence against the civilian population, and evidence that the Israeli Government has continued the illegal expansion of settlements in the West Bank and in east Jerusalem in recent months.

The EU supports the efforts of Egypt and others to broker a ceasefire in Gaza which could form the basis for a wider agreement between the divided Palestinian groups and between the Israelis and the Palestinians. The priority at this stage is to achieve an end to all violent attacks from Gaza and to all Israeli military operations, an outcome that we all wish to see. We will continue to call for an end to the policy of isolating the people of Gaza, which is not only unjust but politically counterproductive. There must also be early action to lift restrictions on the movement of Palestinians across the West Bank, coupled with decisive action to freeze the expansion of settlements.

The EU has a strategic interest in peace in the Middle East and needs to redouble its efforts to help restore credibility to the search for the centrepiece of any regional settlement, a negotiated two-state solution. The point has often been made in this committee that such a solution is the only one that will work.

I had meant to deal in some depth with the World Trade Organisation negotiations but this morning I heard that the ongoing WTO negotiations, which were listed as a possible item for discussion at next week's meeting of the Council, have been removed from the agenda. If the Chairman wishes, we can return to the subject in the questions section of the meeting. I am sure members will wish to discuss the WTO and its potential impact in our domestic affairs.

We will do so.

On the European neighbourhood policy. The Commissioner for External Relations, Ms Benita Ferrero-Waldner, will present the Commission's communication, Implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2007. She is also likely to give briefing on the individual progress reports on each of the 12 partner countries. Overall there has been progress in many areas, including political co-operation, trade, migration, energy, transport, research and innovation. The Commission also identifies areas where further efforts are required and encourages a targeted deepening of relations with partners that have shown particular ambition and capacity. I believe that this makes much sense. We live in a neighbourhood and we must try to get on with those around us.

Regarding some of the issues that have arisen of late in relation to the Lisbon reform treaty, the ratification of which remains the most pressing European issue facing this country, and my comments may dovetail with points that have been discussed earlier, increasingly desperate attempts are being made by those on the "No" side to sow confusion in relation to corporate taxation. I have heard Deputy Creighton speak about this matter on a number of occasions. Truth and proper democratic debate are not served by the type of mendacious and remarkably distorted efforts we have seen made by groups, most of whom have no democratic mandate in this country. The situation is crystal clear and could not be any clearer. There is no power in the current EU treaties, the reform treaty, or the additional words that have been added to Article 113 that allows the EU to interfere in any way with our corporation tax rate. I have made this point on several occasions and I will continue to make it, vigorously. No matter how often the truth is spoken in this particular debate, sadly there are those in Ireland who wish to distort the debate and misinform and mislead the people. They wish, by any means possible, to distort the decision that the people will make. It is a serious element and we have never seen it so completely focused in any campaign before.

Under the reform treaty taxation remains subject to unanimity. No proposal in this area can be agreed without the unanimous support of all member states. This is the situation now and will remain the situation once the reform treaty is ratified. This position was confirmed explicitly by the President of the Commission, Mr. José Manuel Barroso, during his recent visit to this country. On the morning after he spoke to the national forum he said there was 0.000 chance of any change in taxation occurring in the foreseeable future. He went on to say that there was no change of any kind in the treaty. I do not know how those particular views could be distorted in any way.

In response to suggestions that some member states, as is their right, might propose moving to a common consolidated corporate tax base, Mr. Barroso said: "[O]ne thing is already crystal clear - no member state, either under the current rules or under the Lisbon treaty, can be obliged to accept a tax proposal to which it objects." This Government and several other member states will not agree to such a proposal. We have indicated our position on this.

That should be the end of the story but as late as this morning I heard a person from the "No" side again referring to the so-called sinister additional words that have been added to Article 113. I do not like making such specific references because I do not believe that doing so helps the debate. The person mentioned three or perhaps six additional words. What was not said were the first five words of Article 113, which states that "The Council shall, acting unanimously...". The issue of unanimity is not under question. It is a fact, a matter of law, and that is the way it will stay.

All of this is incontrovertible. I note that some treaty opponents have taken to arguing that the people cannot trust the Government to maintain the veto on tax. This is absurd, particularly coming as it does from a self-appointed think-tank that has no democratic mandate nor any experience of how the European Union does its business. Everyone knows that successive Irish Governments, including this one, have made it clear that we have no concerns, fears or secondary thoughts about this issue. If it comes to the point of a veto on tax, we will use it. We do not believe this will ever arise. We are not unique in this viewpoint. Other countries share our views on this matter. This Government introduced the current rate of corporation tax and we are acutely aware of how important foreign direct investment and a competitive corporation tax rate have been to our economy. To think we would surrender this is utter nonsense.

Other issues arise from the recent debate. There has been publicity regarding the extreme isolated support for the "No" side from a small number of business figures. Naturally, the majority of our business community support this treaty. IBEC has been effusive in its support. The Cork Chamber of Commerce produced a remarkably fine statement last week which I especially welcomed. There is great clarity in the statement made by the president of the Dublin Chamber of Commerce when she launched that body's "Yes" campaign. Mr. Paul Rellis, the chairperson of the American Chamber of Commerce Ireland, gave press conferences on a number of occasions indicating the significance that section of the business community attaches to this issue.

Sadly, none of this got the television cover received by one businessman's outing over the weekend. The majority of our business community supports the treaty for the very good reason that to do so is so intimately related to our national well-being. The European Union has been the catalyst for the sustained and exceptional growth of the Irish economy. It has allowed us to double employment and raise living standards. It has allowed us to do things that were unimaginable three decades ago. This has been recognised by the great majority of Irish business people, including those in the principal business organisations in the country, IBEC and the Small Firms Association.

I mentioned the matter of media coverage. The Small Firms Association launched its "Yes" campaign last Sunday. I do not recall it getting any time on RTE's nine o'clock news or on the news on the other channel. I make this point, not to take particular shots at anyone. There was a full day's discussion on the reform treaty two weeks ago during the second day of debate in the Dáil. Good contributions were made on both "No" and "Yes" sides. I watched Oireachtas Report that night. Not one second of it was allocated to the debate. I believe that public service broadcasting has responsibilities. The chambers of commerce and all such organisations which want Ireland to stay at the heart of Europe have been strongly urging a “Yes” vote.

Another issue that has been aired in recent weeks concerns the reform treaty and the employment directive. I am very pleased that the European Commission has confirmed it is satisfied that Ireland's laws protecting the religious ethos of organisations and institutions are compliant with the employment directive. That matter has been raised on two occasions at this committee. I understand the Commission will shortly make a formal decision on the issue and that an announcement will be made subsequently.

Treaty opponents seem to be utterly unaware of the huge damage that will be done to Ireland in the event of a "No" vote. There is no mythical better deal. The slogan that one can vote "No" for a better "Yes" is merely that - a slogan. Members of the committee are aware that I and other Members of the Oireachtas spent two years working on the Convention on the Future of Europe, the process relating to which was extremely democratic. The small and medium states were exceptionally well represented. We were fantastically well represented in the balanced treaty that emerged, which will cater for every state - large or small - within the Union.

The idea that mythical plans C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J or K are locked away somewhere in a drawer in Europe is a delusion. The reform treaty protects all of Ireland's national interests. It protects our taxation, recognises and respects our neutrality and protects our position on abortion. There is a protocol in the treaty on the latter issue.

The treaty was agreed following lengthy negotiations involving 27 member states. The reality is that 27 sovereign governments, the majority of the elected members of the European Parliament, the 205 men and women who comprised the membership of the Convention on the Future of Europe and all the parliaments that have already voted support the treaty because they see it as progressive and dynamic. They believe it will allow Europe to move ahead in its development. If Ireland were, for no good reason, to reject the treaty, it would inevitably erode the goodwill we have built up and squander the positive feelings towards this country. It would also represent a tragedy for Europe.

My greatest concern is not that we will be kicked out of Europe or that we will lose money - this will not happen - it is that we will lose influence. We could also lose or squander the goodwill that has been built up over 35 years. The real threat is that member states which have invested ten years in producing a treaty that is balanced, focused, confers on the European Union relatively minor power with which to move ahead and reforms its institutions may be tempted to proceed in a two-speed way. The countries that would suffer most as a result would be the smaller ones. Ultimately, the entire European project would suffer.

As always, I will be happy to respond to any questions or comments members may wish to pose or make. If anyone wants to discuss the WTO, I would be glad to facilitate them.

I am sure that matter will arise.

I thank the Minister of State and his officials for attending. I particularly thank the Minister of State for providing such a comprehensive briefing.

I apologise for interrupting but I wish to point out that we are obliged to vacate this room at 3.45 p.m. because another meeting is due to take place.

I will be brief. On external relations, is it intended to discuss human rights abuses in Tibet and the global focus on China? It would be interesting to hear the Minister of State's views on that matter, particularly in the context of the forthcoming Olympic Games.

I share the Minister of State's concerns regarding the failure to publish the results of the elections in Zimbabwe. I am slightly concerned, however, about his comments on what I perceive to be a shunting of responsibility on the part of the EU and a regrettable decision to leave this matter to the leaders of neighbouring countries in the region. The Minister of State said it is a time for Africa to show leadership. That is something of a cop-out because in the past we witnessed the failure of the majority of African countries to show leadership on many issues. One need only consider events in Kenya to realise that reliance on African leadership is probably more aspirational than realistic. The position is similar in respect of Darfur. I would like the EU to make a more proactive intervention and I would like Ireland to push for this to happen.

The WTO issue is one of the critical aspects relating to the ratification of the Lisbon treaty. Demonstrations by farmers last week left us in no doubt that they mean business, that they want to see action and that they want the Government to bat strongly on their behalf. It would be an understatement to say I am shocked that the WTO negotiations have been removed from the agenda at the GAERC meeting. This is an unbelievable development, particularly when one considers that the Presidents of the European Parliament and the European Commission dealt with this matter on their recent visits to Ireland. When he travels abroad, the Minister of State represents Irish interests, particularly those of an economic nature, and it is startling that he will not have an opportunity to discuss this matter because it has been removed from the agenda.

This matter is of vital interest to the agrifood sector. There are deep concerns among members of the farming community regarding the future of their industry and the fact that Peter Mandelson is effectively going to sell them out. Mr. Mandelson is ignoring the mandates given to him under the 2003 reforms and by the European Council. I want Ireland to make extremely robust representations in respect of this matter at the next meeting of GAERC and at all other discussions that take place at EU level. I would like the Government to give an indication that, if necessary, Ireland is prepared to use its veto. Everyone is aware that Garret FitzGerald exercised that veto in respect of the Common Agricultural Policy in the past. Farmers acknowledge that this was probably one of the most important steps taken to save and protect the agricultural industry here. The time has arrived for a similar approach to be taken by the Government in order to protect that industry.

Irrespective of what happens at the WTO negotiations, I do not believe farmers will gain anything by voting "No" to Lisbon. They would be merely cutting off their noses to spite their faces. However, I understand why they are tempted to vote "No". If we want to remove that temptation and if the Government is strongly of the opinion that Ireland's place is at the heart of Europe - and that its economic interests are best served by being there - that should be motivation enough for a strong and trenchant approach to the WTO negotiations. The Government should ensure this matter is given top priority at the GAERC meeting.

I agree wholeheartedly with virtually everything the Minister of State said regarding the Lisbon treaty and its ratification. He referred to a small business launch last Sunday not being covered in the media. I have major concerns about the approach taken to date by the media to this debate. I make no apologies for harbouring such concerns because in my view they are being borne out. Why has it not emerged that both of the significant business people representing the "No" campaign are clearly economically dependent on the US military, the Pentagon and the US State Department? It is important to start highlighting this matter. It is also important that the media should show some interest, uncover the facts and carry out background checks on those who are masquerading as people who are concerned about Ireland's national interests. It is clear these people are concerned only about their own economic interests. It is a matter of major concern that those who effectively represent the Pentagon are trying to shape the future of Europe and Ireland's place therein. That is extremely depressing.

IBEC launched a website today on which it declares its support for the treaty. This excellent website is well worth a visit because it contains clear and cogent arguments, from the perspective of both citizens and business interests, on why people should vote "Yes". I welcome the contribution of IBEC, which clearly represents the majority of employers and businesses, who have the most compelling interest in a "Yes" vote.

The Minister of State referred to the Commission's climbdown on the issue of religious ethos and organisations. I am uncomfortable with the Commission and so-called competence creep. I am very pro-European but we must be critical of how we view some of the Commission's work. I have studied the Lisbon treaty and I know it inside out and back to front. The crucial elements of the treaty are the new subsidiarity checks, the yellow card system and the enhancement of the role of national parliaments, which will result in Ireland being able to prevent the Commission from engaging in competence creep and encroaching in areas in which it does not have competence and in which it should not act. The Commission overstepped the mark taking legal proceedings against the Ireland for its implementation of the relevant employment directive and I am glad the treaty puts forward important proposals to change that dynamic and to empower us as public representatives to ensure subsidiarity is observed and respected within the Commission.

I agree with the Minister of State that there is no better deal out there. I am tired of hearing these people who have campaigned and lobbied against our membership of the EEC-EU since 1973. Every treaty has been opposed by the same people and organisations. When they are asked what is their solution, plan B, Utopia or better Europe, none of them can give an answer. Not one of them can put forward an alternative to the deal hammered out through the convention process, which was the most open, transparent and democratic exercises in the history of the Union. This is the only deal and I will play my part, as will the Fine Gael Party, in ensuring the ratification of the Lisbon treaty.

I refer to those who have pitted themselves against the treaty. While I am not interested in getting into their motivation, will the Minister outline his views on their business interests in Ireland and Europe? Do they employ people in this State? Do they have significant interests within Europe? That would help to put their motivation in context. I am very encouraged by the industrialists who have come out in support of the Union, as they clearly stated the importance of the treaty from their perspective. They have a significant stake not only in Ireland but in Europe, as they employ significant numbers. Work should be done in promoting the message. The media are involved but often it is easier to use a soundbite from a media perspective. Those of us on the "Yes" side have an obligation to put forward as best we can the people who clearly have a stake in this society, economy and the European economy. I would like the Minister of State to comment on those individuals who come under the banner of significant businessmen in an Irish and European context. Let us see the specifics.

I understand the difficulties faced regarding the World Trade Organisation talks which will not be on the agenda in advance of us voting in June. That gives those of us in favour of the treaty a bigger job to convince the farming community that, regardless of whether a set of proposals is on the table before we vote that will satisfy them, the best opportunity we have of securing a deal that will benefit them is to vote "Yes" and to show our commitment to Europe. The Minister of State's final comment in his opening contribution sums up the position. If Ireland rejects the treaty for no good reason, that will inevitably erode goodwill which is a vital component of our success at European level.

Clearly, farmers may vote against the treaty because they are not happy with what Commissioner Mandelson is doing but none of us is happy. I come from a small farm in a rural community and I am not happy about what he is attempting to do. The extent to which he has overstepped his mandate is outrageous. The only way to combat what he is attempting to do and the only way we can address his deal and achieve a positive outcome is to show we are committed to the European project, which is the evolution of Europe along the lines set down in the Lisbon treaty. We have a job of work to convince the farming community which is concerned about its future. Union leaders know it would be the wrong message to send out to reject the Lisbon treaty when nothing in it adds to or subtracts from the negotiating position of the Commission at the WTO.

I thank the Minister of State for his comprehensive statement and I wish him well at the General Affairs and External Relations Council meeting next Tuesday in Luxembourg.

I was bemused by the media coverage last weekend of one individual businessman expressing his opposition to the treaty. I have difficulty understanding the newsworthiness of that event vis-à-vis the coverage of mainstream business representative organisations such as IBEC, the Small Firms Association, SFA, and chambers of commerce that have come out in favour of the treaty. They represent thousands of business people who have benefited immensely from Union membership through the years. I agree with colleagues that the media have a responsibility to present the coverage of the treaty debate and campaign in a fair and impartial manner and not to present the myths and distortions put out by the “No” side as facts. They need to be careful when they present a number of the arguments put forward by the “No” side that they make the origin of the arguments clear and put forward the counterargument.

A number of those opposed to the treaty are motivated more by self-interest than the national interest. Earlier in the Chamber, before I contributed on the referendum Bill, a Sinn Féin Deputy trotted out the argument that the treaty provides for the Union to impose a common corporate tax base. Sinn Féin trots out the same arguments which are completely without foundation. If its members had the political courage to put their hands up and admit how wrong they were on previous European referenda, people might give them a little more credibility.

The Minister of State will address the issue of the World Trade Organisation. How can the concerns of the farming community be addressed and assuaged in the next few weeks? When farmers protested in Dublin last week, they held out 20 May as D-Day. Based on what the Minister of State said, developments may not take place as quickly as we had anticipated and the WTO issue will be outstanding in the run-up to the referendum on 12 June.

The Minister, Deputy Mary Coughlan, and her colleagues are doing an excellent job and the farming community has far more to gain from the adoption of the Lisbon treaty than it has by rejecting it. Farmers need only consider the track record of what Europe has delivered in terms of the CAP and reforms and the various improvements to the industry which Europe has facilitated. I ask the Minister of State to outline how we can deal with those concerns comprehensively in the weeks ahead.

A question was asked whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs is satisfied that the European neighbourhood policy is impacting sufficiently in the Western Balkans to sustain peace and democracy in Kosovo, Serbia and the adjoining areas and whether he is satisfied that the future is reasonably positive for that region. Another question was asked whether the Minister can confirm the current status of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma-Myanmar and whether she is still under house arrest and what efforts are being made by the European Union and its High Representative to ensure some progress.

The Zimbabwean situation is a test for world democracy. I cannot understand how the world can stand idly by and allow a second run at polling without a conclusion being reached on the first poll. Nobody knows the de facto outcome of that poll. It is clear that a covert operation is underway to manipulate the situation. The European Union has an honourable and significant role to play as an honest broker and, with the support of the United Nations, to engage with the African Union to ensure a tripartite effort to expose the whole operation in Zimbabwe and to ensure that democracy and the will of the people prevail. If we fail in this situation it will be a threat to democracy in that region and the outcome could be disastrous.

I echo the views of my colleagues about the WTO talks. I am very concerned that it has gone from the agenda. It is vitally important that Ireland raises this issue at the meeting and that Europe and our colleagues in GAERC are in no doubt that we have no confidence in the personal solo efforts by Commissioner Mandelson, which would destroy the Common Agricultural Policy, the hallmark and single sustainable pillar for the Union. It has provided us with security of supply, quality food and at least some sustainability for rural Europe. On that basis it is vitally important the issue is raised and that the fears expressed in this small island, whose agri-sector has a huge capacity to produce and where the food industry is critical to our GDP, are addressed. We have a role to play in sustaining the European food requirements, taking into account the global situation. We must leave no stone unturned to rail back Mr. Mandelson and to ensure that what has been negotiated in the reform of the CAP remains and that there is no further tinkering with it.

With regard to the reform treaty, it is vitally important that we continue to expose the myths, lies and the whole hypocrisy which people are constantly peddling since we joined Europe back in 1972. The same arguments are being peddled by some of the same people and they now have new friends who have covert, latent and hidden agendas and who have international links which are not in the interests of either Ireland or Europe. It is important we continue to expose this during the campaign.

I ask the Minister of State to ensure that Ireland strongly supports the application of the stability and association agreement with Serbia. The Serbian delegation attended a meeting of this committee. There is no doubt that even the new democratic parliament seems to speak with the old nationalist voices of Europe. We have been in Europe for more than 30 years and we know the benefits. We know that borders become less meaningful within Europe. Serbia would be a country to benefit from membership and from association. We must help to speed its application because it is currently paying for the sins of the previous regime. It is now a democracy.

On the WTO talks, Europe concerns itself with issues of farming and energy and matters that are not subsidiary to the nation state. I refer to a food shortage as a result of increasing demand in India and China and the drought in Australia. People have been killed in food riots in Cairo and Haiti, where the Government has fallen. The Philippines, Vietnam, Thailand and India have all blocked the export of food. Given the difference of only a few percentage points between surplus and shortage at a time when both Ireland and Europe have the ability to increase production, the European Union would be viewed in a bad light if, as a result of the WTO talks, production would go backwards rather than forwards. We should seek a derogation at this time in order to increase production and assist the world food situation.

Last week 10,000 farmers marched in Dublin and sent a clear message to the Government about what will happen with regard to the World Trade Organisation talks. What are the views of the other countries on the solo run by Commissioner Mandelson? I refer in particular to the big countries such as Germany and France. A Commissioner is supposed to be above national interests when he becomes a Commissioner. It is clear that Commissioner Mandelson has the British interests at heart in his proposals and that he is on a solo run.

There is no doubt that the WTO talks will affect what will happen in the referendum on 12 June. Those of us supporting the treaty have a huge task because many people are still in the dark about what they are voting for. No matter how much information they are given they still find it quite complex. We have a lot of work to do over the next two months. I ask the Minister of State to outline the Government's campaign for taking the message out to the people and explaining the treaty.

I refer to former US President Jimmy Carter's mission in the Middle East and ask the Minister of State to outline the EU policy on the mission and the reason it is not being supported by the US Administration.

The Minister of State has a long list of topical issues to deal with. I concur with the points made by all the speakers. I refer to the minority of prominent businessmen who have come out against the ratification of the Lisbon treaty. It is incredible that a substantial businessman or businesswoman would appear on national television and say that he or she does not understand the treaty because it was contradictory. I would have thought most such business people would have studied contracts and understood them quite well and even contracts that were not always written in the English language. I would have thought they would have had substantial and sufficient information at their respective elbows to enable them to evaluate the treaty in a more positive way.

The point has been made by several speakers with regard to the WTO talks that this is not about Ireland and our food-producing sector but rather it is about Europe's food-producing sector for a population of 500 million people. This part of the European Union is uniquely placed to provide food at a particular time and with very little advance warning. It should be brought to the attention of Mr. Mandelson and anybody else who thinks in a similar way that this need not have happened. Adequate pre-planning would have avoided such a situation of a food deficit in Europe. Far from reducing food production, for the first time in 40 or 50 years, the European Union needs to import food, which is a ridiculous situation.

I will deal with some of the issues before dealing with the main issue, the WTO talks.

On the issue of prominent business people taking a pro or an anti view, citizens of this country have a right to express their views. I welcome that. However, there needs to be a tiny bit of balance in the broadcast media. I do not understand the views of the two gentlemen in question but I respect them and their right to express them. It is just a little odd that a national broadcasting station, which should be interested in balance and objectivity, cannot give to the great preponderance of employers on this island the traction and time that was given to one individual last week. When organisations such as the American Chamber of Commerce Ireland, which represents employers that provide in excess of 100,000 jobs on this island, and IBEC, which represents virtually every employer, and the Dublin and Cork chambers of commerce make their views heard, circumstances will be different.

I respect the gentleman to whom time was given and his business acumen, and I certainly respect his capacity to do business outside this country and wish him well. As a citizen, I respect that he holds a different view from mine but I hope the national broadcast media in particular will show respect for balance and will be willing to give equal programme time to those who take a different view from the man in question, especially the large number of employers who toil to create employment. RTE made a fundamental error in terms of balance last weekend but every organisation is entitled to make the odd error.

The print media in Ireland, in contrast to those in every other country, have done a fantastic job. I refer in particular to the broadsheets, specifically The Irish Times and also the Irish Examiner, which have devoted much space to the issue. The Independent News & Media group has done a good job also, as have local broadcasting and print media. Consequently, we should not overreact to one departure from good balance.

Deputy Creighton made a point on criticism of the Commission. She made an excellent point to the effect that one reason we should vote "Yes" is that the principles of subsidiarity, proportionality and conferral are very closely associated in the treaty. Let us consider the World Trade Organisation talks which comprise the major issue for every single speaker. We are unhappy that the talks have not proceeded in a balanced way and have made this very clear to the Commission. The point was made very clearly last weekend by the Taoiseach to Mr. Barroso in the presence of the farm leaders. The previous week, I attended a meeting in the Berlaymont Hotel and visited a number of Commissioners in their offices and made the point to them that balance is required in the discussion on this matter. It is critical that if there is to be any agreement within Europe, every Commissioner should operate within his or her mandate.

The reason the WTO talks effectively have been removed from the upcoming agenda is that progress has not been made. A date has not even been set for a meeting of the Council of Ministers. Revisions of papers are still awaited and I cannot see those involved honouring the deadline mentioned at the farmers' protest last week. We should not be spooked by this because the reality is that incapacity to make progress is being demonstrated.

The issue raised by the agriculture sector was discussed at length at the Agriculture Council on 14 April, but it is not to be discussed at the Council meeting this week. It is worth reminding ourselves that the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Food attended a meeting with her German counterpart yesterday. Deputy Breen and Senator Hanafin touched on the positions of other countries. President Sarkozy has written in very strong terms to the President of the European Commission, Mr. Barroso. Angela Merkel, in her contribution here in Ireland, touched on the issue. More importantly, in her discussions the preceding week with farmers in Germany, she made the case very clear.

The reality is that Irish farming organisations and the food industry are making a very well-argued case regarding the need for balance and transparency. A line has been emphasised frequently by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dermot Ahern, the Minister of State, Deputy McGuinness, who has dealt with the international trade side, and me. The week before last, I met the IFA leaders in Brussels and received some documentation from them, after which I spoke to the Commission. The latter is fully aware of our concerns on the matter and Mr. Barnier has made very clear the views of the French, as has President Sarkozy. We reminded the Commission repeatedly of the absolute need to remain within the mandate and not to do anything that would damage Irish and European food production.

The points being made at this meeting are well made, including those of the Chairman. It is not a question of the self-interest of any one sector in our community but of the well-being of the whole of Europe. Europe must be in a position to deal with its own food requirements. There is therefore a certain irony in the approach to this issue.

Intensive discussions are continuing at official level in Geneva. If one were to ask me whether they will resolve the outstanding issues, I would reply it is becoming increasingly unlikely, but this is pure speculation. We know for a fact there are still many technical and practical issues to be resolved before the issue moves to the political stage.

If this debate receives media coverage, as I hope will be the case, we should remind those who watch the proceedings that nothing is agreed in negotiations until everything is agreed. Ireland is not the only country that has concerns about a Commissioner potentially straying from his mandate. It is not a good idea that we should focus entirely on the personality of Mr. Mandelson because the Commission itself will have to take a corporate view. Before the final signing off, there will have to be unanimous agreement within the Council. As matters stand, I do not foresee this happening.

Consider the dignified way in which the farm leadership articulated its concerns and made clear, in the private meetings held with President Barroso in my office in Iveagh House, that it was not just a question of self-interest. This was very helpful. We all should learn a lesson from the extraordinary leadership demonstrated by Mr. Padraig Walshe of the IFA and the leaders in the Irish Co-operative Organisation Society and the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association. Mr. Padraig Walshe stated, possibly on 29 January, that it would be overwhelmingly in the interest of Irish agriculture to ratify the treaty. He advised, in spite of all the exigencies, challenges, difficulties and frustrations, that it would be best to vote "Yes". He made one of the most significant contributions in the debate and made the point that if Ireland is to retain its influence and continue to be subject to goodwill in Europe, it should ratify the treaty. There is wisdom in that point. On 13 June, all the challenges, frustrations, opportunities and difficulties will still exist. It does not matter what political flag a Minister will fly after 13 June, the reality is that the ministerial capacity to negotiate any deal on behalf of Ireland would not be improved by a "No" vote.

As the Chairman knows, I worked in the Department of Finance 35 years ago when we became a member state of the EEC and saw at first hand the extraordinary progress we have made because we are at the heart of Europe. At European Council meetings over recent years, I have seen the manner in which member states that are regarded in lesser esteem are treated. The capacity to make progress in Europe depends on one's capacity to build alliances, as Deputy Noel Treacy will know better than most. One's influence comes from the goodwill one has built up. Under successive Administrations dating back to 1973, we have built up a considerable store of goodwill. We are regarded as the small country that gets things done and as being at the heart of the European project. This is why we punch way above our weight in Europe and why we have been able to build alliances and attract considerable investment.

On the question of why Ireland has been so successful, one should read the logical analysis of Mr. Paul Rellis, managing director of Microsoft Ireland and president of the American Chamber of Commerce Ireland. One cannot but be influenced by the logic. That is why there have been so much mendacious and perverse discussions about the treaty.

We have made it absolutely clear that Commissioner Mandelson will be required to remain within his mandate in the WTO negotiations. Nothing will be agreed until everything is agreed. The content of the final WTO deal is a long way off. My personal belief, based on political analysis, is that there are mixed feelings in the US about the negotiations. The two contenders in the Democratic Party presidential race have commented on the WTO, which suggests they will not fall automatically into line with it. There are also reservations in other countries such as India. Ireland's views on how the agriculture pillar is being dealt with are shared by the German Chancellor and the French President. The reason for this is that the case we are articulating is a justifiable and logical one. I hope the WTO negotiations will not have a malign impact on how we vote in the referendum on 12 June. On 13 June, the challenges will still be there. Whoever is Minister at the time will have to argue Ireland's case. The best way to argue our case is to strengthen our Ministers' hands.

Deputy Creighton raised the issue of Zimbabwe. The current situation there is outrageous. There have been elections and tallies by non-governmental organisations. We know that ZANU-PF has lost its parliamentary majority. It is incumbent on the international community to resolve the matter. I do not believe Europe should be to the fore in pointing the finger. I strongly believe that African states do not respond well even to the well-minded interventions from European states. Over all the years, there were other than well-minded interventions from Europe in the continent. There is a special moral responsibility on other African states to show leadership in the case of Zimbabwe. Europe should guide and assist other African states in dealing with the situation.

Deputy Treacy asked about Aung San Suu Kyi. She is still a prisoner in her home in Burma.

Regarding the western Balkans, the great prize for those states is to join the EU. This will be helpful in convincing the Serbian leadership that it is in the Serbian people's self-interest to meet the criteria for joining the EU. We must continue to underline the importance of the international criminal tribunal and full co-operation with it. It is one of the important tools Europe has in this area.

Tibet is not on the General Affairs and External Relations Council agenda. I am not sure why. It is having an impact. The debate in Ireland on this issue has been skewed. It is easy to grandstand on an issue such as Tibet. I compliment Deputy Timmins who made the point that such a stance is very dangerous. I was in China the weekend the violence broke out in Tibet. An Irish news outlet asked me for a comment on it. The information to me at the time was that the killings had been carried out mainly by Tibetan demonstrators against Han Chinese and some Muslims. It would be wrong for us to jump up and start making statements.

We must ask at every opportunity for dialogue and respect for human rights. The Dalai Lama himself is simply asking for dialogue. Nothing but good comes out of dialogue and a more understanding position. I do not think finger-wagging from Europe, which does not have the best history in that region, will do anything other than let us feel better about ourselves.

On the Olympics, I have always held the view that politics and sport should be kept apart. Young people who dedicate their lives to getting to the Olympics should not be used as pawns in a political game. As to whether the opening ceremonies should be attended, European countries have different views on that.

I thank the Minister of State and his officials for attending the committee and addressing the issues raised by the members of the committee. The committee is supportive of the views he expressed.

The joint committee adjourned at 4 p.m. until 8 p.m. on Thursday, 24 April 2008.
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