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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 14 Oct 1942

Vol. 26 No. 29

Family Allowances—Motion.

I move:—

That, in view of the distress existing among many families in Eire, both in rural as well as in urban areas, Seanad Eireann is of the opinion that the Government should immediately introduce a scheme of family allowances.

It is not my intention to delay very long on this motion, as the principle of it has been accepted already by the Minister and passed by the House. This motion goes somewhat further than the last one before the House, which dealt more with those who are employed at agriculture and everything pertaining to agriculture. The idea Senator Cummins and myself have in proposing this motion is that it goes the whole way, that family allowances be granted to every family deserving of it within the nation, whether they reside in a rural or an urban area.

We have been told that there is a commission sitting to bring forward certain recommendations to the Government. I am afraid a commission would be too slow, that it does not realise the seriousness of the job. I would like the Minister to tell us how long the commission has sat, how far it has got, who the members are, and whether they are people interested in the question of family allowances. A commission was set up recently to inquire into agriculture, and there were meetings all over the country of different farmers' organisations, protesting that there were no practical farmers on the commission. I would like to know if there are any fathers and mothers with hungry children on it. If there were, I am sure its findings would not be delayed so long. I believe in commissions for certain things—the Banking Commission, the Racing Commission, the Agricultural Commission—but when it is a question of dealing with hungry children a commission is too slow.

As far back as the 26th May, 1926, Eamon de Valera stated in Dublin that it was his desire that there would be no starving men, women or children in this nation. As one who has supported the policy of Eamon de Valera, I am satisfied that he and his colleagues here have done a good deal to carry out that policy. I will not say that there are starving children, but I defy contradiction on the statement that there are thousands and thousands of children within this nation hungry to-night. There are hungry children in Dublin City, in Cavan, in Kerry, in Mayo and Donegal. There are hungry children amongst those who do not come within the classification of labourer, that is, the children of the small struggling man living on an acre or so of bad land. His children are equally as hungry as those of the labourer living in Whitehall.

The scheme I would like to see put forward is one that would apply to every one of those people, that would embrace the children of every person from Gardiner Street to the hills of Mayo, as I feel that the same want applies in all cases. Take, for instance, the houses built in Whitehall. One of the conditions for an applicant to get one of those houses was that he should have a large family, and preference was given to a man with seven or eight children. These people are out in Whitehall, with families of seven or eight, the oldest being sometimes about 13, with only the head of the house bringing in a small wage. Out of that, they have to pay 15/- for rent and light. Does any Senator not say that those children must be hungry? I would like to know if the members of this commission have gone around amongst these people and seen for themselves the want that exists, how hard it is to live, when the cost of firing has trebled, when bread, milk, oatmeal and everything else are dearer, and when there is nothing extra coming in to meet it. I, for one, am satisfied that the members of the commission, if they were really serious, have been too slow in presenting their findings. That is the second principal reason why I am bringing forward this motion. I heard the Minister's speech on the Bill which has just been passed, and I know that the Minister understands the social conditions and is a charitable and Christian man. We are not looking for charity in this case but for justice. For a long time, the association of which I happen to be a member and which I represent in this House has been advocating this idea of family allowances. When we put it forward first, some people said it was insane. These people are now trying to make a little propaganda out of it. I am glad that such a change has taken place. The principle of family allowances has been accepted by the Government, but I should like an assurance from the Minister that he will put that principle into practice and bring forward a scheme to relieve the sufferings of the people to whom I have referred.

No matter what may be said, children amongst us are hungry. Take a farm worker with ten of a family the youngest of whom is four months. He has an income of 30/- a week. His rent is 2/- and 12 people have to live on 28/- a week. Nobody can say that these children are not hungry, seeing that it takes that amount to maintain two inmates of the Dublin Union. That man has been working all his life on the land. Take the case of a road worker in County Dublin. His job is looked upon as a good job by other labourers in County Dublin. He has 48/- a week. I know one of these men who has 11 young children, the eldest being 14 years. That means that 13 persons have to live on 46/- odd a week, when insurance is deducted from the wages. His rent is 6/-, and that leaves him with £2. These children must be hungry, too. Take the case which I mentioned of a worker with an average wage of £3 per week living in one of the houses built by the Minister. The children in that case must also be hungry.

Church and State favour large families, but it is too bad that children brought into the world should be hungry. It is poor consolation to parents, after a hard day's work, to see their children hungry. You have the case of the family of five. They are finding it hard to live and have difficulty in making ends meet. Another child comes along. It is not wanted. It is very sad in a Christian country to hear parents say, as I have often heard them say, that they would not like to have as many children as So-and-so down the road, because they are starving. That is sad, but true. I am sure that Senators have heard the remark on many occasions. Another reason for the motion is furnished by the number of those who joined the Local Defence Forces for the protection of this country. Nobody will contradict me when I say that the working classes fully contributed their quota. The fathers of families volunteered for the different protective organisations. They were prepared to lay down their lives when the country was in danger. Surely the children of people of that class have a claim on the country and deserve something from the country. These men are giving their labour. I am not referring to the unemployed. In the case of the unemployed, the principle of family allowances is recognised, though the allowances are very scanty. I am referring to people who are working and who are not getting sufficient out of their labour to make ends meet. After a hard day's work, they go into an organisation to make themselves ready to defend their country and to give their lives for it, if necessary. There is a public demand for family allowances. I believe that the principle is supported by practically every section within the nation. The wishes of the majority of the people should be put into practice and I hope that no member of the House will vote against the motion. I shall reserve a few other points for my concluding remarks.

I second the motion. The Minister said that social ills would be his special care, and that it would be a bad day when he would forget those social ills. This is a social ill of long standing. The proposal was debated in this House some six months ago, and the principle of family allowances was then accepted. It had long before been accepted and put into practice in other countries. We are uneasy in connection with what happened at this committee which was set up by the Minister. We advocated family allowances on the last occasion for cottage tenants in the rural areas. The proposal has come to be regarded as feasible, not alone for rural workers, but for many urban residents who work in rural areas for agricultural wages, which are very small. As regards the amendment, we took it that the Government had accepted the principle of family allowances. I should like to know what the functions and terms of reference of the committee of inquiry were. Were they to formulate a scheme of family allowances within the present law or were the committee to have power to declare either for or against family allowances? If the latter, and if they have found against family allowances, our labour is in vain. I hope that that power did not come within their terms of reference.

If the principle is accepted, I think effect-can be given to it within the present law. I believe that slight additions to and emendations in the law relating to home assistance and employment insurance would enable effect to be given to the principle of family allowances without the introduction of fresh legislation. The standard of living within the past 30 or 40 years has been spoken of, and reference has been made to the raising of that standard. That was almost inevitable in any country claiming to be progressive or to be advancing in civilisation. I do not think that the standard of living of 40 years ago can be taken as a criterion of the standard of living to-day. Science has advanced during the past 40 years, but, unfortunately, that advance has not been in the direction of providing cheaper food or cheaper living.

I should say there is still great want and great scarcity in the country even after making allowance for the emergency through which we are passing. I think there is something very wrong when butter, eggs, bacon and practically every article of food is scarce. It has made the social evil all the greater, because the standard of living of all these people is much lower from the food point of view than it was at any time within my memory. It must be very trying on poor people whose principal meal consisted of a bowl of porridge which cannot be got now. Apart from the moral questions involved in family allowances, there is the humanitarian question—at least the people must be fed. It is no use saying that the standard of food is good. You have only to read the reports of the medical officers throughout the country which are rather startling with regard to malnutrition. I know of one county that has drawn up a minimum scale for bare subsistence in food, allowing so much for each family, just sufficient to keep body and soul together, and the home assistance does not meet that.

I think that within the Home Assistance Act—or even with an Emergency Powers Order, which the Labour Party would not stand in the way of—a scheme of family allowances should be drawn up. From day to day we find more appeals going out from charitable institutions, which were never so busy as they are now. I hope that the Minister's reply will not lead the House to divide on this matter, but that it will be sufficiently satisfying not to necessitate the moving of an amendment. We are all convinced that the principle is a correct one, and we should not wait until after the emergency to act, but should do so now when the necessity is greatest.

I move the following amendment:—

To delete all words after the word "That" in order to add the words:—

"Seanad Eireann requests the Government to publish as soon as practicable the Report of the Committee set up by the Minister for Finance to examine the question of family allowances; and if, after consideration by the Government, amendments of the law to give effect to recommendations of the Committee are required, to request the Government, further, to introduce the necessary legislative proposals at the earliest possible date."

I listened with interest and something bordering on amusement to the speech made by Senator Tunney. He rambled from one thing to the other, until finally he got to that stage where it was impossible to refrain from laughing. That was where he got to the point, when he said that some of the people who were laughing when a motion was put forward some years ago were now saying that they agreed with it, and were trying to make political propaganda out of it. If ever there was a barefaced attempt to make political propaganda out of a motion before the House, in my opinion it is in this motion by Senator Tunney and Senator Cummins. When I read it first my impulse was to put in a type of amendment more suitable to the occasion, adding to the original motion the words: "and that the scheme shall be known for all time as the scheme for family allowances originated by Senator Tunney." I can imagine Senator Tunney clapping himself on the back—and Senator Cummins, too—and saying: "Thank God, our children and our children's children will bless us for this motion which forced that terrible Fianna Fáil Government to institute a scheme of family allowances for the unfortunate people in this country."

I am quite sure that the people and the children and their children's children will bless them for many things but they will not include among them a scheme for family allowances. Senator Tunney, I am sure, convinced everybody, as he convinced me, that he had given no thought whatever to this motion. He may have thought about it in the distant past, but apparently he thought very little about it since it became a matter for discussion in this or the other House. The reason I say that is because Senator Tunney started off by saying that the Minister already had accepted the principle and that therefore it was not necessary to do much more about it. If we could only get the Minister to say that, we would have very little worry about it, and there would be little necessity for the motion or the amendment. But the Minister has not said that. Senator Tunney said that a commission was set up to deal with this matter. A commission was not set up, and if he made any attempt to keep in touch with the matter he would have known that an Inter-Departmental Committee had been set up—which is an entirely different thing.

He went on, not so much to ride two horses at the same time, but to do a far more serious thing—to spur a free horse. He first of all claps the Minister on the back for the things that he did, and then tells him about the things that he did not do, but should have done. He completely ignores the fact that it was the present Minister for Finance who was responsible for the widows' and orphans' pensions, that it was the present Government who were responsible for increasing the old age pensions, that, were it not for the present Minister and his Party, there would be far more hungry and naked children running about the streets and the hills at the present time. Were it not for the policy of the Minister and his Government, I believe that the majority of the people to-day would be going without shoes or clothes, and I am quite sure that they would be in a position far worse than any of us can possibly imagine, now. However, there is no necessity for me to make any political propaganda out of Senator Tunney's motion.

Far be it from you.

Far be it from me to enter into political discussions here. Senator Tunney went on to say that there are hungry children there, and that he would like to bring in a scheme to cover everybody from Gardiner Street to the hills of Mayo. I should like to ask him what he has against the people on the other side? Why should he not go north and include the Six Counties. I think a scheme of that kind would be very unfair. I think if he goes about it at all he should go north, south, east and west, because if you take a straight line like that you will have the people on both sides kicking up an awful row.

He should take in Tipperary?

He need not take in Tipperary. There is nobody starving there.

Senator Quirke tried to take in Tipperary and he failed.

Senator Tunney, before he started to dole out his benevolence, should have studied the matter a bit more, and figured out what the results of such a scheme would be. Surely he does not expect sensible people in this House and outside it to take him seriously when he suggests things of this kind? Even the people to whom he thinks he is making a great appeal will examine the situation and say to themselves: "Well, this scheme was proposed in the Seanad in April last. It was put forward by Senator Counihan. At that time we did not find Senator Tunney saying: ‘I put forward a scheme of that kind several years ago and Senator Counihan would not agree with me'." Not at all; he never agrees with Senator Counihan. He takes every opportunity of differing violently with Senator Counihan. So do I.

Even when you do not get the opportunity.

What did the fighting Senator Tunney say on that occasion on Senator Counihan's motion? He said:—

"With pleasure I support this motion, and I hope that this House will pass it unanimously."

The mildest speech I have ever heard from Senator Tunney. I am not disagreeing with Senator Tunney at all on this matter; neither am I disagreeing with Senator Counihan, but I believe that we should deal with a motion of this kind in a serious way; that we should do our best to formulate schemes, and, before we put schemes up to the Minister or the Government or anybody else, that we should get down to business and work them out, instead of talking nonsense in this House about providing a scheme to ensure family allowances for everybody from Gardiner Street to the hills of Mayo, and from there to God knows where. Where is the money to come from? If you are going to provide family allowances for everybody, it means that you are going to provide them for the farmers, the industrialists, the managers of factories and everybody else. I suggest that you should keep down among the people who need family allowances. Anybody who puts forward a scheme for family allowances for the needy people of this country will certainly have my wholehearted support.

I believe that, when a scheme of this kind was put into force in other countries, certain industries were in fact compelled to bear the expense of their own schemes; they were compelled to bear the expense of catering in that way for the people employed in their own particular industries. If such a scheme were to be put into force in this country, I believe at any rate that the agricultural worker is more in need of a family allowance than is the worker in any other line of industry, and I would not agree that agriculture should, start off and bear the whole expense of such a scheme. My opinion is that the wealth of Irish agriculture has flown out, not for years on for decades but for centuries, and that in regard to any such scheme as this some of the cost should be borne by the community in general; the farming community should not be asked to bear it all. We are all well aware that anything that can be done for agriculture should be done, and that one reason why such a scheme would be desirable at the present time is that it would at least go part of the way to encourage people to move back to the land. I think anything in that way should be encouraged, and the Minister and his Government have gone a long way in that direction. Thousands of acres have been divided. Thousands of acres have been put under cultivation which heretofore were not giving any employment at all. I believe that, if it is found practicable, this Government will go as far as any other political Party in this country to meet the needs of the people who would be assisted by a scheme of family allowances. Such a scheme has always been in existence in the agricultural areas. I think those who have lived on the land or been in touch with the farmers will be aware of the fact that the real farmer takes into consideration the worker who has a wife and family to support. Even though there is no regularised scheme, in nine cases out of ten the farmer will ensure that the worker gets, for instance, milk, potatoes, firewood and various other things. I see Senator Cummins ready to stand on his hind legs over there, but that is the fact.

That is a most extraordinary statement.

That system should be regularised. We have heard statements here that in some cases such workers have been unable to get milk and other things even to buy. That may be a fact, but those are definitely isolated cases. If the scheme to which I have referred were regularised and spread out over the whole farming community, instead of allowing a certain number to escape, it would have and should have the support of every decent-minded man in the country. I appeal to the members of the House to support this amendment, if for no other reason than to ensure, as Senator Tunney has put it himself, that nobody will make political propaganda out of a scheme to help unfortunate people in this country and to provide family allowances for everybody from Gardiner Street to the hills of Mayo.

In seconding Senator Quirke's amendment, I should like to avail of this opportunity to say a few words on this subject. I believe, with Senator Quirke, that this motion is being introduced at a time when one must be very suspicious of it. The members who put this motion on the Paper were aware that there is a committee sitting to consider this matter. I assume that they anticipated that the report of that committee would be in favour of family allowances and that the movers of the motion could claim credit for having moved the Government in this matter. I am very glad that Senator Cummins put his name down as seconder of this motion. I should like to know whether, in doing so, he has committed the Labour Party and trade unionism to the support of the principle of family allowances. Some time ago when Senator Counihan introduced a motion somewhat on those lines in regard to rural workers, Senator Johnston, I think, very wisely pointed out that he was very suspicious of Senator Cummins's move in that direction; he suspected that in it was a lever to keep down wages.

I do not think it was Senator Johnston who said that.

I do not think so.

He said he suspected that when the agricultural worker would make an application for an increase of wages, those people would say: "It is not really an increase of wages that is required in this case, but an increase in the family allowances." I should like to ask the people who represent official labour in this House whether trade unionism and the Labour Party have considered from that angle the supporting of this motion.

I hope that before the debate concludes we shall have the views of the Labour Party on this matter. While I am in sympathy with the principle of family allowances, not in the wide terms of the motion but to a limited extent, I certainly must disagree with the wording with which the motion is introduced. It begins with the words "in view of the distress existing" and the mover of the motion has more than once told us of starving children and spoke of these allowances as a great act of charity. The seconder of the motion went on to suggest that family allowances could be distributed by the home assistance officers or by what were commonly known as relieving officers in the old days. I believe that the honest workers of this country would certainly resent allowances of any kind being paid through these channels. The allowances must come through channels to which no taint of charity attaches, as something to which these people are entitled as an act of social justice. I, therefore, must disagree entirely with the mover of the motion, while agreeing that it is a question that is worthy of consideration and deserving of investigation. If a scheme were introduced, it would probably bring about a saving later on in assistance of various kinds. I certainly say that if we were to introduce family allowances some figure must be set up as a basis. Reference has been made to people who received a rebate of income-tax, but does the mover of the motion suggest that such people must also receive a family allowance under the scheme? For all these reasons, I think that we must wait until the committee which has been appointed presents a report to the Government and until that report is considered before we move. In conclusion, I would say that in my humble opinion the mover and seconder of the motion have done no service to the cause of family allowances.

When I read their terms, I was somewhat puzzled as to what could be the idea behind, first of all the motion itself, and secondly the amendment. I have learned a little from the speeches though I am still somewhat puzzled. I listened carefully to Senator Quirke. He reminded me of certain radio programmes to which I listen occasionally from a country a considerable distance away. You get, first of all, a little serious broadcasting, then advertising and propaganda, and then again a further instalment of serious broadcasting—all remarkably well done and presented with a considerable amount of ability. I confess he had a fairly good lesson in these tactics from a more prominent member of his Party on another Bill. I am not finding fault with that, but I do want to suggest that this House accepted, without any demur, the proposal that it would like to see a reasonable and properly thought-out scheme of family allowances brought forward. I think there is very little difference between us, but to my mind nothing could be worse than to try to make Party or any other kind of propaganda out of what, at best, can only be an interesting scheme in social welfare, which will not solve the unemployment problem, which will not solve a good many problems of urgent importance, and which, as I say, at its best, is something which is worth trying here within the limits of our resources. Although I have been advocating, and am in favour of the principle of family allowances, I am not prepared to say that we should spend all the money we can find on family allowances, and spend nothing to deal with the problem of unemployment. I give that as one instance. This question will have to be treated as part and parcel of our whole policy having regard to our resources, the financial position generally, and, of course, having regard not only to the position of the unemployed but also the position of the employed. Nothing to my mind would be more absurd than for any individual or group of individuals here to try and claim that they have invented this system of family allowances. I do not know who first put forward the idea. It had been advocated by social workers in every country for a considerable time before any politicians took any interest in it.

It was tried over 100 years ago.

I think that is extremely probable. I am glad of the information. In recent years various proposals have been put forward. The idea became more prevalent, and a book was written on it by an English industrialist, Mr. Roantree. Anyone who reads that book will at least see that it would be absurd for this House to pass a resolution just vaguely saying that it is of opinion that the Government should immediately introduce a scheme of family allowances. To say that you are in favour of family allowances is much like saying that you are in favour of income-tax. The income-tax may be 3ºd. in the £ or 19/- in the £, and your opinion of it varies considerably with the amount of the tax. I am not prepared to support the amendment either. Senator Quirke and Senator Hawkins are naturally quite prepared to buy a pig in a poke, if the Government will approve of the pig when it comes out of the poke; but I am not prepared to buy a pig in a poke, even if it should meet with Government approval when it comes out of the poke. On the other hand, should the Government fail to approve of it, I would still support a scheme which I thought worthy of approval. I am not prepared to vote for a motion which limits our approval to something designed to meet the exigencies of a certain situation, something acceptable to Government opinion or conditioned by what may come from the Departmental Committee. We are all more or less in favour of putting forward a detailed scheme. The Minister is in favour of a scheme being put forward, but he very naturally thinks that until he sees the scheme he should not be asked to express an opinion on it. If the object of the motion were to get a scheme put forward, I should certainly be in favour of it, but I do not think I am in a position to vote either for the motion or the amendment as they are now worded, on a matter which, as I have said before, is not one for which any one individual can claim any particular credit, and which should not be a Party matter.

It is quite obvious from the way it has been advocated on various sides of the House that if a scheme is brought forward, it will not be framed on Party lines. Further than that, we should not be asked to say that our opinion on the question of family allowances is what the Government may decide on the report of a Departmental Committee. I can see a report coming from the committee which the present Minister might think would take two or three years to put in operation. I can see a report coming that he would not act on at all. I want to suggest as one who supported the principle before, and who has been in favour of it for a considerable time, that we should not be asked to deal with these motions now and that the matter should be left as it stands, with the assurance that there is a committee examining the problem. I should also like to get an assurance from the Minister that, if he does get a scheme from the committee, he will endeavour to have the details published so that it may get the criticism of people of experience with a view to evolving a scheme which might be tried in the near future. Above all, let us not have the claim put forward that if certain people were in power we would all be nudists, that people would be going without clothes or that there would be more starving children if the present Government were not in power.

Of course there would.

I do not know whether the Senator means that there would be more children or more starving children. That is just the kind of thing that has no value as an argument. It is not worth anything. When you come to deal with poverty, which is a serious matter and is acute, do not let us try to make Party politics out of the sufferings of our fellow-countrymen. You will get nothing by it and nobody will respect you.

It is not often that I have agreed with Senator Douglas but I must say that I am in thorough agreement with him on this matter. I think it is deplorable that people should move a motion of this kind without any consideration and without knowing anything at all about family allowances, or about the different schemes that are operating in various parts of the world. They have no idea what sort of scheme they want. Is it to be a national scheme or a charity scheme administered by the poor law as some people would advocate? One says "no," and the other says "yes" and that shows how little consideration was given to the matter. Family allowances is a very big question and it is one which is very seriously affecting the minds of the trade union movement in this and every other country. It is well known that it can be exploited by sweating employers to reduce wages. Is that the kind of family allowance that is visualised in this motion? Is that the idea here or have they in mind a family allowance beginning with the second or third child or have they given any attention whatever to the matter? How much per head? Who is going to pay? In France they have a scheme of family allowances where the industrialist paid out the allowances to the mothers. Is that the kind of scheme that is wanted? There are other schemes in operation in New Zealand and so on, and, as Senator Douglas has very properly said, this subject has been well written about, debated, discussed and well considered in various countries. Here, however, a motion is put down without having the faintest idea of what kind of scheme we want, notwithstanding the fact that there is a literature on the subject all over the world. I appeal to the common sense of the House neither to adopt the motion nor the amendment. Senator Quirke is very astute in his amendment which says "shelve the matter and trust the Government."

We are prepared to trust them a good deal but we want to have an opportunity of criticising them, so I respectfully suggest that we should adopt the suggestion of Senator Douglas and let the matter drop to await the completed scheme promised, or almost promised, by the Minister. Then we can give our views on it. This is a very complicated question. I am reminded by my colleagues that the Trade Union Congress has set up a special committee to consider the whole matter, so that would be the answer to Senator Hawkins, as to whether the trade union movement was officially committed to this or not. They have not made up their minds on the scheme so they cannot possibly be committed. While individually many of us may be in favour of this scheme, we think it would be much more in the interest of the people to leave things as they are and await the findings of the Government. Neither Senator Tunney's motion nor Senator Quirke's amendment is going to shorten the misery, alleged or real, of people throughout the country.

I was very glad indeed when Senator Hawkins got up to second Senator Quirke's amendment because I am afraid Senator Quirke had expected me to do the needful in that regard, and I would have found some little difficulty in doing so. It is not that I would not have seconded with a great deal of sympathy the amendment moved by him but I am afraid I would not have been able to contribute anything constructive in what I would have had to say. I would not have been able to say anything constructive for the simple reason that this is a matter of which I know I do not know sufficient. It is a good many years ago now since I went abroad to France and Belgium to study the co-operative movements there.

While I was in Belgium and France I had an opportunity of coming up against some schemes of family allowances in actual practice and I was greatly taken by the whole idea. It occurred to me that perhaps there was something in it that would be of considerable advantage to us here in Ireland, but I had to acknowledge after a little study of the matter in France and Belgium that there were very particular reasons urging the people there to promote such schemes. There were certain unfortunate aspects of the aftermath of the great war and there were certain social tendencies revealing themselves in these countries which made it imperative for employers to look very carefully to the future and see that a labour supply adequate for the running of industry and other national purposes would be assured. When I came home and gave some thought to the matter I found that one individual could not possibly deal with and come to reasoned conclusions about it. It is a vast subject and a very difficult and complex subject. Because I had to come to that conclusion I find myself very much at the moment in agreement with Senator Douglas and with Senator Foran in their approach to it. As I said, it is a task that one man could not approach.

It is a task that a committee could not approach unless it had access to a great amount of statistics and could have access to a vast amount of information such as could be obtained only by important Government Departments and responsible Government officials. For that reason I refrained from taking part in the last debate on the matter and for that reason I do not intend to pontificate on the matter in any way here to-night. I am very much in doubt as to the need for a general scheme for family allowances in this country. I have not come to the conclusion that the need is not there, but I would like to see reasonable evidence of the need for such a scheme. Again, Senator Foran in his speech saved me a good deal of time because he covered pretty much the notions that were running through my mind in regard to it. They were mainly concerned with what kind of scheme we were going to have and to what children the benefits were going to apply and so on.

I wish to point our some further difficulties in connection with the matter. In the first place, you come up against this aspect of it—whether or not you may have to insist on a differential wage, whether or not you should come to the conclusion that married workers are entitled to a higher wage than single workers. That is a very difficult problem, and we all realise it—I am sure nobody more than the responsible Labour leaders. Again, we have to consider whether the burden of family allowances should not be passed over to industry itself. It will require a great deal of careful investigation before we can decide whether industry will be able to carry the burden or not.

Senator Douglas mentioned to-night that he did not know when this idea was first mooted. I cannot help him very much in the matter. Probably it was considered in the Athenian State, and it may have been considered by Romans. Students of economic history and sociology are familiar with what is known as the Speenhamland experiment. I think that authorities are nearly unanimous that some evil results of that experiment exist to this very day. I mention this just to show how difficult it is for one to come to a conclusion on it, and as supporting the view taken by Senators Douglas and Foran that the proper thing for us to do is to be very careful. I would let this commission investigate, in their own good time, every aspect of the problem, and when the report is available we can examine it. Then, if we are satisfied, we can accept it; if we see flaws in the conclusions we can examine them as far as lies in our power, or insist on further examination.

There is another consideration to be taken into account. Many responsible people in the country consider that, arising out of a scheme of family allowances, there may be grave moral and social reactions. Viewing the matter as objectively as I can, all I can say is that I agree with Senators Douglas and Foran that we should be very careful before coming to a conclusion. If I have to decide between the motion and the amendment, I will have no hesitation in declaring for the amendment as the more reasonable approach to the problem before the House.

With all respect to the movers of the motion and the amendment, I do not think either of them is going to help forward the scheme of family allowances by one hour. It is not for me to question the motives of anybody in putting down such a motion. Probably it was done in all sincerity, but I cannot see what useful purpose it serves. It is common knowledge—I stated it in the Dáil more than once, in the sessions before the adjournment—that the Government had set up an inter-departmental committee to examine this question.

There is nothing new about family allowances. Anybody taking an interest in social questions has been reading about them as long as I remember. I had opportunities, like Senator O Buachalla, of examining some schemes of family allowances—one scheme in a certain large city in France on one occasion. I know a little about this question. It is a complicated subject, and not something to decide about in an hour. Senator Douglas has said, and others have repeated, that it is not going to solve all our social problems—no more than the central bank, which we were discussing here to-day. If it does help to provide a little better living in some cases, it may, instead of solving unemployment, cause more unemployment. How is it to be financed? Where is the money to come from? What form of taxation is to provide the cash? Those questions arise if this is to be done by the State. Some people may suggest that we could re-arrange our present social services to advantage, abolish a lot of them, and use the money for family allowances instead. I do not know that we would be much better off, though, of course, we might in some individual cases.

It is a serious problem which must be studied carefully. I am glad to know that the Irish Trade Union Congress has set up a committee to examine this question. All the opinions we can get on a matter of this kind, in serious debate, will be of advantage and will be helpful. Those who give their minds to this question and study it, must consider the social and moral reactions of all kinds which would follow, as Senator O Buachalla says. In some circles there is a feeling that the Government must enter more and more into control of the life of the individual. Many people are pressing for that in one direction, while others say that we should leave the family alone, that the father and mother are the people to look after the children and that the Government should not be taking control of them. There are various points of view and serious arguments to be used with regard to them. The committee set up is comprised of serious men, men of knowledge—I did not ask how many children they had, as it does not follow that a man would be the best man for the committee because he has ten or 11 children. With all respect, I say that the approach of the last three speakers was the correct approach. It is a serious problem. The committee is about to make its report: I think I will get it this week. I do not know what it contains and I have not seen it. They were asked to study the question in all its aspects and to recommend or not to recommend, and to give an account of what they think would be the various reactions to such a scheme if it were adopted. The men on it have wide knowledge and experience, they are probably as good a body as you could get in this country to make a study of the problem. They have a knowledge of social conditions and are interested in social questions; they are men who have studied this problem and whose job and life-work has been to deal with similar problems.

These men are high up in the service of various Departments and they have their ordinary day's work to do as well as this extra job I gave them. They had to take as much time off as they could over a period of months, but they have completed the job; and, if they are able to find a few hours in the remainder of this week, I will probably get the report before the week is over. I will not say anything more than that, and I am not committing myself. The Government has not seen the report, nor have I seen it. I do not know whether a scheme is recommended or not, or whether there is a scheme we could adopt. Therefore, I am not committing myself in any sense. We hope to have the report this week, when it will receive the serious attention of the Government.

Will the report be circulated?

I realise that the Minister must adopt a certain attitude in regard to a report of this kind. But will he make available the various figures and facts on which the report will be based? The Minister will realise that there will be a great deal of valuable information in that report. Will that information be made available in due course even if the recommendations and the Government's reactions to the recommendations are not made available?

I have not seen the report yet and I do not like to commit myself at present.

On a point of personal explanation, may I say that nothing was farther from my mind than to make political propaganda out of this motion. This question of family allowances has been on the programme of the cottier tenants, whom we represent, for some years.

I thank the Minister because his attitude is in keeping with his previous statement that any member of this or the other House who has a grievance should bring it forward. I brought forward this motion and I make no apology to any member of this House or any person outside it for so doing. If I have a grievance to-morrow, I shall do the same. So far as the insinuations about political propaganda are concerned, I do not mind them. The statement from the two other political Parties in this House should make their minds easy on that point. In view of the Minister's statement, I shall not go into the scheme I had in mind but, in answer to Senator Foran, I may say that I had no scheme of charity in mind. I had a scheme in mind to which everybody in the nation would subscribe, a scheme by which these allowances would be regarded as their God-given and national right. There is a lot of talk as to where the money will come from. It is very hard to find money when it is a question of helping the people to whom I refer but, if we look around us, we can see that money can be easily found when it is a question of destroying life. There are not many commissions of inquiry in that connection. I am well satisfied with the Minister's statement and I am glad that he is giving the matter consideration. If Senator Cummins is agreeable, I am prepared, with the leave of the House, to withdraw the motion.

I agree, but I resent, very strongly the suggestion that the motion was brought forward for the purpose of political propaganda.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.5 p.m.sine die.
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