Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 2 Jul 1980

Vol. 94 No. 13

National Institute for Higher Education, Limerick, Bill, 1980: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

In the course of this brief contribution I wish to refer to three areas: first, the co-operative education programme as an important element of courses at NIHE; secondly, the industrial and commercial representation on the governing body and, finally, I wish to put forward a criticism of the emphasis on electronics design engineering courses not only in the NIHE in Limerick but also in the universities.

Before commenting on these three points briefly, it is worthy of note that the needs of industry are now receiving active support from educational institutions, especially from NIHE, Limerick. As a small, developing country we have much going for us. We have political stability. We have a highly attractive incentive package to offer investors and, very importantly, we have a young educated labour force. The regional technical colleges and the NIHE as technological institutions have a special role to play in our industrial development. I understand that considerable weight is attached by overseas investors to the geographical location of these institutions and to the courses they offer.

The co-operative education programme has much to commend it. It infuses an element of practice into the academic material covered in the courses. It should enhance the relevance of courses for the students and, no doubt, the practical experience gained off campus has a maturing effect on them. However, I should like to make two observations on the implications of co-operative education. Caution is needed in striking a balance between the proportion of time allocated to academic work on campus and that spent on placement under the co-operative scheme. Perhaps a one-year placement as part of the degree courses in NIHE is excessive. It would appear that, conscious of this situation, the placement period now required on engineering courses at NIHE has effectively been reduced to six months.

My second observation on co-operative education relates to the impact on post-graduate courses. As in the universities, the NIHE will have each year a limited number of top calibre graduates who will be suited to and will benefit from post-graduate courses. These high quality students will usually be offered attractive jobs on graduation. Having had exposure to the practical world through the co-operative education scheme, they may well have acquired the added incentive of wishing to take up attractive jobs immediately on graduation, thus deferring indefinitely the opportunity to pursue higher degrees. If this occurs, and I suspect it does to some extent, then the co-operative scheme helps to deprive suitable graduates of the incentive to follow post-graduate work. In general terms, however, the co-operative education programme is a most desirable concept and development in the educational system.

The second point on which I would like to touch briefly is the composition of the governing body and in particular the representation from industry and commerce thereon. This is very desirable. It provides a direct link between the NIHE and people who can make a valuable and realistic contribution to the deliberations of the governing body. Furthermore, these representatives could act as a medium in raising funds from non-Government sources which could be channelled into the already underfinanced area of applied research. There is much to be said for industry playing a greater part in contributing more funds to research work.

My final point relates to the engineering discipline. The NIHE have become the country's main source of engineering graduates and is, therefore, playing a crucial role in meeting the country's technical manpower requirements. Among the engineering specialisms, particular importance is, quite rightly, attached to electronics. Employment in the electronic industry in Ireland has grown rapidly in recent years and the increase in the value of electronic exports has been quite dramatic. While welcoming the exceptionally high demand for NIHE's engineering graduates, especially in electronics, I wonder are we going somewhat overboard in the NIHE and also in the universities, in providing courses in electronics design as opposed to more broadly based courses in production engineering with an emphasis on electronics. Our greatest need, it is widely acknowledged, is for production engineers to meet the requirements of manufacturing industry.

In conclusion, I welcome this Bill which provides a statutory basis for one of the newest, most relevant and exciting developments in our educational system.

Is mithid bonn reachtúil a chur faoin Fhoras Náisiúnta um Ard-Oideachas, Luimneach, ach, más mithid féin, caithfidh mé a rá go bhfuil iarracht de dhíomua orm gur mar seo direach a dhéantar é. Ní thugtar dóthain aithinte sa Bhille seo, dar líom, don difríocht atá idir Bhord Stáit agus institiúid ard-oideachais a cuireadh ar bun d'aonturas chun tréis a chur leis an teicneolaíocht ar mhaithe le leas na tíre. Samhlaitear gur mó dúthracht a chaitear sa Bhille seo le dian-smacht a ghreamú ar an bhforas nua seo ná lena mhéid saoirse agus solúbthacht agus is féidir a thabhairt dó lena bhealach féin a dhéanamh.

Ní léir domsa, ó thaobh airgeadais dhe, cén fáth nár leor smacht ginearálta an Udaráis um Ard-Oideachas—an smacht céanna is atá ar na hollscoileanna—gan mion-laincisí a cheangal ar an institiúid nua seo. Taobh istigh de dheontas an Udaráis cad chuige nach féidir an ceart is dual do bhord ar bith a scaoileadh leis an mbord seo, sin, go mbeadh siad saor a shocrú iad fhéin cén líon fóirne agus cén cineál fóirne a bheadh a dhith orthu lena gcuid dualgaisí a thabhairt i gcrích. Rinneadh a lán casaoide faoin dian-smacht a dhaingnítear ar an bhForas sa Bhille seo sa Dáil ach ní shílim gur scaoileadh mórán gad dá bharr agus is dóigh go mbeadh sé fánach agamsa a thuilleadh a rá faoi anois.

Ó thaobh oideachais dhe, braithim go bhfuil forálacha in easnamh sa Bhille seo, forálacha tábhachtacha, agus ba mhaith liom, thar aon ní eile, aire an Tí seo a dhíriú ar na pointí seo, mar ní hiad bhí faoi chaibideal go dti seo.

Siad na rudai is tábhachtai, dar liom, go mbeadh córas reachtúil ann a chinnteodh, fhad agus is féidir, go mba iad na hollúna agus na léachtóirí a b'fhearr a cheapfai, cuma gnaoi an Rialtais nó dream ar bith eile a bheith leo nó gan a bheith. An dara rud, ba cheart féachaint chuige agus a dheimhniú go mbeadh na céimeanna agus na teastaisí eile a bhronnfaí in aon institiúid ard-oideachais in Eirinn ar aon chéim leo siúd a bhronntar ina macsamhail de institiúidi i dtíortha eile an Chomhphobail Eorpaigh. Ní dhéantar talamh slán de cheachtar den dá chuspóir seo sa Bhille.

Ón taithí atá agamsa ó toghadh mé im Sheansailéar ar Ollscoil na hEireann tá mé cinnte gurb é an chaoi is fearr chun na bun-choinniollacha seo a thabhairt i gcrích, saineolaithe ón choigríoch a bheith páirteach i roghnú na nollún agus na léachtóirí agus breith a bheith acu chomh maith faoi chaighdeán na gcéimeanna.

Déarfaidh an tAire liom, gan amhras, mar adúirt sé sa Dáil, go n-oibreoidh an Foras nua seo faoi scáth an NCEA—Comhairle Náisiúnta na gCáilíochtaí Oideachais. Ní mheasaim gur leor é seo. Níl aon iachall ar an Chomhairle sin tuairim saineolaí ar bith ón choigcrioch a lorg nó aon áird a thabhairt ar a leithéid. Tá muinín mhór agamsa as an NCEA ach is cuma cé chomh cúramach is cé chomh hiontaofa is atá aon údarás náisiúnta, is é ár leas i gcónaí i gcúrsaí den chineál seo gan a bheith ag brath go hiomlán air. Níl aon amhras ormsa ná go mbfhearr go mbeadh strainseiri oilte pairteach sa da churam is mó tábhacht—roghnú léachtóirí agus ollún agus deimhniú chaighdeán na gcéimeanna agus na dteastas. Rachfainn fein níos faide ná sin. Tá sé molta cheana agam don Aire, mar mhol mé don iar-Aire, é cheangal le dlí mar chuid de bhunreacht gach institiúid ard-oideachais gur faoi bhord meastóirí, códhéanta de ionadaithe na hinstitúide agus de shaineolaithe ón choigríoch, a fhágfaí roghnú na foirne teagaisc agus nach mbeadh dul thar a mbreith siúd ach amháin dá gcuirfeadh dhá dtrian ar a laghad de bhord rialacháin na hinstitiúide ina éadan.

Chuirfeadh sé sin cosc, mura gcuirfeadh sé deireadh ar fad, leis an droch nós atá i réim le fada in Ollscoil na hEireann, sin, iarrthoirí a bheith ag dul thart ag iarraidh tacaíocht chomhaltaí na comhairle acadúla, an bhoird rialucháin agus an tSeanaid ainneoin moladh na meastóirí a bheith ina gcoinne. Bhí NIHE—Foras Luimhní—ar feadh tamaill ina choláiste aithinte de chuid Ollscoil na hEireann. An pósadh sin idir an institiúid óg agus an sean-ollscoil i mbéalaibh báis, ba phósadh éigeantach é, ar mhó de phian ná de ghrá a bhain leis. Mar sin féin, bhí an lánúin úr ag dul í dtaithí ar a chéile is ag socrú sios nuair a scaradh i dtoibinne iad. An Rialtas ba shiocair leis an cholscaradh sin: an Rialtas a bhrúigh an pósadh orthú an chéad uair. Admháim narbh é an Rialtas céanna a bhí ciontach san dá ní.

Shil mé féin í gcónai go mb'fhearr ligint don institiúid óg a bhealach féin a dhéanamh sa tsaol, saol ina bhfuil géarghá le dearcadh nua i leith na teicneolaiochta. Ba mhithid modhanna nua teagaisc agus cursaí nua a fhéacháil le súil is go bhféadfaí aos foghlama na tíre seo a mhealladh ón iomarca caithimh í ndiaidh na hacadúlachta. Cé gur cuid den oideachas iad araon, ni hé an t-oideachas iomlán ceachtar acu.

Is é m'achaine ar an Aire go ndéanfaí cúram níos deimhne sa Bhille den dá ní a luaigh mé cheana—an fhoireann teagaise is foirfe a roghnú agus caighdeán na gcéimeanna agus na dteastas a bheith cothrom, ar a laghad, nó nios airde, más féidir, ná mar tá sa Chomhphobal i gcoitinne. Beidh mé ag moladh leasaithe dá réir ar Chéim an Choiste.

While I wish to see NIHE Limerick established on a statutory basis, I am not enamoured of this Bill in its present form because it treats NIHE Limerick as if it were a State corporation rather than a pioneering third-level educational institution needing special freedom and flexibility if it is to succeed in the urgent national objective of promoting technological studies and skills in a country still too biased in favour of the purely academic.

Instead of so many strict and detailed Ministerial controls, I suggest that what should above all appear in this legislation, and in any other legislation concerning third-level institutions, are provisions establishing a system or procedures to reassure the public that two essential criteria will be met. One, that staff appointments will be on merit only, with no room for canvassing or favouritism; and two, that the degrees and diplomas awarded will be of an adequately high standard, bearing favourable comparison with those in other EEC countries.

The second of these criteria requires not merely that standards should satisfy the NCEA but an effective system of external examiners or advisors as well.

The first criterion—regarding staff appointments—would be satisfied by legislation requiring, not only in NIHE but in every university and third-level institution, an appointments system directed towards ensuring the pre-eminence of excellence and quality. I believe the best way of doing this is to prescribe assessment by a board comprising at least as many extern as intern assessors with an independent Irish person as chairman, and making the judgment of such a board virtually final. If any concession has to be made to the over-riding authority of a Governing body, a two-thirds or larger majority of such a body should be needed to overturn the assessors; even that might, I fear, still leave some room for the undesirable personal canvassing which has occurred in the present NUI appointments system.

I am sorry that the Minister's approach is based more on a view of NIHE Limerick as a State-sponsored body to be tightly controlled rather than as a pioneering third-level institution in the technological field, meriting a high degree of flexibility of action, subject to the two public interest qualifications on which I have focused as being particularly important. I intend to submit amendments on these two matters on Committee Stage.

I am very conscious of the fact that we have a national institute for higher education in Limerick and one of the aspects that has contributed most to its existence was the campaign which the people of Limerick and the mid-west region in general, launched during the sixties for the purpose of having a university in Limerick. Instead of a university, the National Institute for Higher Education was established there. The concept was well founded in that we have an institute specialising in the teaching of administrative and technological skills in an age when rapid change is taking place in the skills required in business, in the professions and in technology generally. The pioneering work which the institute have carried out has been well worth while. The institute have produced young people well equipped to enter the fields of business, industry, agriculture and the professions. They have provided facilities, opportunities and services for young people not alone in the mid-west region but much further afield.

The courses that are available there are wide-ranging, expanding and lead to degrees and diplomas for the people who participate in these courses. The progress of the institute can best be measured when we reflect on the fact that involvement in 1972 was 100 and in the present year the figure is something in the region of 2,500, including both full-time and part-time students.

I pay tribute to the director of the institute and his staff for the work and what they have achieved in the institute over the years.

Additional facilities and buildings must continue to be provided to meet the growing demand which is being made on them and which I am confident will be made in the future. I should like the Minister to give us an assurance that the facilities and buildings required will be provided and that financial constraints will not apply.

I have one or two reservations in relation to this Bill. The first concerns the status of the institute as it is. I found the observations of Senator Whitaker very valid when he described the Bill and the intent behind it as treating the NIHE Limerick as somewhat of a State corporation or a State-sponsored body as opposed to a pioneering third level institution. I gathered from his remarks that he shares my worry that the pioneering and enterprising spirit, which I believe is essential to an institute of that kind, may be somewhat retarded by the constraints that this Bill may impose on certain aspects of it. There is a feeling within the institute, and certainly within the area, that while it has been described in certain quarters as having the same status as other universities, it lacks the authority, independence and freedom that other universities have.

I have reservations also in regard to the proposal concerning the constitution of the governing body. The governing body as proposed in the Bill is loaded in favour of the Department and in favour of the Minister. People in the area are conscious of this and people associated with the institute are conscious of it. There is resentment at what could be described as an element of over-lordship which has been introduced into it. Tied in with that is the fact that throughout the Bill there is a continuing sequence of events where far too many decisions which, while they can be taken by the governing body, nonetheless are still subject to the consent and approval of the Minister and the Department. In an autonomous institute they should be taken by the governing body. There is an element of constraint within the Bill in relation to the operation and the decision-making process within the institute. These constraints will inevitably have the effect of retarding or restraining enterprise and, perhaps, development to a degree.

There is also in the manner in which the finance is being allocated to the institute another element of constraint. There is a necessity to seek approval for spending in connection with various items and for the purchase of certain articles. Far too many of these decisions are being made subject to the consent and approval of the Minister and the Department. I suggest to the Minister that for the institute to be effective, to develop properly and to achieve the task that we want to see it achieve, it requires that extra freedom. In relation to finance, that freedom could be ensured to some degree by providing finance by way of a block grant and thereby eliminate the necessity of the governing body having to seek consent and approval for expenditure.

The institute has been in existence for the greater part of a decade. It started well and it has progressed well. We should have confidence in it to do the job that is expected of it without surrounding it with red tape and constraints of one kind or another. We should remove these constraints where they apply and ensure that it has the freedom and independence to develop as an institute of higher education should. Let us remove the shadow of over-lordship.

The Minister should consider again the question of the composition of the governing body. He should take steps to remove the feeling that, if the governing body is appointed on the basis proposed in this Bill, it will be under the shadow of being loaded in favour of the Department and the Minister. We should provide finance by way of a block grant and have confidence in the capacity, integrity and ability of the governing body to decide how that finance can best be spent for the benefit and progress of the institute.

Is é an céad dualgas atá orm ná tréaslú leis an Aire a fheabhas is a leag sé amach an ráiteas a chuir sé os ár gcomhair maidir leis an mBille seo. Is suimiúil an ráiteas é agus is fiú é léamh, agus é a athléamh, mar is scéal iontach ar fad ó thús é, scéal an Fhorais Náisiúnta um Ard-Oideachas i Luimneach. Is é bunchúis an Bhille, dár ndóigh, ná an Foras Náisiúnta um Ard-Oideachas, Luimneach, a chur ar bonn reachtúil. Tá an foras ag gníomhú dar ndóigh, le ocht mbliana ar a laghad. Is dóigh liom gur tosnaíodh leis na cúrsaí i bhFómhar na bliana 1972. Buíochas le Dia agus buíochas dos na daoine a cheap an scéim agus a cheap an foras, buíochas leo go léir, tá ag éirí go hiontach leis na cursaí agus leis na micléinn. Nuair a tosnaíodh ar na cúrsaí i 1972, ní raibh ann ach 100 macléinn ann agus ní raibh ó thaobh na cúrsaí a bhí le fáil ach oiliúint ar administrative systems, business systems, electronic engineering, European studies and materials and industrial engineering. An lá atá inniu ann, idir micléinn lán-aimsire agus páirtaimsire agus micléinn ag gabháil do iarchursaí nó do ard-chúrsai, tá tuairim 2,500 ar na rollaí. Comhartha eile ar fheabhas an fhorais, an clár atá acu ó thaobh céimeanna a bhaint amach: business studies, administrative systems, European studies, regional studies, public administration, electronic engineering, industrial and management mathematical science, materials and production engineering, energy technology and chemical technology.

Bhfuil éinne anseo a chreidfeadh go dtiocfadh an feabhas sin laistigh d'ocht mbliana? I dteannta na gcúrsaí sin tá cúrsaí i gcóir diplomas. Siad na hábhar atá i gceist ansan ná business studies, banking, European studies, industrial electronics, instrumentation and control, computer engineering, materials and production engineering and industrial design. Ní féidir liom gan tagart arís dos na daoine a cheap na cúrsaí sin. Mar a dúirt mé ó cianaibh, is suimiúil ar fad stair an fhorais sin, moltaí ag teacht agus ag imeacht, ag líonadh is ag trá; malairt tuairimí ó chuireadh tús leis an scéim.

It is very satisfactory that we are here today to put the NIHE, Limerick, on a statutory basis. We had lots of comings and goings since the idea was first mooted on 12 December, 1968. Lots of things have happened since then but certainly the forethought and wide vision of all concerned, from Brian Lenihan who was Minister in 1968 down to our present Minister, who decided on 18 November 1977, that the NCEA was to be a degree awarding body, are very much to be commended.

Living in the age we are in, with the extraordinary development we have seen in the recent past and in the knowledge that we are only at the start of an extraordinary development in chemical and electronic technology, it is expedient and necessary for our survival that we compare favourably with the best in the world. Let nobody have any doubts about it, we have, thanks be to God, very intelligent and dedicated students. There is no reason why they would not be as good if not better than the best in the world. It is significant that last year one of the post-graduate students from the NIHE in Limerick took first prize in competition with students of comparable standard from all the EEC countries. That is very satisfactory. I appeal to all concerned with the running of this institute for very close co-operation between the institute itself and the institute in Dublin when it is functioning fully, and all the regional technical colleges, the State Departments of Agriculture, Industry, Tourism and so on and also the voluntary bodies that encourage development in industry and agriculture and who have very close contact with the State Departments.

I must refer to something that I believe in very strongly. I often remind myself of it when I hear of great developments, sensational developments in technology, how we can do far more than we ever did before with new discoveries and so on. It is great. But the thought that always comes back to me is this: man lives not on bread alone. Man cannot be the final arbiter of his own destiny. It is most important in all educational establishments, in all human activity, especially at this particular time, in our troubled state of mind, in this country, that we remember we have a duty to our conscience and to our country. For that reason—I do not know exactly how it could be done—a great deal will depend on the governing body, and to a greater extent on the academic council, to instill into the students, not alone knowledge of what is there and a thirst for knowledge about what is not yet discovered, but also to put these in their proper perspective and to get students, young and old, to realise that they have a duty to use that knowledge to the betterment of their country and their people. I do not know how that is going to be done. Possibly, a course of, say, Irish studies, Irish in the broadest sense—language, culture, music—to complement the studies they have already undertaken in the technological field. These would give them a direction, because it is no use knowing who we are or knowing what we are doing; we must also know where we are going. What does it profit the man to know everything that can be known, to make everything that can be made, if he does not use it for the betterment of his neighbours and his country.

I wish again to compliment the Minister on his work. It is one of the biggest achievements in his career. He should be very proud of it. The successes that have followed the establishment of an Foras in Limerick have been outstanding and so too, please God, will be the successes when the similar institution comes to fruition in Dublin. I conclude by referring to part of the Minister's speech in which he sums up admirably the position and the need for such institutions:

The dynamic growth of the sixties made it quite evident that we had in Ireland qualities which few abroad had previously attributed to us: we could achieve high levels of productivity and rapidly assimilate new knowledge and acquire new skills. Those industrial organisations which came to Ireland in the sixties discovered many of our latent strengths and built upon them. Initially, of course, much of the newly-generated employment was not particularly sophisticated or intellectually demanding. However, the sixties served to lay the foundation for a new era of development which commenced in the seventies and is now under way in the eighties. Ireland is no longer looked upon as a source of cheap, unskilled labour, but as one of the special locations where the engineering business and scientific expertise necessary for the sophistication of the "micro-chip era" is available.

Do not let us think for a moment this is the end. Unless something extra is brought to the knowledge that the students are acquiring, we will get nowhere, economically, socially or culturally. We must bring with it the knowledge and realisation that we have the duty, as Irish men and Irish women, and as Christians, to fulfil our talents in the service of our fellow countrymen in every way possible. If we do not do that all the knowledge and skills we have acquired will go for nothing.

I should like to say a few words in relation to this Bill. I join with Senator Cranitch in his welcome for it and his congratulations to the Minister on the amount of fruitful effort which has gone into the preparation of this Bill and the enormous amount of background work which, inevitably, has been involved and is only hinted at in the Minister's speech. I should like to join with Senator Cranitch in relation to the philosophical comments he made which I thought were very appropriate and apt. A combination of the aspects—the practical ones which the Minister was so concerned about and the philosophical ones Senator Cranitch referred to—bring us back to the kernel of the Bill and the steps which, quite rightly, are being taken. We had in the establishment of the State, in our struggle to decide our own institutes, our own way of life, a major part of that, particularly in the early stages in relation to education. It has, perhaps, been unduly neglected over the years. That is no reflection on the excellent academics and administrators we have been so fortunate to have here. I do not think we were able to give higher education the attention which it not only deserved but needed if we were properly to develop as a State.

Until recently one heard, all too often, references to the universities and non-university institutes in ways which were more reminiscent of a 19th century Victorian novel than of the realities of life in the 20th century, or to the necessities or opportunities of present-day life. We should reflect upon the fact when considering the Bill that our universities were established primarily on the Victorian pattern of Britain, universities which were set in being primarily to serve the needs of the then United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. In many ways they served those needs very well indeed.

Many Irishmen took advantage of the opportunities offered and rose to very high positions within the United Kingdom and its colonies overseas, high positions which they won on the merits of the education they had received at higher institutions here. Nonetheless, those institutions, no matter how excellent, were certainly not initially designed or intended for the opportunities or difficulties of the present day world. They could not be, by the nature of things, but they have bedevilled our education. Even today one hears otherwise sensible, responsible parents talking about degree and non-degree granting institutions. One hears of the confusion that arises in parents' minds, very understandable concern for their children, but often totally irrelevant to present day reality.

It is important—here I join with Senator Whitaker—it is essential that this institute which is being set up should have the highest possible standards, standards which are not only accepted within the institute but accepted by totally independent external persons and bodies. They should not only be accepted but seen to be accepted. That is vital not only for the well-being of the institute, not only for the immediate concern of the students and graduates of the institute over the years but it is essential in terms of our national well-being and the acceptability of the educational standards we have here and which, increasingly, must be related to international standards.

The Minister referred to many companies from overseas setting up here. Those companies are looking for very high standards of education and attainment. They are not necessarily interested in our own problems, our own standards. All they are interested in is that our graduates, our technologists, should be of an acceptable standard. An acceptable standard in today's world for the sort of industries we are looking for means the very best standard and nothing else. Unfortunately, it will not be sufficient for us to set those standards and internally adhere to them unless they are examined and seen objectively and externally to be of a sufficient quality. I very much echo and support Senator Whitaker's comments.

There are a number of points of detail, or other philosophical or general points one would like to discuss. The Minister has referred to them briefly. I remember, when secretary of the Federation of University Teachers, being involved in many discussions on the arguments pro and con—there are arguments on both sides and very good arguments—regarding the higher level institution to be set up in Limerick. We have reached the best result and I am happy with it. The setting up of an institute specifically like this, independent of our excellent but rather traditionally orientated universities, is absolutely necessary. I have found difficulty in certain circles here, even in quite knowledgeable academic circles, getting through the points that in one of the best university institutions in Europe, in Hanover, there is a situation in which, basically, there are two faculties, the faculty of medicine and the technological faculty. Many people here, with all genuineness, would say that such an institute is not a university and, I suppose, in a Victorian sense it is not. However, in a 1980 sense it is probably one of the best universities in the world. There are many arguments relating to these matters that one could go into.

Turning to specific points, I note in relation to section 8, on the governing body, that the academic council will, according to subsection (3) (a) be able to design, develop and implement appropriate programmes of study whereas in all the other paragraphs it is either being given power to make recommendations or to make them subject to the approval of the governing body—with the exception of subsection (3) (b) where it comes back again to tutorial or academic counselling. I really do hope that this means what it seems to indicate, that the academic council only, not the governing body, not the directorate—no matter how excellent these people will be—not the Department of Education, not anybody else, but the actual academic council will be involved in the design, development and implementation of appropriate courses of study. That is an absolute, if I may use one of the Minister's phrases, sine qua non in this Bill. I am very glad to see it and I hope it will be enshrined as a cornerstone in relation to this institute.

I would disagree with Senator Whitaker in relation to the State-sponsored body. I can appreciate some of his criticisms but, nonetheless, in some ways what we need is to make it very clear that this is indeed a State-sponsored institution of a very new type and, I would hope, of a very excellent type. Many of our State-sponsored bodies, in very different ways, have shown the innovation, the inventiveness and the excellence which will be required of this body. We think of the IDA which is copied worldwide; we think of Córas Tráchtála. I believe we have an opportunity in this institute to set standards of innovation in a developing country, a country which is changing from a relatively undeveloped agricultural base into an extremely technological country. We have the opportunity here, with this institute playing its part, once more to give, in a very small but very critical way, a lead to many other countries in education.

I have mentioned the position of the director and we have been very fortunate in Limerick in the excellent contribution which Dr. Walsh has made to the development of the institution and indeed to higher education generally here. The post of director is an absolutely vital post, particularly in such an institute. This is something we have to look at very carefully. I am not altogether happy that the post of director is a more or less permanet appointment, no matter how excellent the individual concerned may be. This is an institute which by its very nature, to be successful, will have to be innovated continually. It would be a great tragedy if, in any way, one got a situation in which bright early ideas became stultified at a later stage. That is no reflection on any individual; I have the highest respect and regard for the individual who has been concerned so far; it is just a general attitude of mind which inevitably afflicts all of us at some stage or other.

I would like to join in welcoming the Bill and, in particular, the range of studies which the Minister referred to. I am still not happy with these divisions between degrees, diplomas, certificates and so on. It is the excellence of the course followed, of the teachers involved, of the students themselves and of the examinations which they pass at end which matters, not the actual title of the piece of parchment.

I welcome this Bill in the sense that it is overdue. It has been a very long gestation period. I refrain from describing it as a ridiculous mouse. As always, one listens most carefully to the preceding speaker. Senator Conroy seemed to suggest that many of our traditional universities were conceived a long time ago in a Victorian age and that in some sense their ethos is, perhaps, outdated. I would remind the House that there is much that we have to be thankful for in our Victorian heritage. Victorian is not necessarily a pejorative word. Most of our political and parliamentary heritage, in fact, stems from the Victorian era.

I have more than a passing interest in this Bill because the history of it involved some of us in the traditional university colleges. I may say that I heartily endorse the Minister's view that his predecessor was very wise in 1968 in resisting the clamour to set up a traditional type university in Limerick. Members may recall that some of the slogans at that time spoke of Limerick's God given right to a university. We needed another traditional type university in 1968 like we needed a hole in the head. I say this as someone whose discipline could not be more remote from what is now being done in the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick because I am very much a traditional historian indeed. But in 1968, and increasingly since then, the wisdom of the decision not to set up another university in Limerick has been vindicated. There are still those who say that the Burke plan of 1974 might have had a successful development, that if NIHE—if I may use an appalling but convenient abbreviation—had been constituted a recognised college of the National University it might have gone on to become that kind of technological institute at its best, that it is, but also have partaken of what is best in the traditional university life as well. However, I agree with the Minister's subsequent steps when his Government returned to office and I am entirely in favour of the exclusive role of the National Council for Educational Awards in connection with this institute.

Those of us in the university colleges had an invidious task to perform in 1976-77, either in connection with NIHE, or Thomond, in that we were expected to be the midwives of these institutions and there was a brief and rather unhappy connection between the traditional colleges and the Limerick institutions. But it was quite obvious that their whole mode of procedure and their whole objective were totally different from ours. Even in those disciplines which most closely resembled what was being done in Limerick we did not really have the terms of reference in which to communicate with them. It was unfair, but understandable, that some of the staff in the national institute and in Thomond have accused us of academic imperialism when the last thing we wanted or needed was to be saddled with the problems of such an institution.

Senator Whitaker spoke of an unfortunate and brief-lived marriage, Mopso Nysa datur. I was very glad that Nysa set up on her own feet. The Minister's review of history of the institution, as he outlined it in the other House and in this House, has been extremely favourable. He has praised the progress of the institute in glowing terms, has spoken particularly of the unique contribution made by its off-campus experiment and by the co-operative programme. He expressed the hope that the institute would become, in time, a technological university. He approved highly of the activities of the planning board and of the ad hoc governing body, in short, a success story to date with laurels being awarded all round. It is in that context, and against the Minister's favourable view to date of what has been happening, that it is most difficult to understand the nature of this Bill. The Bill is out of character with what the Minister said has been the happy history of the institute to date. I might say, if it is not too personal, that the Bill is also at odds with what we know to be the generous liberal heart that beats under the Minister's formidable exterior.

In 1969, the Higher Education Authority expressed the hope that the Limerick institute would become an independent authority, udarás neamhspleach, under the general protection of the Higher Education Authority. It seems to me that the Government have departed radically from this essential recommendation of the HEA, that the Limerick institute should be autonomous. What this Bill does is to impose a level of ministerial control which is incompatible with—let us leave aside for a moment such cliches as academic independence—the institute's own potential for growth, as Senator Whitaker reminded us, with the flexibility which should be allowed to this institute in these early days.

I have not been approached by anyone from Limerick about this Bill. Maybe that is no compliment to me. One or two suggestions have been made to me from, shall I say, traditional colleagues who said I should not push the Minister too far on this because if I make a clamour for academic independence and say the Minister should apply the same standards all round and control all third level institutions or control none, he might say: "Perhaps I will do that". I considered such a Machiavellian approach and dismissed it as unworthy of me. We have to speak up for our Limerick colleagues on this, because it is not only the Limerick people whose hope for the future is being undermined, who are not being trusted to deliver, but also their counterparts in the institute soon to be set up in Dublin.

Some Members will recall that the officers already appointed to the National Institute for Higher Education, Dublin, held a press conference in Leinster House and, while they were very discreet and very diplomatic, it was quite obvious that they were very worried about this Bill. On the Minister's own statement, this is the model for the national institute in Dublin and the model for Thomand. The question that worries many of us is: is it to be the model for the new university of Cork, the new national university of Dublin, and so on? I cannot see how you can apply one set of standards to one third level institution and not to the soon to be created universities. Let me give it another twist. Why should you insist on the need for ministerial control and public accountability of the national institute in Limerick, but not of institutes which have a great deal of internal independence with not so much public accountability, and which are recognised colleges of a national university in places not 30 or 40 miles from here?

Senator Conroy took the bull by the horns boldly and said, yes it will be a State-sponsored body. I would remind Senator Conroy this is at odds with the Minister's own description of a technological university. Why can we not combine all that is best in the new development, all the exciting things that have been happening in Limerick, and which we need so badly for our own development, with the best in the old academic tradition? Why cannot we combine technological innovation with academic independence?

The Minister, in his Dáil speech, referred to developments at Eindhoven University where, he suggested, there is a considerable amount of direct public control. There is on the Continent generally a tradition of State-sponsored education. Similarly Senator Conroy made a laudatory reference to Hanover. Why should we accept our models and standards from Europe? Is it not enough that they dictate our economy and, inspleach creasingly, our foreign policy, without imposing their educational models on us as well? I would remind those who would dismiss academic independence as a luxury that Germany is a vast country with a long university tradition, but there was not a "geek" out of most German academics during the most hideous tyranny Europe has experienced.

I do not want to look at the Bill in detail. That will come on Committee Stage. I was delighted to hear Senator Whitaker has amendments to offer. Needless to say, there are good points in the Bill. I do not wish the Minister to regard my criticisms as being carping. For example, it is excellent that the Bill spells out that, where the institute have a business contract to carry out, or an appointment to make, members of the governing body should declare their interest. We observe this by gentlemen's agreements in the traditional universities. I am all for writing this measure of public integrity into the Bill. As I have said already, I am entirely in favour of the dominant role of the National Council for Educational Awards.

What I object to throughout the Bill, and it is in virtually every clause, is the overwhelming and intrusive role of the Minister at every hand's turn, in appointments and in planning but, above all, in the composition of the governing body. I cannot understand how any academic Senator, in whatever party he finds himself, or on whichever side of the House he sits, can accept this travesty of a governing body. In a governing body of 25, it is clear that the Minister could have, if needed, 13 out of 25. He appoints nine members directly and others add up to a majority. Conversely, it could happen that only three of the academic staff could sit on the governing body of 25. These restrictions speak for themselves. Perhaps it is that the Minister does not really see it as a technological university. Perhaps Governments in general want to see education, as they see broadcasting, as an instrument of public policy. If so, all I can do, and people like me, is to record our protest. Of course we accept public accountability. I reject the ivory tower nonsense but then I have seen very little of the ivory tower practice. It is my experience that governing bodies of traditional universities are responsible. They do appreciate the considerable freedom and power that they have and it is not power without responsibility.

I listened with great interest to Senator Whitaker's suggestions about a cast iron objective appointments system being written into the Bill which would ensure objectivity and high standards. Since the traditional universities find themselves in a somewhat defensive position in all this it is only fair to say that the appointments system in the traditional universities, certainly the NUI, has seen a vast improvement over the last decade particularly. We have a system whereby in the vast majority of cases—and all these cases are widely publicised—appointments are made by unanimous acceptance by the academic bodies of an assessors' board report where sitting on those boards and depending on the seniority of the post involved are people from outside the universities whose voice, if not crucial, is at least highly important to the decision made. I am quite prepared to see a guarantee for the system written not simply into this legislation but into the impending university legislation as well.

The Minister spoke in the Dáil about the danger of academic drift. What can be the only ground on which to excuse the overwhelming ministerial proposed control of the institute is the fear that somehow the institute may not continue to do what they were set up to do, that they will allow their resources to be diverted, that there will be an academic drift. Is this really why he wants to impose a stranglehold on the national institute in terms of control? If this is so it is, I must repeat, at odds with what the Minister says have been the responsibility, efficiency and success of the institute in the last five years.

If I were a member of the National Institute for Higher Education staff in Limerick I should be gravely disturbed by this Bill. It is, more than anything, specific. It has the psychological climate of the Minister and the Government all over the place, so to speak, in every clause of this Bill which should disturb me very gravely in my new beginnings. As I said, I do not know how any Senator who happens to be an academic can support this Bill as it stands and even at this late stage I hope the Minister will look at it again.

I have managed for a fair number of years now not to speak on Bills to do with education because I have a great fear of doing damage in that area. I have rather directed my little learning into other areas where the damage could not be so great. However, I feel in this case a compulsion to speak and it is not merely because of the negative nature of the points that I will make or which have been made but because of the importance of these points and perhaps because of one general point I want to make not precisely arising out of terms of the Bill itself but rather out of what has been the common theme of this debate. That is the whole question of technology, which word, if I am not wrong, is not in the Bill. Maybe I should have found it but I looked for it and did not find it, but it has been referred to many times in this debate and also in the debate in the other House.

I cannot understand why the Minister has chosen to follow this course that he has with regard to the retention or the taking into his own hands of such enormous powers as seem, from the reading of this Bill, to be taken into the Minister's hands. Senator Murphy in his contribution described academic freedom as a cliché which he would not use but they are a pair of words which I clasp firmly to my own heart as meaning a very great deal. He anticipated me and, very correctly, made the point with regard to Germany that there is on the Continent, of which the Minister has cited an example, a tradition of dependence in the Germanic areas on the state which you do not find in these islands and the dangers and real harm of that became very obvious in the thirties when the independence which we enjoy and know about of our universities would have been exercised—and indeed in our circumstances that independence was exercised against the dominant politics of the day, as everyone in this House probably knows in the case of University College, Dublin. Maybe you can fault them for having that view that they had but they maintained their independence which was the significant and important thing.

It is ironic that since I sat down first in this seat since this debate started I have been handed a letter asking me to use my influence, God help us, to get somebody appointed to a professorship in one of the colleges of the National University of Ireland. Well, if that is what they do in the greenwood what shall they do in the dry? If in the actual circumstances of the university colleges at Dublin, Cork and Galway somebody is daft enough to think that I would have an influence which I would care to use in favour of some candidate or that could be used, what on earth is going to happen where it is known from the beginning that the final answers to all these matters are to be found in the Minister?

It is very important from the point of view of the prestige, self-confidence and continued good performance of this institute that they should have recognised before the world their independence, their right to say no, their right publicly to criticise departmental or educational policy, their right to dissent from industrial policy, their right to engage in social criticism of the degree of industrial development which is taking place, their right to question whether technological development of a particular kind should be used in this island. They should be encouraged, quite apart from the matter of continuing the pioneering work they have been doing. I, too, would like to recognise with regard to these applied sciences that they should be ready to take a stance in the consideration of the social and human problems which technology, the very success of man in his use of his knowledge in dominating nature, is creating for him. We will go out into these streets later this evening and if we choose our moment wrong how long will it be before we reach wherever we want to go as a result of man's ability to clutter up his routes with more and more of his own inventions? Then, along with that, suddenly, or perhaps after due notice, the source of all this motivation in our streets is going to be withdrawn from us with the drying up of energy and then we will have to cope with all the social consequences of the withdrawal of the motivation of this new technology.

I want to make two points. The Minister should be positively limited as to the influence he can exert on the institute. May I say with regard to that that I understand very well how a Minister, such as our present Minister for Education, knowing himself to have nothing but good intentions with regard to this institute, or any other higher institute that there may be, may not see the point that his successors may not be so well disposed and knowing the quality of his advisers, he cannot allow himself to think that a time could come when a Minister might not have such qualities and advice available to him. It is not a question of all power corrupting because that is not what Acton actually said. All power tends to corrupt, and absolute power tends to corrupt absolutely, and so it does. It is very dangerous not to have this power in regard to the management of this higher institute of education broken up as much as possible with, what Senator Whitaker rightly said, proper criteria for determining quality appointments to the staff, awards of degrees and so on.

On Senator Conroy's point, it seems outrageous that I should venture on to a field with Senator Conroy connected with education, but I do. These pieces of parchment do matter a little bit. It is just like a good name as regards finance. Nobody knows how good Mr. A may be with a degree, but if Mr. A has a degree that is recognised as of high quality and standard everywhere, he is a luckier man than those holding other pieces of parchment.

I absolutely agree with the Senator. The point I was differentiating was that the actual title of the parchment whether it be a degree or——

I misunderstood the Senator. I still think a degree has an importance because of usage. The second point, which I do not intend to pursue at any length, is that I think your company tells you a lot about yourself. If the Minister will be patient with me for making this point once more, it is the old Newman point about education: you are educated rather more by the people who are at the college with you than by the people who are actually teaching you. The word inter-disciplinary has been used. I take it there is at present an inter-disciplinary approach in the institute in Limerick, but by the nature of things, if there are not departments engaged in the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake, in simply studying for the pleasure of it, and if people are not rubbing shoulders with people who are not career orientated—that was also used—they will themselves be the lesser people for not meeting and becoming friendly with people who are called to a different type of activity. For example, take the Church. There are people with vocations who never want to be bishops. It is very good for bishops that there are plenty of such people.

I did not know anything about the National Institute for Higher Education, Limerick, until I read the Minister's speech in Dáil Éireann which was a great aid to me. I then found out what the previous Government had proposed with regard to this institute, what Senator Murphy referred to as being a recognised college of the national university. That is old ground now. I do not know how you do it, but it is extremely desirable that the institute be engaged in doing much more than merely producing people for jobs; merely feeding the requirements of industry. This, apart from anything else, is going to lead to the type of radical criticism, which will have a certain validity, of the institute in Limerick which you found being mounted in the sixties in America with regard to the academic institutions—that their existence was justified by their production of people who would be able to feed the armaments industry and be advisers to the Pentagon and so on. I think it is rather important that there be people mooching around in Limerick who will continue to mooch around doing their bits and pieces of independent research, that may or may not ever see the light of day or may not even be published. I am not a believer in this determination of the value of a man by the number of papers he publishes. He may produce only one paper in his life but all the worthwhile colleagues in his area may know he is at it and may be more influenced by the genuineness of his approach than they will be by the serialisaton of the various bits he is getting out.

It is enormously important for this institute to have the feeling at the end of the day that it is every bit as worthy as University College, Dublin, Trinity College, Dublin, University College, Cork, University College, Galway, Maynooth and any other university. It must be as good as the best and it must be treated by the Minister in the same way; it must not be in any way subordinate to them. I cannot feel in my heart that the Minister is going to propose legislation of a like kind in respect of the other academies. If he is not proposing it, and he should not be proposing to put forward legislation of that kind for these institutions, he should not be proposing this legislation for this institution. This is my view.

It may be that an tÚdarás have advised on this matter. Senator Murphy referred to some report but I want to ask the Minister whether, under the Higher Education Authority Act, 1971 an tÚdarás had advised him on the need for this institute or on the nature and form of the legislative measures required. Section 5 of that Act says:

An tÚdarás shall advise the Minister on the need or otherwise for the establishment of the new institution of higher education, on the nature and form of these institutions and on the legislative measures required in relation to their establishment or in relation to any existing institution of higher education.

I do not know whether they have given any advice on this, but in the division of power I would hope that an tÚdarás would be brought in in some way. Even though its function may only be advisory it still can have conferred on it additional functions by appropriate provisions in this legislation with regard to the operations of this institute. I make the quick point of a legal character in case the Committee Stage is taken quickly. Section 2 of this Bill says:

There shall, by virtue of this section, be established an institute of higher education within the meaning of the Higher Education Authority Act, ...

There is not any such thing as "an institute of higher education within the meaning of the Higher Education Authority Act," as will be seen if one looks at the Higher Education Authority Act.

I would like to join with other speakers in expressing some disquiet at the way in which this Bill is being framed but, at the same time. I wish the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick every success in its development for the future. I fully realise the importance which this institute plays in national life, an importance which will continue and grow and which is underlined by the fact that a similar institution which will be administered on similar lines is being established currently in Dublin. The pattern which is set out in this Bill is one which will be followed and reproduced elsewhere and it makes this legislation doubly important.

I share the apprehensions of speakers such as Senator Murphy, Senator Whitaker and Senator FitzGerald on the amount of direct ministerial control of the institution. I believe that the initial decision to separate this institution from the universities was the right one. I also feel that the decision to place its certification under the National Council for Educational Awards was also the correct one. But, having said that, I feel that the NIHE, Limerick, should have been distanced somewhat more from the Minister and his Department. The problem of freedom is a real one and I am somewhat worried—I would be more worried if I were a member of the institute staff—by the provisions of this Bill and particularly the provisions which allow the Minister such a high degree of control. I echo what Senator Whitaker said. I believe that the Minister has the very best of intentions but he will not always be in his present position. As we all know, Ministers are figureheads. Much of our life is spent dealing with bureaucracies of various types——

I deny being a figurehead. A figurehead is a decoration.

The Minister is a very decorative person. I would be happier if there was another body acting as a buffer between the Department of Education and this institute such as universities possess in the Higher Education Authority. All of us are aware of the difficulties that may arise in terms of an institution such as this where a good degree of freedom and flexibility is needed if the institute is going to attract high quality staff. That is the first and absolutely vital thing we have got to ensure if it is going to establish courses which will attract high quality students. There are very many students in this country who would benefit from the sort of courses which are given by the NIHE, which are not generally given in the traditional universities. I am delighted to see emphasis in a different direction from the traditional one. It is absolutely right. Some push from the top was required to set this in motion. If the motion is to continue to attain the mathematical perfection which we would desire it to have, then I believe that the institute once set on its own feet should have been given some more autonomy and less ministerial direction than is set out in this Bill.

Not very long ago I fought a long and a lone battle in this House—in the dying days of the previous Government—to preserve the independence of the scientists in a certain Government institute. It was already a semi-State body but in my opinion it was going to be an even more semi-State body than it had been before in the face of some changes in the administrative structure. Ultimately, although not on that particular occasion, my side of the argument turned out to be that acted on. The scientists involved working in an institute which has the highest of high reputations for pure research and applied research in agriculture felt that their position was threatened by administrative changes which would have brought them more firmly under the control of the Government Department involved.

I echo this plea to set the institute on the road and then give it the maximum possible degree of freedom. The Minister referred to the parallel drawn with the Massachusetts Institute of Technology as an interesting and very worthwhile comparison with what we would hope the NIHE will develop into. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology has reached the position in the forefront of educational institutions in the world mainly because a high component of its effort and its money has been put into pure research. It has some of the greatest pure research scientists in the fields in which that institute deals with. These are men who are not working in their fields because of the particular applications in different areas; they are interested in science for its own sake. From the very first the MIT set out to attract pure scientists of the very highest calibre just because they were pure scientists and it has succeeded in doing so.

I was surprised and delighted on a visit to the institute some years ago to find that, although it had not been the original intention of that body, it in fact had a small but excellent Arts department. The Minister will be glad to learn that in that department there are men with a fine knowledge of the classics, men who excel in the literary field. As it was explained to me, they could give a broader sweep to the educational range of that institution and they were performing a valuable service. One should not neglect either side of this sort of equation.

First, the NIHE will need to recruit pure scientists whose skill and devotion is to their science and not necessarily to any applications of that science. Of course they will be involved, but the pure scientist is a pure scientist. Generally he is interested in things for their own sake. I am certain that if this body is to develop there will have to be a mixture of the pure scientist and the person dealing with applied science. That is the best mixture and the most productive one. It is the interaction between the people working at the very forefront of knowledge and the people who are working with very many applications of knowledge in industry, and in the various walks of life to which science has been applied, which provides the real stimulus, the real development and the real interest for students and, in actual practical in economic terms it probably also provides the best pay. I ask the Minister to bear in mind that some of the appointments will have to be men who pursue art for art's sake. I use "art" in the wider sense of the term. There is no doubt, and many speakers have stressed this, that equality of the staff who are appointed is absolutely essential. I would generally follow Senator Whitaker's line and say that cast-iron methods of appointment are needed to ensure that the highest quality people get the appointments.

I would also like to back up Senator Whitaker on the problem of standards of degrees, diplomas and so on. We need to ensure that these are of the very highest calibre and if we do so now I am sure that there will not be the problem of second-class citizens vis-a-vis, the universities. I would hate to see this. We definitely need educational institutions which deal with the components of our education with which the NIHE will deal, and we must ensure that the standards are of the very highest. The only way we can do this is by obtaining the services of external professors from the recognised professional bodies elsewhere. It is not enough to try to validate the degree certificates and diplomas internally. Anybody who has worked in third level education will know that external validation is essential. I would like to see this written into the Bill in a specific form. It is an absolutely fundamental point which I intend to develop on Committee Stage.

I would join in a plea from all sides of the House that, in establishing the NIHE and in putting its relevant legislation on the Statute Book, we give that body the highest possible degree of autonomy and the greatest possible level of flexibility and that we cut down to the minimum acceptable level the dangers that very intimate contact with the bureaucracy can always have to such an institution. We should ensure by this legislation that the NIHE Limerick and its successor in Dublin—and surely the pattern will be reproduced to a fair extent when the Dublin institute is legislated for—fulfil the extremely important role they have to play in Irish third level education to the very best of their ability.

This is the first time I have spoken in this House when the Minister was with us, and I should like to welcome him. I am glad to have the opportunity to speak on this National Institute for Higher Education, Limerick Bill, 1980, and to say at the outset that the development of the institute is extremely welcome. The campaign in the Limerick region for a number of years was for what was termed a university, to seek equal status, if you like, with Cork, Dublin and Galway. I am very glad that what has developed in Limerick is this National Institute for Higher Education rather than a body with the title of university. At that time one could see that the future in this country was a technological one and that, in so far as employment in the marketplace was concerned, people emerging from the universities with qualifications in the arts were facing a period of tremendous problems. We were educating far more people than this country had the capacity to employ in the Arts and not nearly enough emphasis was being put at that time on technical education, I welcome this most welcome change. This Institute for Higher Education is in line with the activities in the regional technical colleges. One of the very significant events in this country in the last decade has been such a spawning of activity in this technical education field. With the present emphasis on industrial employment and technological employment, these institutes obviously take a major part in the role of successive Governments in creating jobs.

I welcome this development, also, because I have seen activities in Germany and other countries and the emphasis on technical education there. For example, in Trondheim in Norway there is an NTH College which is a major institute. In these very advanced countries, had they not a generation ago developed these technical education structures, they would not today be in their present very strong position. Perhaps we might have advanced much further as a nation if we had at an earlier stage put an emphasis on technical education. With the emergence of free second level and third level education in this country, until recently it might have been the ambition of every mother that her children go to university and, to an extent, there was a notion that a technical institute was an institute of somewhat lesser standing. I hope that things are now turning full circle, against our crippling statistics of unemployment.

It is sad that, in welcoming this institute, which is in the country's interest, the debate should not take the form of a concensus, because there should be a concensus about this type of development. It is sad that the negative aspects of the Bill have been emphasised by a number of speakers in this House and, indeed, by independent speakers as well as those in the political parties. Obviously, if there are weaknesses in the structure of this Bill and public misgivings about the structure, Members of this House must, as is their function, concentrate in this debate on these deficiencies rather than compliment the Minister on the better sections in this Bill. Certainly in this Bill there are very useful sections in the setting up of the structure and there is much on which the Minister and the parliamentary draftsmen are to be commended. I know the Minister, I hold him in high regard and am quite certain that the furthest thing from his mind is to set up a structure which might be politically suspect, or, in so far as the present Government are concerned, a structure which might imply that it is a structure which is going to be pulled with political strings by the present Government. I know the Minister much better than that. However, the problem is that it is not a matter that justice must be done but justice must be seen to be done. In the setting up of the structure, with the heavy hand of the Minister and of the Department and the familiar type of cynicism in this country, whether or not justice is going to be done, it will not be seen to be done, and this is not a very good start for this institute. Also, this is the first such institute in this country and, as such, where the Government are committed in principle to the development of other such institutes, this clearly is the model being set up for other institutes. The precedent established by this Bill when passed by the Oireachtas will presumably be the model on which further institutes in Dublin and elsewhere in the country will be based. It is for these reasons that there is disquiet.

Regarding the debate in Limerick, at that time they sought equal status with the university and this institute has emerged. They have been told that it is comparable with university training but that it is simply a different type of education. If the universities have traditionally and continue to have a great deal of autonomy, an independent spirit and independent decision making, if this structure has by and large been acceptable to Governments and if the institute in Limerick is equal in status to a university, then why do the present Government not grant to this institute in Limerick, in terms of the governing structure and in terms of the administration, a somewhat similar structure at least so that the same spirit of independence can develop? I join my colleague Senator Murphy in seeking a marriage between the technical and the university structures which have served this country very well.

The universities have not been geared for technological education and this institute is, but can we afford to throw over traditions running back for centuries? Can we afford to throw over these administrative or governing traditions in this whiz-kid age of the 1980s? That is damaging and a dangerous precedent is being created. Although I know it is far from the Minister's mind that this should be the background, this will be seen to have political undertones. We completely support the development of this institute in Limerick. It is one of the great events in this decade; but it is very sad that, instead of discussing the establishment of the structures of this institute in the Oireachtas, we cannot have a concensus between the three political parties and the independent Senators. Obviously, because of the structure being proposed it is necessary that we should differ. For that reason the Fine Gael spokesman for education in Seanad Éireann will put down a number of amendments for Committee Stage of this Bill.

This Bill is against the principle of autonomy and against the notion of independence of a highly-qualified staff. It is sad that this is happening in the vocational education sector. It seems to run through the vocational education system. Even at local level, in the administration of the vocational schools, I take exception to the structure through which committees of county councils appoint teachers because I have seen too many appointments made where graduates are expected to doff the cap against a background of political controls to those on various county councils. I do not say that in a narrow political sense, as this is completely unacceptable. I urged the last Minister for Education to change the system, and I urge the present Minister to do so. This vocational aspect of education at all levels seems to be bedevilled by notions of interference. While there may be many very good people on the board, I object to the fact that so many of the Minister's people are on the board. The Minister can apparently appoint nine directly and four indirectly from the representatives of the regional technical college, from the teaching staff and from the management boards. It is very unacceptable. Even the term "director" rather than "president" really implies that he is the agent of the Minister in running the college.

This institute will face problems in their relationship with the Higher Education Authority, which up to this was liasing with them in regard to the establishment of forms of administration. In relation to functions, under section 4, to provide degrees and so on and other courses with the approval of the Minister, the heavy hand of the Minister comes in again. In another section in this Bill, when a structure has developed and when a staff of professors and lecturers have been appointed, if in terms of discipline it is necessary to remove or to suspend a member of the staff of the institute, apparently the institute cannot remove or suspend a member of the staff without the consent of the Minister. This weakens the authority of the governing body of this new institute.

If this institute has similar status to that of universities and if the universities have representation in the Seanad of which we are Members, what is the position of those who study and qualify from the institute in Limerick? If it has similar status, then it should have similar representation through the same structure of electing the university Senators. A fight was fought to develop technical education, and to suggest that this new institute be at least equal if not better in this age than any university college. But in the setting up of the structure we are not being fair, because we are strangling the institute by the heavy hand of the Minister. I know that the Minister is the last person consciously to establish a political structure, but it will be interpreted in this way.

We welcome the establishment of this institute in the broadest terms possible for all of the reasons that have to do with the technical age and the necessity for technical education. However, we believe it is very sad that on the introduction of this Bill there are so many aspects that are controversial and that we cannot have the necessary consensus. For that reason that we find ourselves in the position of having to oppose on Committee Stage a number of these sections.

I certainly welcome the Bill, as do most people in this House. It is a very important development in Irish education. There is no doubt but that the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick gives us very good reason for satisfaction and great hope for the future.

It is very important that a Bill like this would appear to be as free as possible from any type of political connotations. I do not say that in the context of whatever Minister for Education we might have either in this Government or in another Government, but is it prudent for education as we know it and particularly for an institute of this type to have a situation whereby the nominees of the Minister would in fact total more than half the board? Most of those things do not turn that way. However, perhaps in relation to a few small changes in the make-up of the board, we could prevail on the Minister at this stage, rather than wreck a very good Bill, to have a rethink on the composition of the board. This heralds an innovation in Irish education. There is no doubt but that it is time that this emphasis came to be. The functions as stated in the Bill are wide-ranging enough to take care of any major changes that might occur in education at this level in the foreseeable future.

I congratulate the people who drafted this Bill. On the question of the membership of the board, the Minister's nominees total 13 out of 25. While I have no doubt that it is very important for the Minister for Education of the day to have more than a vested interest in an institute of this kind, nevertheless, because of the fact that it is involved in the educational field, there should be no shortcuts on behalf of anybody involved in the education of our third level students and anybody on a board such as that of NIHE should be there in the best interests of education generally.

I am amazed that it was found necessary that it should be seen publicly that 13 out of 25 nominees would be the Minister's nominees. The people appointed with the Minister's approval might be there in the very best interests of education but people might not see it that way. When it comes to Committee Stage I will have to press the Minister to have a rethink on this question. Other than that, it is a very good Bill and long overdue. One hopes that the lesson to be learned from the institute in Limerick will spread across the country and that the type of education and courses provided will train students for various positions in life. If we are to keep up with this fast-changing psychological world it is important that we have people trained for the right pursuits in life.

It is an excellent Bill but, because of the composition of the board and in the best interests of education generally, would it be possible for the Minister to change his number of nominees and thus ensure we have an institute deeply involved in education and autonomous as far as possible. I hope the Minister takes note of the serious reservations that the members of Fine Gael have on this Bill. When it comes to Committee Stage perhaps there may be changes.

Is mian liom mo bhuíochas a ghabháil leis na Seanadóirí a labhair sa díospóireacht seo agus a rá leo gur bhain mé sochar as an méid a bhí le rá acu.

Senator O'Brien in opening the debate for the Opposition gave a very well balanced view of the Bill before the House. He referred to the long delay in the development of the institutions, which arose from the Vocational Education Act, 1930, and regretted it. It is as well to set that Act in its context. From 1929 to 1940 the whole world was in a very depressed state and, in particular, industrialised countries were in serious economic difficulties. It was not a question of their reaching out and seeking for people with vocational training, technician training or technological training, it was a matter of trying to survive in a period which does little credit to anybody who was involved in trying to organise the world at that time.

I should like to put on the record of the House my appreciation of the part that Senator Mulcahy played many years ago in the development of the technological part of our education system. As the House knows, he was a pioneer in this respect and worked very hard on the committee which recommended the establishment of a chain of regional technical colleges throughout the country which would make technological education available to as many as possible in as many regions as possible with the allied view that industrial development would follow upon the establishment of these regional technical colleges. The House remembers that the commission mentioned the desirability of setting up new colleges and the idea of the national institutes grew from that recommendation, although the national institutes, being heavily in the technological area, are not quite what was recommended by the commission when it mentioned new colleges.

We got back to our old discussion with Senator Keating about the relative merits of what were called, by a man who died this morning, C.P. Snow, the two cultures. It is very easy to pick up something like that which had its own insights and which was a very important lecture in its time. It is very important to place it in its own social context because many of the points made by C.P. Snow in that lecture were to be taken in the context of the university which he attended and the social set-up in the country in which he lived. It is true, and has been mentioned in the course of this debate, that in many European countries there is a strict dichotomy between what we know as the traditional university and the technical institutes or technological universities. In this country we had a marriage of convenience quite a long time ago. Senator Staunton indicated that the universities were not properly here for technological input. We have in our universities civil engineering, chemical engineering, industrial engineering, electrical engineering, mechanical engineering, agricultural engineering. All these disciplines are already incorporated in one or other of the universities we have already. It is easy to develop a kind of cerebral argument about the two cultures as Senator Keating was doing, without their having very much reality in the country as a whole or at least outside certain restricted areas, particularly in our capital city.

Senator Hillery emphasised and praised the importance of the cooperative element in the education being provided in the National Institute for Higher Education in Limerick, but he thought a full year of connection with an industry was excessive and indicated that in some instances they had cut that down. He said perhaps this was an indication that the period they are using now is too much.

The second point he made on that—and perhaps these are detailed points which should be raised on Committee Stage—was the possibility that, when students from the institute got accustomed to working in industry, this would discourage them from doing postgraduate work later on, that they would be affected by the desire to be working and earning immediately and consequently, the research part of the institute would suffer as a result. This is a possibility. The acting director of the National Institute for Higher Education, Limerick, was very keen that a develop-changin ment in research should take place. In my opening speech I indicated the exact strength of the research group there at the moment. Perhaps another suggestion that Senator Hillery made could come into play—I thought of it when he was speaking—if there is an industry which finds that the talents of a particular student from the National Institute, Limerick now, Dublin in the future, suit that particular institute, they could make a grant available to him to do the research. Consequently he, the institute and the industry would get the best of both worlds.

He also mentioned the danger of overemphasis on any particular development and he mentioned the danger of going overboard on electronics and particularly on electronic design at the expense of production engineering. These are details but they are, no doubt, details that will be taken cognisance of by the institute. I know that nearly everybody who feel it incumbent on him or her to make a speech nowadays must make some reference to micro-chips or electronics or the speed of technological advance and so on. There might be a danger that there would be overemphasis on this area. I am not in the position to say that there is but a warning perhaps is no harm at all. Our duty should be to see to it that the courses are available for people to take up the position in the rapidly expanding electronic industry. We should also be thinking in the education world about what will happen when the computer makes people redundant.

There is an obligation on us to think educationally, apart from economically and socially, about this particular problem. There is also an obligation on us to think out and research the best course for people, so that their minds will be as flexible and adaptable as possible and as creative as possible because they will have to train and retrain many times during their lifetime. It is important also in 1980 to put on record that we should not allow in 1984 a fictional 1984 situation to develop and to make sure that the type of education we are giving will see to it that the citizens will be in charge of the technology and not vice versa.

Thug Senator Whitaker óráid mhaith agus bhí sé soiléir go ndearna sé macnamh ar an gceist. Dúirt sé go raibh brón air gur sórt bord Stáit a bhí i gceist againn sa Bhille, nach raibh solúbthacht—de réir mar is cuimhne liom na focail a bhain sé usáid astu—ag baint leis an institiúid mar gheall ar an mBille agus go raibh mion-laincísí ar an institiúid, laincísí nach bhfuil ar na hollscoileanna.

Ní dóigh liomsa go bhfuil sé seo fíor. Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil gad ar bith ar an institiúid agus is féidir liom a rá nach bhfuilim ag glacadh leis na leasaithe a luaigh sé. Bhí sé ag caint ar níos mó cumhachta a thabhairt don bhord ach ag an am chéanna ní ag tabhairt níos mó cumhachta don mbord a bhí na leasuithe ach a mhalairt ar fad. Níl a fhios agam go bhfuil sé sin cóir nó an bhfuilim ag déanamh éagcóir ar an Seanadóir ach de réir mar a thuigimse an scéal deireann sé go gcuireann an Bille laincisí ar an institiúid ach mar sin féin tá laincis aige féin ar an mbord nó dhá laincis san méid a bhí le rá aige faoin chaighdeán agus faoi na poist ins an institiúid.

Éinne a léigh an méid atá ráite agamsa cheana féin sa Dáil agus in áiteanna eile sa tir tuigeann sé gur leag mise béim ó thús ar thábhact an chaighdeáin agus tá mé sásta go bhfuil an caighdeán sin le fáil ón NCEA. Dúirt an Seanadóir nach raibh aon dualgas ar an NCEA saineolaí nó saineolaithe a thabhairt isteach ón gcoigríoch ionas go ngeallfadh siad an caighdeán ins an institiúid, ach mar sin féin rinne mise taighde ar an scéal agus tháinig mé ar an eolas gur tháinig 41 saineolaithe cheana féin ag cabhrú leis an NCEA ionas go mbeadh caighdeán ceart ag na dioplómaí agus ag na céimeanna a bhronntar ón NCEA.

Luaigh Senator Whitaker freisin go raibh baint ag Ollscoil Náisiúnta na hÉireann leis an institiúid, go raibh sé mar choláiste aitheanta a dhein ollscoil ar feadh tamaill agus gur mise a chuir an colscaradh i gcrích. Ní bhéinn sa ghnó sin ach mar cheap nach raibh aon dul as agam agus go dtiocfadh feabhas ar an scéal dá mba rud é go raibh an colscaradh sin ann. Dúirt an Seanadóir Whitaker freisin gur chóir go mbeadh institiúid againn, foras againn a mheallfhadh micléinn ón acadúlacht go dtí an teicneolaoícht. Ceapaim go diongbhálta go bhfuil sé sin fíor, go bhfuil an institiúid sin ann agus go neartaíonn an Bille seo an institiúid.

When Senator Whitaker mentioned the idea that it was a State corporation rather than an educational institute I felt it was not exactly a fair criticism. Somebody took up the point later—I believe Senator Howard mentioned it also—and said that it was not a State board we needed. However, without it being a State board there are several aspects of many of a State board—I mention in Senator Howard's own area, SFADCo—which could be of benefit to the NIHE, namely, enterprise, the drive, push, and energy, the attempt to innovate and bring in new ideas, all those could be predicated off a national institute with benefit. I am 100 per cent in agreement with Senator Whitaker's ideas about standards, as I said in Irish, and staff appointments. The most important point of all is to make sure that the standard is high. Whatever others think about us we should make sure that the standard is high. The NCEA has an obligation in that respect, an obligation which I have emphasised time and again in the Houses of the Oireachtas and elsewhere, either at NCEA or NIHE occasions. The Membership of the Dáil and the Seanad is in agreement with me on this. I indicated that 41 foreign experts have been on various occasions, and in various disciplines, invited here to ensure that the standards laid down for certificates, diplomas and degrees by the NCEA are of the highest international repute. We could maintain that. We do not necessarily have to write it into this Bill.

Staff appointments are also to be the subject of an amendment by Senator Whitaker. He referred to the appointments in the NUI and the system of appointments there. Senator Murphy later said that there was an improvement. I believe he is right and that an improvement has taken place in that regard. The House might like to know the system that is being followed at the moment by the institute which is as of now an ad hoc institute without statutory being. Posts are advertised at home and abroad, some more extensively than others, depending on the specialism required. There is a five-man selection board constituted of two members of the senior academic staff of the institute and two people who are not members of the institute. Usually one of these is a senior academic of another third level institution. There is also a chairman who is a member of the governing body who is not on the staff of the the institute. To my mind, that is a reasonably good board for selection. In fact, if the basic qualifications are laid down and the procedure which has been adopted hitherto by the institute does not result in the best person getting a position, I cannot see that board of assessors from outside being in any better position for doing that. I know of a flagrant case in a university where the board of assessors unanimously recommended a person but he was not appointed to a position. All we can do is to strive for the ideal position. I do not think it is necessary to incorporate any structure in the Bill for the making of appointments. Wide advertising is important and a responsible board of the institute is important to advise the governing body making the appointment.

Senator Howard traced the relationship of the institute to the original grouping which pushed for a university in Limerick. He asked for a guarantee that the proper funding would be available for the institute and I have no hesitation in giving that guarantee and in also asserting that the per capita expenditure on the student body of the NIHE Limerick has been very high indeed. Those who read the Dáil Official Reports will know that from an answer I gave to a parliamentary question not so long ago. Senator Howard thought there was a lack of freedom for the governing body and also echoed the sentiment about a State board. I mentioned that already. There are certain aspects of State boards, particularly the State board in the Senator's own region, that many of our academic institutions could be doing with.

I should like to make the point that NIHE Limerick is a designated institution for the purposes of the higher education authority—An tUdarás Árd Oideachas, which sits as the assessor of needs and makes the recommendation. Luaigh an Seanadóir Cranitch an bás a tháinig ar an institiúid agus an forbairt a tháinig air ó bunaoidh é mar institiúid ad hoc. Mhol sé caighdeán na gceimeanna agus caighdeán na dioplomaí. He went on to refer to the extraordinary expansion in chemical and electronic technology and the need to have educational structures to cope with these developments. He emphasised one thing to which I attach particular importance, the link and co-operation between the regional technical colleges and the national institute. This is fundamental to the whole thinking behind the structure.

People who finish a certificate or diploma course, as the case may be, in a regional technical college should have places available to them in the national institute so that they will be able to move up in their own particular discipline from certificate to degree level. He also mentioned the importance of keeping a link with the various voluntary bodies and the various promotional institutes in the various spheres of our national life, and this is important also. Rinne sé tagairt sular éirigh sé as do thábhacht an éigse, do thábhacht na nithe spioradálta san institiúid agus dúirt sé nach raibh maitheas ar bith i bhforbairt den tsórt seo mura mbeadh grá tíre agus gnéithe den éigse seo le fáil ins an institiúid freisin. Is doigh liom go bhfuil an institiúid ag gníomhú mar is cóir sa méid sin i láthair na huaire.

Senator Conroy felt that higher education has not had the attention and support it deserved up to now and that the type of university development was one which was designed to produce people for the service of the Crown and that very often it was not alive to the present reality. I am not in agreement with him on that. As I have indicated already many of the areas of engineering have been wedded to the concept of the old traditional university and wedded successfully. There is no danger in this sphere of the colscaradh to which Senator Whitaker has referred.

Senator Conroy also emphasised, in agreement with Senator Whitaker, the importance of standards and of external assessment. I have indicated to the House that there is a very substantial element of the use of the external assessor already in this field. In fact, the amendment more rightly belonged to the Bill for the establishment of the National Council for Educational Awards. Indeed, it might be that the council itself would, on a triennial basis or every five years or so, invite, as well as the people they invite each year to act as assessors, people to make a general assessment of the standards for them. But we are not particularly involved in that here.

The Senator also referred to how vital it was to have an effective director and expressed satisfaction with the quality of work done by the existing director. He said he was unhappy with the idea of the director being permanent and, indeed, there are people in other institutes of higher education worried about this whole problem of people holding office for a long time. The Senator said that innovation, keeping in touch with new discoveries and fresh ideas was of the very nature of this institute and that all of us tend to become dulled and to run out of innovation as time goes on. It is a problem with regard to all institutes of higher education; it is one that perhaps they themselves and those of us who are involved heavily in education should address ourselves to.

Senator Murphy went on to pick up one point that Senator Conroy made and denied that Victorian was necessarily a pejorative adjective and went on to point out that many of our political ideas and so on developed from that period. He agreed that this institute was the right type of institute for Limerick and expressed very strongly the view that in 1968 we did not need just another university college. I know that University College, Cork, was involved in the various moves that were made with regard to the status of the institute in Limerick. I have already written formally to UCC to thank them for the amount of work they did at that time. He rightly said that there was no question of academic imperialism involved. The task was thrust upon them rather than the initiative coming from them and they trying to push out their own imperial frontiers in the direction of Limerick. This is true and the same is true of the involvement of UCG.

I take issue with Senator Murphy when he says that the Bill is out of character with the sentiments expressed. I do not think there is an overdue measure of Ministerial control built into the Bill. This was a theme that was repeated time and again by other Senators. In fact amendments were made by me on the suggestion of the governing body of the National Institute for Higher Education, Limerick. There is no intention on my part—and I do not think careful reading of the Bill will indicate it—to arrogate to myself too much power. The level of Ministerial control is well below what is exercised, as has been said elsewhere, in other institutes.

When Senator Murphy asked the question—and it is a proper question to ask—why should we accept standards or models from Europe, he went on to say something I did not agree with, that they were already dictating our foreign policy and so on. We have a greater involvement in Europe. The development of our economy now has to be influenced more and more by Europe. I mentioned Eindhoven in the Dáil, I mention it here now to indicate that, as is the European tradition mentioned by Senator Murphy, there is a far greater degree of control in these institutions in Europe. That was not why I brought it up at all. The reason I brought it up was that there was an indication that standards might fall in these circumstances. What I am saying is that it does not logically follow that the standards do fall, and that in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, where a far greater degree of control is exercised, very high standards indeed can be achieved. That was the particular reason I brought up the points that there is not a necessary link between standards achieved and the degree of control exercised.

Senator Murphy praised the section of the Bill which demanded a declaration of interest on the part of anybody who was involved in any of the business of appointments or other business of the institute where there could be a clash of interest. He also supported the nomination of the National Council for Educational Awards as the award-making council for the institute. I would be sorry to think there was any truth in his suggestion that the Minister's role, as outlined in the Bill, would be deleterious to the working of the institute. The progress it has made so far was made by it purely as an ad hoc body. Very generous amounts of money were allocated by the various Governments since it was set up as ad hoc body and all that took place in a context where there was no statutory basis. To use a phrase somebody else used, if this could happen in the green wood, let us hope that it will take fire in the dry. The Senator indicated general support for the views about the appointment system and standards, but denied that this ivory tower situation existed to the extent that some people claim it does in our higher education field.

Senator Murphy mentioned academic drift. It has happened elsewhere that institutes which were designed to provide a sound technological education, with special "isms" in certain spheres, moved away out of that altogether and developed a large sociological side. In the end, that kind of sociological tail wagged the technological dog. This is something which we do not want to happen. I am not conceding that the Department have put a stranglehold on the institute in order to avoid that. It is important that the institute knows exactly what it is doing, what its role is, and that it should dedicate itself to that role. This is in no way restrictive of it within the field for which it is designed.

Senator FitzGerald talked—and scared me because I am afraid of power—of the enormous powers of the Minister. I do not concede that a closer reading of the Bill will in any way validate this claim by Senator FitzGerald. He mentioned the tradition of Germanic control on the Continent, and indeed Gallic control, because, as a centralised idea, this is at least as evident in France. He said that this idea of control of a higher education institute was not one we had in these islands. That is true. He said there was a danger in it. Senator Murphy mentioned how silent the members of the various German universities were during the great tragedy that occurred in that country in the thirties, which led to the dreadful war from 1939 to 1945.

I think of another European country on the eve of another conflict. In a university the famous Spanish writer and philosopher, Unamuno, when one of the new leaders in that country shouted, "Abajo la inteligencia”, Down with the intellect”, “Muerte a la inteligencia”, “Death to the intellect”, stood up and said he was speaking in the temple of the intellect, that he would not sit there and allow this philosophy to be propounded. We would hope that no higher institute of education in this country would fall down in that situation. I would claim in the case of Unamuno, it owes as much to the individual character of the people as to the institute for which he was speaking.

In an institute like the one in Limerick, the freedom to criticise whether educational policy, or industrial policy, or social policy, should be cherished and will be cherished. There is nothing in this Bill which would indicate that the Minister, or the Government, or anybody else, would have any power to prohibit this. I have no power in it that will either corrupt me or tend to corrupt me, with all due apologies to Lord Acton. Senator FitzGerald also emphasised the importance of the high standard of the qualifications given. I have already said I too attach this importance to it. It is essential. Steps have been taken in the other Act to ensure that.

The inter-disciplinary aspect was also referred to. It is important, although sometimes I wonder whether we do not attach too much importance to it. In the traditional university where you have science, arts, commerce, engineering, I wonder whether, in some of them at least which have grown rather large, there is much cross-fertilisation as of now. Perhaps where you have a residential situation, there is more than there is in the non-residential. At a meeting with the Irish Federation of University Teachers recently, one member of the delegation from one of the smaller colleges said there was a deal of cross-fertilisation and cross-pollination. That is the ideal. As the Senator said, rubbing shoulders with others who are following different disciplines is important and is an important part of the education of students. This is catered for in the institute in Limerick to a certain extent, perhaps not as much as would be desirable, perhaps not as much in the other universities and university colleges in Ireland.

If I may be permitted to reminisce I remember going to a lecture given in London when I was doing some work there. I was an exile from Erin. It was a talk by Professor Bowra a very famous classicist who had a knowledge of all European languages and was professor of poetry at that time at the University of Oxford. I was sitting beside a student who was doing post-graduate work, having got his Special B.Sc. It was a degree of a particularly high standard. When the lecture was over we adjourned to the students union for a bottle of ale and he told me he had not the remotest idea of what the man had been talking about. The actual lecture was perhaps a far-fetched one. He was interpreting national character from the literatures of various countries. As he knew all the European languages from ancient Greek up, he made a particularly interesting job of it. It was a very interesting lecture but the student said that he did not understand it at all. In a sense it proved the dichotomy of the highly specialised scientific discipline. He was a student of an Irishman called J.D. Bernal of whom no doubt the House has heard. He said that when the lecture was published he would buy it and study it. Some of the lecture was a bit far-fetched but it was in the traditional academic strain. It was disturbing to find somebody who had achieved a very high distinction in pure science would make that admission and it would bear out what Senator FitzGerald said with regard to the importance of the admixture.

He also emphasised the importance of independent research. I have referred to the research element already. I know that the director was very keen that there should be post-graduate work in the institute and feared that he might be prohibited from having this. I mentioned in my opening speech that there is considerable research, but possibly not quite as independent as the Senator was thinking of, going on there at the moment. I am sure that the research is in the applied field more than any other.

Senator West also referred to the importance of pure research. I may make a comment on that later on. The Senator made a point at the very end of his speech and I am not quite sure if I understand what he meant. He said that there was no such provision in the Bill for setting up An tÚdarás um Ard Oideachas. Section 1 (1) (c) of the Higher Education Authority Act, 1971 specifies "institution of higher education" as:

an institution which the Minister, after consultation with An tÚdarás, designates by regulations as an institution of higher education for the purposes of this Act;

That is the reference which has cross-reference in the Bill before the House. I do not have to express resentment at being called a figurehead again by Senator West as I interrupted him to do so. He also was very insistent on the freedom and talked about the importance of pure research. I must confess that I am not fully aware of the fields which are being researched now but I would be inclined to believe that the research that is being done is in applied science or how to apply science in the various fields for which the institute caters.

Senator West made the point that the MIT had achieved a very high name in the field of technology, one of the highest in the world, and he talked about the importance of pure science in that context as well as the importance of maintaining a liberal arts stream in the institute. Some of the older universities insisted in the case even of applied science degrees that degrees of more or less importance in the liberal arts should be taken as well. That used to be the tradition. Again his emphasis was on standards and on the quality of appointments. I have commented on that.

Senator Staunton referred to the situation where we had too many arts graduates and too few in technology hitherto. I always like to distinguish in this field because it is not so much what they graduate in as the danger of feeling that they have been stereotyped for certain positions that I would quarrel with. People in, for example, the computer field have told me that arts graduates very often make very good trainees in the field of applied computer science, not merely at graduate level but at the level of the leaving certificate. The idea of being programmed or stereotyped or ready to be put into a certain type of job has done more harm than the actual quality of the certificate or the range of subjects studied because a student holding the leaving certificate or a B.A. degree may feel inclined to say, "I am not qualified for anything other than this or that or the other type of job." Those of us who are in the education world could encourage people to think more widely, to think in terms even of apprenticeships and various technician jobs even where the weight of subjects studied has been in the other field. I do not want to sound unrealistic but I have been at various AnCO centres and found people with arts degrees doing courses there. This is all to the good and if we could expand that kind of thing it would be all the better.

I made the point already with regard to what Senator Staunton said, that our traditional universities had nothing to do with technology. He did not say it in so many words but he said that the marriage of technological and traditional universities was not possible. It has been done very successfully in the case of all the various engineering fields that I have mentioned already. I regard that the final sanction of the Minister in the question of dismissing people is an extra safeguard for the person being dismissed rather than a undue interference in the work of the governing body or the institute.

Senator Connaughton felt that there were too many nominees by the Minister but if the Senator examines the text of this Bill carefully he will see that the dangers of abuse to which he referred are not as great as he imagines. He has an interest in adult education and he welcomed the Bill as being one more effort to cope with the fast-changing technological world in which we live.

Mar fhocal scoir gabhaim búiochas arís leis na Seanadóiri as ucht an céad codán mór den Seanad a labhair i rith na diospóireachta. Tá mé faoi chomaoin acu agus tá súil agam nach mbeidh aon ró-mhoill ar an gcuid eile den Bhille.

Question put and agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

A number of Senators have given an indication that they wish to table amendments. We could not do it now after Second Reading. One does not know whether the Minister is going to meet one's reasonable points until the Second Reading is over.

It would be desirable that Committee Stage be not proceeded with just now and I would suggest that it be taken tomorrow.

Do the Opposition wish to put down amendments?

I was going to put down a few. It will be very difficult to do so tomorrow but we could leave it until the afternoon.

Do the Opposition wish to put down amendments? If so, we will leave it until tomorrow.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

There are two sets of amendments already in.

If there are a number of amendments it is important that we take this Bill early in the day, as tomorrow will be the last day of the session.

Arising out of Senator Brennan's last remark, I do not think it necessarily follows that tomorrow will be the last day of the session. That is a very arbitrary statement. We might well consider that the Committee Stage of the Bill would be best taken next week. It seems to be a very rushed procedure to take it tomorrow. Why tomorrow?

May I make a plea? I have put in some amendments for personal reasons and it would be much easier for me to have them dealt with either tonight or tomorrow rather than next week. Unfortunately I could not be here on Wednesday or until mid-day of Thursday next week.

Committee Stage ordered for Thursday, 3 July 1980.
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