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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 25 May 1988

Vol. 119 No. 15

Food Aid to Ethiopia: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Seanad Eireann noting with concern the obstacles facing the transportation and distribution of emergency food aid to the starving people in Ethiopia, appeals to all concerned to take the necessary action in order for food aid to be adequately distributed, and calls on the Government to use its good offices to effect a ceasefire between all the forces involved in the conflict in Ethiopia.
—(Senator Lydon.)

Like other Senators this is a motion to which I am very anxious to contribute, but it does not give me any joy to do so. The fact that hundreds of thousands of unfortunate people are starving to death is a tragedy that is very difficult to comprehend. When the dreadful scenes reached our television screens a few years ago everyone was appalled and sickened by what they saw and magnificent efforts were made to rectify that situation. Unfortunately, it still remains. It is estimated that this year six million people will not have enough to eat. The goodwill of the people of Ireland towards solving the massive problem is unquestioned. Unfortunately, the disbursement of food in a balanced and proper way is the big problem. Concern is continually being expressed at the large proportion of aid sent to Ethiopia which is misappropriated. This is a major problem which we have to face.

The lack of human respect and dignity in Ethiopia, as evidenced by the reports of the operations of the regime there, cannot but disgust any decent human being. The importance placed on military and parliamentary expenditure in Ethiopia to the detriment of all other considerations is the most serious cause of the trouble. It is totally unjustifiable and inhumane that, when so many millions are starving, the regime in Ethiopia maintain the largest army in the African Continent. What sort of regime can justify not agreeing to a ceasefire between Eritrea and Tigre to ensure the safe passage of food to the starving millions. In this terrible situation no organisation or group are spared and the food distribution centres and even orphanages appear to be legitimate targets in the interests of maintaining power. That unfortunate people who have committed no other crime than to be in the wrong place at the wrong time should be dealt with in such a manner surely proves the point that man's inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn.

I have to be sceptical of any attempts by gentle persuasion to encourage the Ethiopian Government to change their attitude. I feel that the full force of the collective membership of the European Community must be brought to bear on the Ethiopian Government and they must demand that priorities are put in order and that adequate supplies are allowed to reach their destination. The record of the Ethiopian Government is deplorable as regards human rights. We cannot, as a civilised nation, sit back and let the degredation continue.

At this stage I want to pay tribute to Concern, Gorta, GOAL and all the other voluntary agencies who have tried so hard to solve the massive problem. The missionaries, both lay and otherwise, who work in that strife-torn region at great personal danger to themselves cannot be praised highly enough. Their commitment and self-sacrifice are enormous. The least we can do is to ensure by every means at our disposal that their great work does not go for nought.

There is a division in the other House and I am quite sure the Minister will wish to attend. Will the Leader of the House indicate if we will have a sos?

Yes, the Minister is available. We will break for ten minutes.

Sitting suspended at 6.35 p.m. and resumed at 6.45 p.m.

We can all point to the historical reasons for the terrible tragedy in Ethiopia and the causes of that problem. The difficulty is that we must now try to solve the problem whatever the causes and the historical reasons for it and we must solve that problem as quickly as possible. We cannot solve it ourselves but we have a voice in Europe and we must use that voice at every opportunity. The Government and the Minister of State have a deep personal interest in this area. I know they will do everything in their power to try to bring the Ethiopian Government around to a humane way of thinking in order that the millions of people who are starving to death there will be spared and that the problem will not increase.

Enormous contributions were made by the Irish public at large when the initial difficulty was brought home to them. I am concerned that, as a result of the reports of only minute percentages of the aid and the funding getting through to where it was intended to go in the first place, people may become cynical and sceptical and change their attitude. I sincerely hope that will not happen.

I believe the general public must see that an effort is being made by the European Economic Community, in particular to ensure that the vast amounts of aid and relief collected on a voluntary basis and contributed by large numbers of people in this country, go to the people for whom they are intended.

I wish to pay tribute to the schools for the tremendous developments that took place over the past couple of years in that area. I do not think there is a more educated population in relation to the difficulties in Ethiopia at the moment than our young population because of the Concern debates that took place in every post primary school in the country over the past number of years. This brought home to the younger people exactly what the difficulties are in Third World countries, in particular in Ethiopia and the surrounding area. It also educated young people on their responsibilities to people who are less well off than themselves and the responsibilities they have in that area. It is only right that we should pay tribute to the people who were responsible for that type of development. We know that if young people are on your side and if they feel there is a just cause, the effort they will make on behalf of that cause is absolutely enormous.

At the same time they expect a concrete reaction to the actions they take. Every school in the country raises funds at some time of the year for Third World developments and for Concern, Gorta and all of those other voluntary organisations who do such magnificant work. I know the Minister and the Government will do everything in their power to ensure that this terrible tragedy is alleviated as quickly as possible.

I consider it a privilege to be able to speak today in Seanad Eireann to this motion which has been put down by all the Senators in the Fianna Fáil Party. Indeed, I compliment the prime movers of it for bringing before the Seanad a motion of such significance. It is of significance naturally to the people of Ethiopia and the people of Africa but we live in a global village and what affects one part of the village affects us all because of our common humanity. It is for that reason that I feel we should speak today and alert the Minister to our concerns about the situation in Ethiopia and look at him and to the Government to exhibit in a very practical way solutions and helpful interventions which can bring about a solution to the appalling problems being faced by the people of Ethiopia.

Senator McKenna mentioned the deep personal interest which he felt sure the Minister has. I have no doubt that that personal interest is a reality. I want to see that interest translated into concrete steps forward on behalf of all of us in this country who care. I listened intently to Senator McKenna and he seemed to be referring to the danger that we in this country would suffer in some way from what is known as aid fatigue, in other words, that we might have become weary of the processions of starving people put before us on our television screens and articles in our newspapers and in various magazines. Recently Concern did some statistical survey which indicates that there is no aid fatigue at all being felt by the Irish population. I certainly was very consoled to read that because it has been a feature of some other countries. It appears that we have a folk memory, an ancestral feeling, or a gut instinct about famine, deprivation and poverty which will not allow the Irish community to suffer from aid fatigue. That is presumably why this motion is before us today and why we are enabled to have over two weeks a three hour discussion on the current situation in Ethiopia.

The situation, as I understand it, affects currently some three million people in the northern provinces of Eritrea and Tigre and the whole area there is dominated by the military struggle between the central Ethiopian Government forces and the forces of the Tigrean People's Liberation Front and the Ethiopian People's Liberation Front which has intensified since February of 1988. It is hard for us all to imagine because words like Tigre and Eritrea are relatively new to most of us, but this war in Eritrea is, in fact, in its 27th year and there have recently been major offensives resulting in the EPLF extending their control to 80 per cent of the province. Major towns captured by the EPLF are Afabet, Tessenei, Barentu and Agordat in western Eritrea. Similarly the TPLF has taken control of urban areas such as Wukro, Adigrat, Axum and Enda Selassie. The Ethiopian Government now only control Makelle, the capital, and Maichew the extreme south of the province. There has been tremendous unrest and disturbance in recent times as a consequence of these major offences.

As recently as April of this year the Government launched a major conscription campaign in order to launch a major offensive in the northern territories. On May 15 the Ethiopian Government declared a state of emergency in Eritrea and Tigre and declared prohibited two six mile wide strips of land along Ethiopia's western border with Sudan and in the east along the 600 mile Red Sea coastline. People are already beginning to be evacuated from these areas. There will be sweeping powers given to security forces and administrators and western diplomats who are keenly observing the scene who, I have no doubt, are reporting back to our Foreign Affairs Minister, feel that a major counter-offensive to regain control of the provinces is being prepared and may in fact be under way as we speak here this evening.

All of this has naturally posed a problem for foreign relief workers. It certainly allows us to focus on the many idealistic well-educated, trained, highly motivated young people, Irish people in particular, who are working in the area and, indeed, from time to time in other offensives some of them have had fairly hair-raising experiences. Thankfully, to date things have always been resolved and people with intimate knowledge of the situation on the ground have been able to establish contact. We have to date thankfully not suffered unduly as a consequence of the disturbance and the poor situations foreign relief workers have found themselves in.

All foreign relief workers were ordered by the Government to leave the northern provinces in April. The major organisation expelled was the International Committee of the Red Cross. The Red Cross locked up their supplies estimated at 53,000 tons of food and equipment and 40 lorries. They have since been requested by the Ethiopian Red Cross to hand over their supplies. The international committee have refused to do this unless their personnel are present to monitor the operations. That seems like an eminently sensible way for the International Red Cross to act. Oxfam and Save the Children Fund, the British charities, are based in Wollo province. They are managing to continue assisting 700,000 people in two areas in south-east Tigre. In both provinces the Government's Relief and Rehabilitation Commission have reduced their operations considerably and are now only operating in Government held areas.

Trocaire, to whom I am indebted for briefing and information, have had an estimate recently indicating that 500,000 people are being fed in Eritrea by the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission and Christian Relief Agencies. In Tigre, relief operations by the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission are only being carried out in the two towns held by the Government. Given the vast numbers of people, the intensity of the conflict and the paucity of food and supplies generally, it is a very difficult situation.

The Relief Society of Tigre, or REST, are the only humanitarian organisation working in the area controlled by the TPLF and they have set up food distribution centres in Western Tigre. They are able to feed approximately 600,000 people living in the area and the thousands who are migrating from Central and Eastern Tigre to receive food supplies. Six thousand tonnes of food are being trucked in monthly from Sudan. The organisation are stepping up their transportation of food supplies as it is essential that 31,000 additional metric tonnes are transported before the end of June as it is then the main rainy season starts. Transportation in the rainy season in Africa becomes virtually impossible and a nightmare for everybody concerned, particularly when you know that the people for whom these goods and supplies are destined are starving and very hard-pressed indeed.

The Relief Society of Tigre are stepping up their transportation of food supplies because of the necessity to get it all in to the people who require it before the rainy season begins. It is obvious that the roads will become inaccessible and the kind of cross border co-operation from Sudan into Ethiopia will become very tricky in the rainy season. The Eritrean Relief Association, an indigenous humanitarian organisation working in the areas controlled by the EPLF, are also trucking in food from Sudan to feed one million people. They require 192,267 tonnes of food supplies and supplementary food but, to date, only 64,089 metric tonnes have been committed by the international community, so Senators can see that falls far short of the requirement.

Senator McKenna talked about bringing the Ethiopian Government around to a humane way of thinking and I was a little unhappy with that sentiment as expressed by Senator McKenna. I have no doubt that the Ethiopian Government are deeply concerned about what is happening to their own people despite the conflict and the political tensions in the country. They need help; they need resources; and they need support from outside. I would be unhappy to think that we would put forward any view that the Ethiopian Government were anything but concerned and had anything but a humane attitude towards their own people.

A Government top relief official called Berhanu Jembere said recently that food distribution will resume in contested areas when the area is cleansed from bandit activity. That gives an indication of the power struggle in the northern territories but, at the same time, you have the indigenous relief agencies acting and moving in the food. In that northern territory there are at least one million people for whom at the moment there is no actual source of food and that is the enormity of the problem. If the counteroffensive gets under way, there will be a very profound possibility of further destruction and suffering associated with that. The capacity of the indigenous organisations is limited. This is where we come in and where we are obliged to give succour, aid and relief. It is again compelling that we should look at what we are giving in development relief assistance to Ethiopia.

I am going to enter a plea now and speak to the Minister about the projected £400 million cuts — I gather 10 per cent across every Government Department in the autumn. I want to say hands off the section of the Department of Foreign Affairs which provides funding and support to development work in Third World countries. I feel that I can speak like this with confidence knowing that there is no aid fatigue in this country and knowing that there is a tremendous, enormous commitment to famine relief, in particular, and to development assistance in Third World countries. I hope the Minister — I know he is Minister of State in the Department — can in some way protect the resources and seek more for famine relief and for the important and significant work he does within the Department. I would like to feel that he could give some reassurances to Senators when he replies to the debate this evening on the Ethiopian situation.

Even with increased support the problem of these one million people in the Northern Territories who are not being reached either by the local indigenous humanitarian organisations or by the Government is enormous. With the next month it seems inevitable that there will be a massive movement of population as the peasants leave their farms in search of food. It is horrendous to think of these dignfied noble Nilotic people trekking across the country in search of food with the inevitable consequences of malnutrition, disease and death in front of them. Unless the war is brought to an end, there is little prospect for the people of the region to break out of the cycle of famine and poverty and achieve any lasting improvements in their living conditions, which is something that we all want to see for them.

The main point of this motion is to bring about a ceasefire between all the forces involved in the conflict. That is imperative because, until normalcy and stability are returned to that region, it will be extremely difficult to find a way forward to ease the very real and terrifying hardship which the people of that region are suffering and enduring. There is a high level of awareness in the country at large. We are all indebted to the many organisations who have heightened that awareness and in particular to Trocaire, Concern, GOAL and so many others who, in additon to providing relief work on the ground, provided a programme of heightening awareness and of education for all the public in this country. I hope the Minister can respond in a positive, hopeful fashion as a consequence of this debate in Seanad Éireann.

Those of us who have watched and seen the horrifying pictures from Ethiopia brought into our living rooms on TV screens cannot but be deeply concerned. It is, therefore, timely that we should have an opportunity in the Seanad to debate this motion which I whole-heartedly support. We feel acutely immediately when we see those pictures for the hopeless plight of so many people, especially children and very young children suffering from advanced malnutrition, pinched faces, skin sores, loss of body fat and muscle bulk, abdomens distended with fluid resulting from the combination of failing flabby hearts, fatty scarred livers and insufficient protein to retain fluid in the bloodstream.

The plight of this miserable state of ill-health is aggravated by disease and disease-carrying flies thriving on the insanitary conditions of compounds where water is scarce and often dirty. Comfort is practically non-existent and hope, even for the healthy, an unrealistic dream. At times it seems as though we are watching some surrealistic nightmare: exhausted mothers with no milk to yield to thirsty babies, racked by diarrhoea till death takes over. Even in a well-organised teaching hospital in a comparatively prosperous country such as Zimbabwe, where I worked for a while, up to 15 per cent of babies and young children admitted to that hospital died before very long. Such is the percentage in the well-organised well-to-do hospital of a comparatively prosperous country that the mind boggles at the thought of the mortality rate in the babies and young children affected by the famine, disease and disorganisation in Ethiopia.

Perhaps we should ponder for a moment on the effect of all this on the ecology and the part that has been played by a disrupted ecology in what we are witnessing. The natural relationship between human, animal and plant species has been fundamentally altered at a time of climatic change. On top of famine and disease they also suffer, as Senator Bulbulia has so graphically depicted, war. Europeans, be they resident in North America or western or eastern Europe, must now ask themselves very seriously some fundamental questions about this. Has our control of the world financial systems not had a significant part to play in what is happening? Have we not encouraged debit financing so that we may profit today by the sweat of their tomorrow, that is, if they are to have one? To meet our insatiable demands for growth at any cost — some might say at all costs — we have created the conditions where to compete successfully the indigenous people have been obliged to destroy replenishable resources and, at the same time, to use up those which can never be replaced.

As our markets expand their balance — and I am not talking about their balance of payments — their overall balance, the social and ecological balance, the balance with the natural world to which they are so intimately related, is at first disturbed and finally up-ended. The critical point is reached where those essential built-in self-regulating mechanisms of species variety in plant, animal, insect and community life are destroyed beyond their capacity for spontaneous recovery. Those who still have health focus more and more on the only thing which makes sense which is survival. It does not need much imagination to appreciate that the combination of social disintegration and ecological devastation quickly converts a struggle for survival into a fight for survival. Eritrea seeks independence. Tigre looks for autonomy. Ethiopia fights to hold on to both of them. Where do the weapons come from? I suggest many of them come from sources either directly or indirectly related to the arms industries of the ideologically obsessed, on the one hand, or of profiteering capitalism on the other, also competing ridiculously in their own terms of the territorial imperative in a rapidly shrinking globe.

Unless we can bring about a transformation in human attitude and expectation it seems that Ethiopa may well in time be just one of an increasing number of sad, tragic manifestations of a world community doomed to experience ecological disaster on a massive scale and within the lifetime of today's youngest citizens. First, I suggest that the Irish people must continue to do what they have shown they are capable of, that is, to care, and secondly, which is much harder, to indicate urgently that we have the capacity to change our outlooks and our way of living and to produce — I hope this appeals to you, a Chathaoirligh — a more female-orientated society, a less male-dominated one, less of the predator and more of the hearth and the home and all that means in terms of vibrations out into the community and the wider society. The late E. F. Schumacher, the champion of economics as though people mattered, the man who wrote the book Small is Beautiful, stated that we must leave the ford stampede before we are smothered by it.

In Ireland we have a duty to the Third World, first, because as Europeans we have helped to create the problem and, secondly, as so many people in Ireland know only too well from their past, or from stories they have been told about the past by their people, what it was like to suffer famine, disease, deprivation and marginalisation. We also have obligations under the terms of our yet incoherently articulated policy of positive neutrality to play honest broker as peacemaker, to use our experience at home — and who will say we have not had experience of conflict — and to insist fearlessly elsewhere that global survival can only be based on a share today conserve for tommorrow philosophy.

Within that context we must share our talent and we must learn to learn from others so that we may develop with them together. To meet the challenge, the Government might consider a strategy based on the urgent, the intermediate and the long term. Urgently we should establish an embassy in Addis Ababa. Dr. Raymond McClean of Derry, who knows the Ethiopian situation first hand and has been there many times, has nothing but praise for the work of Fr. Jack Finucane, the field director of Concern. Both of these men insist that Ireland's obligations cannot be fulfilled without an official co-ordinating presence in Addis Ababa. Already we are lucky in that there is a man there who could initiate and develop such an endeavour, Dr. John Walsh, the highly respected officer employed by the Pan-African Agricultural Services. He has considerable official standing and his appointment might well be effected at a cost commensurate with the Irish purse.

Were he or someone of his standing to be appointed, Ireland would be able to use the Embassy to channel all strands of our activity via Concern on the one hand and through the umbrella organisation Christian Relief Development Association — CRDA — on the other. This association, as I am sure the Minister knows, relates to no fewer than 46 organisations, Oxfam, Save the Children and so on. It would be churlish in this context not to mention the great work that has already been done by the United Nations organisation, UNICEF, and the World Health Organisation, but all of these things need money. I support wholeheartedly what Senator Bulbulia said about the need for us to stint ourselves but not to stint others who are starving especially in a country that has had so much of its own experience of famine.

I ask the European and the western world community to consider very strongly whether the time has come to wipe out the national debt of Third World countries who have been caught in this international poverty trap which is not of their making. In the intermediate term there should be a programme to establish the Irish nation in the consciousness of the global community, not just as a nation of carers, but as a nation equipped through education, training and experience, a nation aware of the challenge.

We need in the short term teams of our young people who are prepared to go out properly equipped and with the right state of mind to share in their experience. We need to reciprocate by inviting those from the countries to which we target our efforts back here so that we can learn from them. It is not a question of telling others. It is a question of a learning process in which the people from the West learn from the Third World and the people from the Third World learn from us. We must not run the risk of being global do-gooders; rather we should be known as a nation committed to learning through sharing, so that we are effective.

I can speak of my own health profession. I doubt that our present training is even appropriate for the needs of the people of Ireland. When we consider the enormous amount of medical talent that is hoarded in institutions and which I believe could be decentralised, when we have a less certified concept of progress, we might begin to see what is needed here, let alone what is needed elsewhere. We must consider in our schools and in our third level institutions the need for our students to learn important world languages — Russian, Chinese, Arabic to mention but three. This possibility should be at least available in every region of the country. We need to think of our teaching profession. Are we turning out educators who are interested in processing or in development?

We need to think of alternative technology and what this means. There is no good in us going out as experts; we need to think of what is appropriate. In my own profession I said recently that the tragedy was that the latest had been equated with the best, or the best with the latest, which is a fallacy. We need to think in terms of the most appropriate wherever we operate.

In talking about the languages of the world we need to know the histories of these countries because you cannot expect not to be seen as patronising when you arrive in a foreign country to instruct them if you are not able to relate to the people. You can relate most effectively if you speak a language indigenous to the local people, or a language they can understand. You must understand the context of the problem which you are there to particpate in solving.

I would also make another appeal for the concept of national social service in Ireland. We are very privileged people. We may be poor by European standards but we are privileged in global standards. When we leave our second level education, before we enter into the third level experience, whatever that may be, is there not some place even to raise an awareness of where we live as well as an awareness of elsewhere. We should have a period of time where the options will be completely voluntary but where one of them at least could be an exchange with Third World countries so that we have a cadre of young people who not only see the problem on their television screens and read about it and learn about it in their churches and schools, but have been there and can bring it back home with an impact and can feel they are using the talent that has been developed here fully and for a good purpose.

In summary we must, therefore, not just become Europe's greatest givers to the Third World but also Europe's most effective doers.

I too compliment the Fianna Fáil Senators on bringing this motion before the Seanad. Quite obviously everybody in this House agrees with the sentiments contained therein. I recall that, when the first indepth television coverage of Ethiopia hit our screens, I was teaching in a primary school and I remember that my class discussed it during a religion lesson and they were terribly upset and worried about what they had seen. Of their own volition they decided to hold a weekly auction every Friday. They brought in their spare toys, books and comics and also pocket money and the various items were auctioned and the money sent to Trocaire. There is something of an illustration there. The sentiment was right and the effort that could be made was made.

The Ethiopian question is a deeply complex one and, at base, it is a political one. There are two million to three million people involved. First, I will deal with Northern Ethiopia. Senator Bulbulia mentioned that the war in Eritrea has been going on for 26 years. It is the longest running war in Africa. The Eritreans want to break completely with Ethiopia and have their own state. The war in Tigre has been going on for 15 years and the people in the liberation front in Tigre want confederation. They want to be completely autonomous but remain part of a confederate state. Whereas the Eritreans and Tigreans do not fight with each other, they certainly do not co-operate. Then we have the effects of guerrilla warfare going on for 26 years in one place and 15 years in another. The guerrilla warfare is now a very sophisticated type of warfare. The Government fight a more conventional type of war. They go out with their Migs and bomb towns and so on at various times. The difficulty I have always had with the Ethiopian situation is to understand it fully because a great deal of the information coming out is essentially propaganda. To get to the core of the problem is a great difficulty.

I was talking to somebody today who was in Ethiopia six weeks ago and they described the situation there. The crops failed in December in Eastern and Mid-Eritrea. There are some crops in Western Ethiopia. Again when food is scarce, it is always the poor who suffer. Whereas the sentiments of the motion here are fine, the solution is a lot more difficult. You have on one hand Eastern support for the Ethiopian Government and on the other hand you have Western support for the liberation fronts. We can make our representations through the EC and the United Nations, but we are talking about a very deep problem.

There are analogies to be made between the situation in Ethiopia and our own situation. What struck me when reading the motion was the word "ceasefire". Indeed a ceasefire in our island is to be greatly desired. Let us be quite frank about it: we have failed to effect one. When we talk in terms of another country we have to look at ourselves too and look at the places where we failed and see the problems we have got. We know all about famine in this country. One million people died here and another million people emigrated in the middle part of the last century. Famine and the havoc and suffering it can wreak are very close to the hearts of Irish people. When we talk about political solutions, can we talk in pious tones to other nations? That is just an aside.

The person I was talking to described the northern part of Ethiopia as a virtual moonscape. There is no growth there at all; there is no seed there. The poorer people have sold their tools so the likelihood of another crop in December, when the crop is due for harvesting again, seems to be very unlikely. In the port of Assab at the moment there is a half million tonnes of food. The problem on one side is political and, on the other side, because it is political, it is one of distribution. In Western Ethiopia, the road system has been improved and can almost reach into mid-Ethiopia, the liberation fronts will say that, if the trucks bringing the relief aid are marked and distinguishable, they can go ahead without interference, but last October 18 or 20 trucks were hit by missiles. Something between 50 and 80 trucks have been destroyed with loss of life.

In its grimmest reality, it seems that the parties on both sides have a vested interest in keeping the war alive. The liberation fronts see the winning of the war as being more important than relieving the famine. The Government also want to maintain control. It is a very difficult situation and we should not minimise it in any way. I certainly do not envy the task of the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Minister in trying to find some useful way in which we can contribute, and we must contribute.

Where there is suffering in any nation we must concern ourselves with it, and we must make whatever contribution we can towards alleviating that suffering. We are now faced with the likelihood of a harvest failure, in Ethiopia or possibly no harvest at all, next December. The fact that the relief food cannot be distributed is one problem. There is no seed, there are no land holdings and tools have been sold, and so on, to get back to a base of self-sufficiency. If the political problems can be sorted out and consequent on that if the distribution can be sorted out, there is the whole business of building up the nation again and building up the food supplies there. This is one area where the relief agencies here and the many volunteers who go to Third World countries have a very real role to play. Whatever involvement there is in Ethiopia, at the end of the day we must aim towards that nation being self-sufficient with the ability to produce sufficient food for its own people and to live in peace and harmony.

I hope that the motion before us will make us all think again about our country. There have been some indications in recent days that people on both sides of the divide in Northern Ireland are opening the doors to talk to each other. This is to be welcomed. The day we broke for the Christmas recess, I said that the high point for me during the previous Seanad session had been when unequivocally and without any doubt or side-tracking across this House there was outright condemnation of what happened in Enniskillen. When a horrific event like that happens, our hearts are right, our intentions are right and our energies go in the right direction. All the problems that exist by way of oppression, suffering and famine throughout the world are interrelated. We should move forward on all fronts.

In conclusion, I again compliment the Fianna Fáil Senators on bringing this motion before us. It is important that this House should discuss it. Issues such as the Ethiopian problem should not only be covered on television and on radio but should be covered in the Houses of the Oireachtas so that the people who are suffering will know that we care and that we are conscious of their problems. Issues such as this are very appropriate to the Seanad as there is more time for dealing with them in the Seanad. It is important too in that there is an inspirational aspect here for our younger people. We have a very idealistic young community here requiring leadership and that leadership in the first instance should emanate from the Houses of the Oireachtas.

In outlining the problem here today, no speaker has come up with tangible solutions that will come into immediate effect but, by discussing this motion, we are showing our concern, mirroring the concern felt throughout the country and underlining the concern of the Irish people for suffering everywhere. The real achievement at the end of debates such as this is that we look at all suffering. We look at the suffering close to us just as much as we look at suffering far away. It is easy to condemn, say, apartheid in South Africa, but to a large extent that is something we do at arms' length. Our real sincerity and our real conviction come from a situation where we suffer, where we have to give part of ourselves, where we have to look at ideas we have held and examine them and see where a spirit of generosity can be generated to solve the various problems.

First I join with those Senators who congratulated the Fianna Fáil group on placing this motion on the Order Paper thus giving me an opportunity to make some response and help to clarify some of the points raised. I also thank most sincerely all the Senators for their very valuable and educational contributions. I regard the considerable number of speakers and the serious and constructive statements made in the course of the debate as marking fittingly the importance which this House, representing the Irish people, accords to the task of saving the people of Ethiopia from the effects of another famine.

The Government fully share the concern of Senators and are prepared to support any action or initiative which seems likely to facilitate more efficient and adequate distribution of food aid within Ethiopia. Certainly, a ceasefire would be beneficial in this regard and the Government for their part will continue to support and participate in calls for the peaceful settlement of all disputes in the Horn of Africa. However, I must point out that the Government's powers to intervene effectively on a unilateral basis in any of the conflicts of this region so as to bring about a ceasefire are extremely limited. I shall return to this point later. The plight of the Ethiopian people in recent years has struck a particularly deep chord in the Irish people. The Irish people were stirred by the terrible spectacle on the TV screens in 1984 of people — particularly children — dying from starvation and its consequences. The magnificent contribution which the Irish people made to Band Aid and the many Irish volunteers and workers who have served and are currently serving in Ethiopia often at considerable hazard to themselves are concrete testimony of the extent to which the Irish people were touched by the fate of the people in Ethiopia. The people of few, if any other countries, have reacted with such spontaneous generosity to the horrifying spectacle.

Now, yet again, famine threatens Ethiopia. The motion before the Seanad today appeals to all concerned to do whatever is necessary to ensure that food aid is adequately distributed and calls on the Government to use their good offices to effect a ceasefire between all the forces involved. In responding to this motion, it might be useful to begin by outlining what we know about the current food situation in Ethiopia and what has been happening there in recent months. Secondly, I propose to look at how our Government and the European Community have responded to the famine in Ethiopia. Finally, I will turn to the question of political demarches to the Ethiopian authorities and to the scope for action by Ireland in this regard.

It became apparent to the international community from August 1987 that Ethiopia was once again on the brink of a severe food crisis following the almost complete failure of the harvest due to a recurrence of severe drought throughout the country. The already precarious situation in the northern provinces of Tigre and Eritrea was exacerbated by the ravages of long standing conflicts which hampered sowing in these regions. The stark prognosis facing the country was a food deficit totalling 1.3 million tonnes and a population of up to seven million threatened by starvation. The need for food was only one aspect of the problem. To complicate matters the transportation network was in almost complete collapse. The roads were impassable; railway lines were in disrepair; port facilities were inadequate; the truck fleet lacked tyres, essential spare parts, fuel and maintenance and, worst of all, in the northern regions there was regular sabotage of distribution routes and food convoys.

In contrast to the situation in 1984-85 when the response to famine in Ethiopia and other parts of Africa was so tragically slow, donors on this occasion responded rapidly and decisively. International donors pledged food aid totalling more than the estimated year's requirement of 1.3 million tonnes. Substantial quantities of this food were shipped to the country. Port unloading and storage facilities were significantly improved. Large numbers of trucks were supplied or rehabilitated and railway lines improved. An effective food-distribution operation involving the provision of food aid and its transportation by air and by road to local distribution centres was instituted around the end of the year and successfully provided food for growing numbers of people who, by the end of March, totalled around 1.5 million.

A massive airlift operation was introduced by the northern region. Despite the scale of the problem and the obstacles which had to be overcome, the relief effort appears to have succeeded up to now in averting the mass starvation that had been feared for the northern regions from the beginning of the year. Moreover, by maintaining a regular supply of food the relief effort succeeded in avoiding the formation of camps around the food distribution centres. However, total numbers seeking relief food supplies are estimated to jump from around 1.5 million in late March to a possible seven million in June — 3.5 million of these in the northern provinces.

The anticipated scale of the problem in the northern provinces has led all participating donors to conclude that the airlift operation in respect of the north lacks the capacity to transport all the food necessary to feed these numbers and that the only way to ensure the delivery of sufficient quantities of food to the threatened populations is to secure safe passage by road. During the first months of the current crisis the relief operation mounted in the northern war-affected regions of Eritrea, Tigre and North Wollo, operated under extremely precarious security conditions on the roads, which have resulted in the destruction of almost 100 food trucks and the death and injury of some of their crews. Although the Ethiopian Government deployed forces to guard the main supply routes to and within the north, attacks continued and it soon became evident that those areas of the route protected by the Government forces were subject to heaviest attack.

As a result of the dangerous situation on the roads and their inability to prevent attacks, the Ethiopian Government closed many of the most dangerous roads and only opened them to relief convoys on days when they felt confident that they could guarantee the safety of relief personnel. Despite this very dangerous situation, many relief agencies, backed by many donors — including the Red Cross for example — pressed the authorities to allow them to travel on these routes at their own risk in order to ensure that people would continue to receive food supplies.

As a result of serious military setbacks in both Eritrea and Tigre suffered by the Ethiopian Government during the latter half of March, security in these regions deteriorated to a new low. Apart from the general hazards of being caught in a war-zone, relief personnel became victims of kidnappings and specific attacks on relief operations. In early April the Ethiopian Government introduced a ban on foreign relief workers remaining in Eritrea and Tigre on grounds that their safety could not be ensured. Although other motives cannot be discounted, relief workers have confirmed the very real dangers facing them as a result of the security situation and it should be noted that the Ethiopian Government did not insist that foreign development aid workers, such as teachers and water project personnel, or local relief workers, should leave these regions. Thus the relief effort, though seriously hampered, has not been brought to a standstill and food is still being distributed through local channels such as the Catholic Relief Agency.

However, the fact remains that continued and, indeed, over the next few months growing levels of food supplies will be required in these areas. Regardless of the dangers, many relief workers and agencies are prepared to continue to operate the relief effort at their own risk and, if this is the case, it is clear that they should be allowed to do so. To date, the food stocks delivered before the recent crisis and those continuing to arrive through local organisations appear to have succeeded in delaying the onset of mass starvation. As these stocks dwindle and the famine-threatened population swells to the anticipated level of 3.5 million in the north over the coming weeks and months, the appalling tragedy that we witnessed in recent years could be repeated in Northern Ethiopia. Elsewhere in Ethiopia the prospects are better since the relief effort is not being hampered as it is in the north.

Having looked in some detail at the recent events taking place in Ethiopia, I would like to turn to the specific question of how both our Government and the European Community of which we are a member have responded to the emerging food crisis in that country. The Government have monitored carefully the reports of crop failure and imminent famine which were released by the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission of the Ethiopian Government and by the various international relief agencies from early September 1987 onwards. The Government allocated grants totalling £370,000 from their Disaster Relief Fund in support of relief in Ethiopia in the latter part of 1987. In addition, the Government shipped 3,386 tonnes of wheat to Ethiopia under the Food Aid Convention. In deciding to make such an early and significant response we were influenced by the experience of 1984-85 when food aid took between five and seven months to reach the people it was intended to benefit.

In determining where to direct our relief assistance we took full account of the particular situation applying in the northern provinces of Eritrea and Tigre and of the appeal from the International Committee of the Red Cross in October 1987, following the destruction of a relief convoy in Eritrea, for international support for an "open roads for survival" campaign directed at all the parties to the conflict and aimed at securing free and unrestricted passage of relief supplies to the affected populations. Accordingly, £45,000 was allocated by the Government from their Disaster Relief Fund in November 1987 to the United Nations Disaster Relief Organisation (UNDRO) — in respect of the emergency airlift operation they mounted to overcome the road transport problems which were hindering the distribution of relief supplies.

This large scale airlift operation, which represents a very expensive means of transporting bulk food supplies, had been decided upon as a last resort when it became clear that the food aid pipeline, by road, from the port of Assab to central Tigre was suspended for security reasons in late 1987. At that time road transport was able to move only 2,000 tonnes of supplies per month, at a time when the monthly food requirement of the 500,000 famine-stricken inhabitants of southern Tigre amounted to 8,500 tonnes. By the end of January 1988 the airlift operation had shown that it was capable of delivering between 13,500 and 15,000 tonnes of food aid per month thus making it possible to build up a small emergency food stock in the area.

A further grant of £45,000 was allocated to the ICRC who were at the time the only major relief organisation permitted to function in the disaster areas of Tigre and Eritrea, where the famine was expected to be at its most severe. In a move which has the gravest implications for the inhabitants of those areas, the Government of Ethiopia in early April suspended the ICRC's relief operations in Eritrea and grounded their trucking fleet, indicating that the ICRC's function should be taken over by the Ethiopian Red Cross Society. I earnestly hope that an appropriate solution can be worked out to ensure that the ICRC food supplies and trucks are rapidly returned to the service of the people of Ethiopia.

I would like to take the opportunity presented by this debate to express my admiration for and thanks to the various Irish relief and developmental agencies which are either involved directly in humanitarian activities in Ethiopia or are providing essential funding for such activities. I can readily vouch for the fact that they are held in the highest esteem for their professionalism and dedication by their counterparts in the community of International Aid Organisations — an esteem which, I may say, has been reflected in the contributions of Senators in this debate. Their contribution to the international relief effort is greatly in excess of what might be expected of a country of Ireland's size and population and serves to enhance greatly Ireland's reputation among both donor and recipient countries. The NGOs are of course an important source of information on the famine situation in Ethiopia — a fact referred to by many Senators, particularly Senator Bulbulia — and serve to supplement the information which the Government regularly receive from the major international relief organisations. The NGOs also perform a vital educational role with regard to the general public to whom they have imparted a highly-developed awareness of Third World needs and from whose generosity they have in turn benefited.

The Government have endeavoured to support the NGOs in their humanitarian activities in Ethiopia to the extent that their resources permit. That is reflected in the fact that over 40 per cent of the moneys allocated from the Disaster Relief Fund in respect of relief activities in Ethiopia in 1987 went to Irish NGOs, notably Concern, GOAL and Trócaire. In addition, grants totalling £147,000 were allocated to Irish NGOs in 1987 under the NGO Co-Financing Scheme in respect of development projects in Ethiopia. The projects were largely in the primary health care and rural development sectors.

I heartily endorse the comments made by several of the Senators who spoke on this motion last week concerning the courage and selfless dedication of volunteer relief workers who are often operating at great risk to their own lives and safety in bringing vitally needed relief assistance to famine victims within those areas of Ethiopia which are experiencing civil conflict. The vulnerability of relief workers was highlighted by two incidents this year involving the kidnapping of Irish volunteer workers by secessionist groups. The most recent of these incidents occurred on 29 April last and involved the abduction of two Concern volunteer workers from the vicinity of the town of Jarso in south-west Ethiopia. The Government are deeply concerned about the kidnapping of these young volunteers who were engaged in humanitarian work among the Ethiopian people and we have made known our concern to the Ethiopian authorities.

Such actions serve to compound further the problems inherently involved in providing humanitarian assistance in Ethiopia. I call on all parties to the conflict to respect fully the status of relief and development workers and to allow them to proceed unhindered with their humanitarian activities. The latest information available concerning the two volunteer workers is that they are unharmed and that they are expected to be handed over safely to Concern representatives in Khartoum either today or tomorrow. I earnestly hope that this will be the last such incident and that Concern and their fellow relief agencies will be allowed to proceed unhindered with their humanitarian work with the Ethiopian people.

Turning to the role played by the European Community in the crisis in Ethiopia, I would like to comment briefly on a point raised by Senator Lydon at the opening of the debate relating to the question of Community assistance to Ethiopia under the Third Lomé Convention. Senator Lydon expressed the hope that the 213 million ecus committed to Ethiopia under the Convention would be spent on famine relief and not on arms. Although I am pleased to confirm that the Community have indeed mounted a rapid and efffective famine relief campaign, it is useful to clarify that the individual country aid programmes agreed under the Lomé Convention involve the provision of longer-term development assistance and not emergency assistance which is financed from a special common fund under the Convention as well as from the general Food Aid budget. Focusing on the very grave environmental and food security problems which underlie that country's vulnerability to famine, the indicative programme for Ethiopia agreed under Lomé III provided for Community assistance to be concentrated on food security, rural development and countering environmental degradation.

However, recognising that the policies of the Ethiopian authorities in the agricultural sector, especially in relation to the low pricing for agricultural products, can act as a major disincentive to food production, the Community made the allocation of funding dependent on a reform of those policies that were impeding local food production and since the Convention came into force in May 1986 have refused to begin work on the agreed rural programmes in the absence of the required commitment.

I am happy to state that, recognising the importance of Community aid to its development, the Ethiopian Government have now agreed to reform their agricultural policies in line with Community requirements and, following a comprehensive review by the Commission on the reform programme to ensure that it did indeed meet the Community's requirements, the go-ahead has now been given for funds to be allocated to the agreed programmes. As to any suggestion that such funds could be used for arms rather than development purposes, Senator Lydon may rest assured that there are a multitude of safeguards to ensure that Lomé funds are used directly on the agreed programmes and their use is controlled by the Community delegations on the ground.

In addition to concentrating the available Lomé resources to combat the fundamental causes of famine in Ethiopia, the Community have also played a vital role in the international relief effort through its Food Aid and Emergency Assistance programmes. From the time that the first reports of the failing harvest began to emerge in the autumn of last year, the Commission formulated plans for a rapid and effective response. I raised the question of a comprehensive Community response to the emerging crisis with my ministerial colleagues in the Development Council in November last and was satisfied to find that the Commission had already been formulating plans to supply both emergency food aid and emergency financial assistance. At my suggestion, all the Ministers and the Commission agreed to co-ordinate their various relief efforts to ensure that the community response was as rapid, comprehensive and effective as possible.

The Emergency Assistance Unit of the Commission, in co-operation with the Commission delegation in Addis Ababa, undertook the role of Community coordinator, acting as a channel of communication within the Community and between the Community and the other participants in the international relief campaign and holding regular meetings to discuss developments and needs. Apart from the various substantial amounts of assistance provided by the member states bilaterally, the Community to date have provided a total of 268,000 tonnes of food aid in the form of cereals, milk powder, oil and beans. In addition, emergency cash assistance for the airlift and for storage and distribution operations of 31.55 million ecu's have been provided. This brings the overall total in aid to date to over £90 million.

The rate of supply of this assistance was carefully timed to meet the priority needs of the situation and to avoid as far as possible the creation of bottlenecks at the ports. Fortunately, because it had been decided to channel the Community's relief assistance through the official channel of the Ethiopian RRC as well as through local church agencies, primarily the Catholic Relief and Development Agency, the Community's distribution efforts have not been affected by the recent actions by the Ethiopian authorities as seriously as many others and some Community aid is, therefore, continuing to get through to the North. Thus, despite my early concerns, I am pleased to be able to express my satisfaction with all aspects of the Community's relief effort and to welcome the opportunity to pay tribute to the central role played by the Commission in this endeavour.

I turn now to the call in this motion for the Government to use their good offices to effect a ceasefire between all the forces involved in the conflict in Ethiopia. I agree fully with Senator O'Shea that the task is not an easy one. Our first priority in all our actions, is, and has been, to ensure that all is done to see that necessary aid gets through to those who need it. I have spoken of the rapid programme of relief instituted by the international community as a whole with a view to ensuring that there should be no repetition of the 1984-85 catastrophe. However, as noted, there have been several setbacks in recent months to the flow of aid to certain Northern areas in particular as a consequence of the continued conflicts within Ethiopia, particularly in the provinces of Tigre and Eritrea. I do not have to remind the House of the enduring nature of these conflicts in Eritrea and Tigre. Many Senators referred to the length of time the fighting has been going on.

In Eritrea fighting has gone on for almost a quarter of a century between rebels who want independence and the Ethopian Army and in Tigre the fighting has continued for more than a decade over the issue of autonomy for Tigre. Many lives have been lost over the years both in the fighting and from its effects, such as the damage to infrastructure and the obstacles which the fighting has put in the way of famine relief and humanitarian aid reaching those most in need. Ethiopia has also been involved in conflict with her neighbours, Sudan and Somalia, though thankfully signs are now appearing of a genuine rapprochement between Ethiopia and Somalia, with a recently concluded agreement between the two Governments.

There have been a number of attempts to mediate in all of these conflicts with little success in the cases of Eritrea and Tigre. Some talks were held in 1982 regarding the future of Eritrea, but these came to nothing. The recent agreement concluded between Ethiopia and Somalia came about only after several attempts to mediate, stretching back over a number of years and involving the OAU, Cuba, Italy and Djibouti. Against this background it would be sanguine to believe that Ireland's good offices could achieve a ceasefire in the conflicts still raging within Ethiopia. We do not have diplomatic relations with Ethiopia, as was mentioned by Senator Robb, and we do not have long standing ties with that country.

There is some goodwill within Ethiopia on all sides towards Ireland and Irish aid workers. One reason for this is that our relief effort has been seen, rightly, as humanitarian and not compromised by any political involvement. To seek to intervene on the political level, however well intentioned, courts the risk of destroying that goodwill should one or other of the protagonists come to the conclusion, however erroneously, that Ireland favours one or other side of the conflict. The net result of this could be actually to inflict harm on the aid effort, the success of which remains the top priority for a country such as Ireland.

This does not mean that the Government advocate doing nothing; far from it. The Government, together with our partners in the Twelve, who include very large aid donors and also countries which traditionally, have had close links with Ethiopia, will continue to press for the peaceful solution of all conflicts in the Horn of Africa and for the maximum efficacy of the aid effort to relieve those starving or in need in Ethiopia. Together with our partners in the Twelve we have kept the situation in Ethiopia under close review and we make known our views as appropriate to the parties concerned. A landmark statement of Twelve policy on Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa was made by Ministers of the Twelve on 21 July 1986. In it the Twelve urged the Governments of the region to take steps to achieve the peaceful settlement of internal conflicts and to ensure respect for human rights in their countries. The Twelve also singled out, as of particular importance, measures to help combat further famine and to promote food security.

Since then the Twelve have issued a number of statements and made demarches with regard to the situation in Ethiopia. Thus declarations were made in November and December last deploring and condemning the attacks on food convoys, calling on all sides to ensure that no obstacle is put in the way of the transportation of food aid and appealing for all those concerned to secure free passage for international relief in the drought-affected areas of Ethiopia. Ireland has, of course, been fully associated with these Twelve calls and has participated fully in discussions with partners about Ethiopia.

The Twelve have reacted swiftly to the decision by the Ethiopian Government in April to request expatriate relief workers to leave the provinces of Eritrea and Tigre temporarily. The Twelve made an immediate demarche to the Ethiopian authorities in the matter and also issued a statement calling on all parties involved to find ways and means to allow such workers to return to the region if they wished to do so in circumstances of as much safety as possible in order to continue their humanitarian work. At the same time, and on a happier note, the Twelve made demarches in both Addis Ababa and Mogadishu expressing satisfaction with the recently concluded agreement between Ethiopia and Somalia.

The European Commission made a separate demarche to the Ethiopian authorities regarding the position of expatriate relief workers. The United Nations have made approaches also to the Ethiopians and the UN Secretary General is scheduled to visit Ethiopia this week and will visit UN relief operations in the northern provinces. It is to be anticipated that the international community will continue to press for adequate access for relief to those in need. The Government will support all such efforts and any other efforts which seem to us likely to achieve results in terms of ensuring that aid reaches all those in need. This seems to the Government the most appropriate way to proceed having regard to our capacity for influencing events in Ethiopia.

Before concluding I should like to refer briefly to one or two specific points made by Senators during the course of the debate. In reply to Senator Bulbulia, I certainly will do all I can to ensure that our aid contribution is as it was last year but, as she knows, that is a budgetary matter and something over which I have very little control. Senator Robb made a number of suggestions. Some of the suggestions he made are already in operation. We generally seek that our relief workers and those who are employed on the bilateral aid scheme have the language of the country they are going to, except where English is widely spoken. We try in the main to support only schemes which have a real relevance to the economy of the small local areas because we feel this is where the best efforts can be made and where the best results can come from.

I hope I have made clear the commitment of the Government to working to assist and support the relief effort to the best of our abilities. I hope I have outlined sufficiently the scope of the Twelve's assistance to Ethiopia and their on-going attentiveness on the political front and of the efforts made to get their message across to all those concerned. The situation in Ethiopia is potentially tragic and there is still a long way to go before it is put right, but it is possible to see certain slight grounds for optimism in some recent developments.

The moves I referred to above to alter agricultural policy so as to increase prices paid to farmers and a liberalisation of the internal grain market which were announced in February could help Ethiopia's food situation in the mid-term and have been welcomed by outside donor agencies such as the Community. There have been announcements regarding the resumption of the resettlement programme which have stressed that its operation will be strictly on a voluntary basis.

As was mentioned by Senator Lydon in his speech, an announcement was made during the past four days that a number of members of the Ethiopian royal family who had been imprisoned for many years have been released under an amnesty. These are signs that the Government of Ethiopia must listen to and absorb constructive comment from outside. I appeal to the United States and the USSR to use their considerable influence in this area to see that the work which is being carried on to get food aid to those who want it is successful. It is my earnest hope that all sides to the conflict in Ethiopia will heed those voices from outside, including that of Ireland, and work to ensure that relief gets through and that the threatened catastrophe does not take place. I thank all the Senators who have contributed to this debate.

I want to thank all the Senators who contributed to the debate on this motion. The interest shown by them, by the other Senators who signed the motion and by others, who, because of the time constraints of a three hour debate could not contribute, is a very accurate reflection of the deep concern about this issue which is felt not just in this House but in the country as a whole. It is a concern which I hope will be reflected in other Parliaments.

I should like to thank the Senators who commended me for having brought this motion before the House. I am grateful for their kind comments but I am not really looking for either kind comments or compliments. What I am looking for is action, because as I said last week, as we talk, human beings starve. The 25 year-old war in Ethiopia has claimed almost 500,000 lives and, as long as it goes on, the Ethiopian people will starve. They starve not only because of the recurrent drought but also because they are victims of a war between Eritrean and Tigrean separatists and the Marxist Government in Addis Ababa. Some six million people are at risk at present, but what of the future?

According to the World Bank, population growth is outstripping food production at such a rate that by the year 2000 some 14 million people will be at risk. It is extremely doubtful that the world's relief agencies could cope with a problem of this magnitude. This need not happen. We, and the other member states of the EC can, should and must put pressure on all those involved in the conflict to effect a ceasefire. As Senator Bradford said, the rebel forces have agreed to a ceasefire and let us, therefore, continue to call on the Ethiopian Government to agree likewise. Let us insist that all aid is carefully monitored. Concerted pressure and the monitoring of aid by outside impartial agencies may be our two most effective weapons in combating this appalling crisis. Pressure does seem to work because, as the Minister said, members of Halie Selassie's family were released last week. There are still thousands incarcerated and we hope they will be released eventually also.

In regard to the monitoring process, I particularly welcome the Minister's statement and I accept his assurances. Last week I challenged him to respond to this debate in a strong manner. That he has certainly done and the contents of his statement give us grounds for hope. I did not expect such a lengthy, comprehensive and positive statement and I am deeply grateful to him for it. Finally, I thank the Leader of the House for having made time available for this important debate.

Question put and agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

When is it proposed to sit again?

It is proposed to sit at 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

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