Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 12 May 1994

Vol. 140 No. 9

South Africa: Statements (Resumed).

Mr. Maloney

I wish to be associated with the tributes to John Smith who died this morning and I extend my sympathy to his wife and family.

The words "Let freedom reign. The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement. God bless Africa" were spoken by Nelson Mandela when he was sworn in last Tuesday as the first black President of South Africa. A sense of pride was inevitable as I and many millions of people watched this unbelievable ceremony, which some of us thought we would never see. I was also proud to see our country represented by our President, Mary Robinson, and by one of the senior Ministers, Deputy Ruairi Quinn.

Recently I visited Somalia in northeast Africa. Unfortunately, I was not in South Africa for the elections. I can empathise with the feelings of Senator Doyle, Senator Finneran and Senator Wilson on being in South Africa for the elections. However, after seeing the poverty in Somalia there are many comparisons which can be made between it and South Africa. There are serious problems in other African countries such as Rwanda, Tanzania and Burundi. We see the horrible conditions in which black people in Africa must live. I visited a hospital in Baidoa which had running water for only three hours each day. I am sure Soweto and other townships might not even have that supply. I also visited an orphanage in Somalia which had 1,520 children. After Sharpesville and other incidents in South Africa I am sure that many children in South Africa were orphaned.

These situations are common in the continent of Africa. They are extremely sad. When I was escorted by the Irish UN force from Mogadishu to the UN compound in Somalia I saw thousands of parents and children scavenging in the dumps on the roadsides searching for food or something to barter. One can only ponder on how lucky we are not to be in such circumstances. It is with a sense of pride that one feels that progress is being made.

It would be wrong to applaud and congratulate Mr. Nelson Mandela and the ANC for what they have achieved without recognising the courage shown by former President and now Vice-President de Klerk. All contributors today have spoken of this man's courage and no one could speak highly enough of what he has achieved. These two people set out with hope in their hearts to bring about a reconciliation, a coming together and a healing of wounds, after a struggle by Mr. Mandela and others before him to introduce democracy and end apartheid in a nation which had disgraced itself on the world stage.

This was an extremely wealthy country which treated its whites, but only its whites, extremely well. Blacks lived in poverty. If this position is now to be changed, it can only augur well for Africa and a message will go out to the rest of the world to try to treat one another equally. Because of the courage of these two people, that nation stands today at the crossroads of unity. Ultimately we hope to see the end of poverty, suffering and strife in that area.

We who despair about Northern Ireland hope there are people here who can do what Mr. Mandela and Mr. de Klerk did, who will take their courage in their hands to solve the problem in the north-east of this small country. If it can be done in South Africa why can it not be done in Ireland? Breaking down barriers between blacks and whites must be much harder than breaking down the religious barriers which separate people here. This is a sad situation but we must not give up hope. President Mandela and Vice-President de Klerk have shown that a meeting of minds and common sense can combine to send a message of reconciliation not alone to Northern Ireland but to all the trouble spots in the world.

Mr. de Klerk's actions would be considered treachery by many of his supporters. Here was someone who had grown up under apartheid, who had helped to administer the system and had the courage to realise it could not succeed. There are still sources of danger in South Africa and the shining example shown by both Mr. Mandela and Mr. de Klerk in the fight for peace and stability will undoubtedly help them to overcome any obstacle that may come their way.

Mr. Mandela will go down in history beside Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King and wonderful people. Vice-President de Klerk deserves to be in the same group. They have struggled to bring peace and democracy to a country divided by some of the worst examples of man's inhumanity to man since Hitler's time.

I send greetings to Deputy Ferris, who also went to South Africa as an observer. Like the rest of those who went, he will never forget the changes in that nation. This morning John Smith died at the age of 55. The contribution these people make to politics often causes great strain to themselves; some people do not realise all that is expected of politicians. It is remarkable that Mr. Mandela has survived to the age of 75. I hope he will now be able to enjoy the fruits of his efforts.

He has also made tremendous sacrifices, as has his family. His mother and his eldest son died while he was in prison and he was not allowed to attend the funerals. His marriage to Mrs. Winnie Mandela also broke up largely because of the many years he spent in prison. It is welcome that he has appointed her as a junior minister in his cabinet. This action demonstrates his magnanimity.

How can a person spend 25 years in gaol and still show forgiveness to those who treated him so badly? Mr. Mandela shows no sign of bitterness. He is a conciliator who will undoubtedly work extremely hard to see apartheid is abolished. He will ensure that people work hard to forget what happened. He sees the good in people and I am sure he will fight for what is right.

I suggest that the Taoiseach and Tánaiste extend a formal invitation to both Mr. Mandela and Mr. de Klerk to visit Ireland and perhaps to address both Houses of the Oireachtas. This will not happen immediately but we would look forward to such a visit. They will be inundated with many invitations and proposals of all kinds but Ireland is recognised as a peace loving nation, which has made a massive contribution to peace all over the world, and I hope we were seen to have made a contribution to South Africa. We should invite these two men who would be warmly received by the Irish people.

I am delighted to have seen the progress South Africa has made over the last number of years. We can only hope and pray for them, and they will need such hopes and prayers to ensure this coalition of peoples works. The world wishes them well in their struggle to improve the lot of the South African people.

Mr. Ross

Rarely can any of us have experienced such a broad welcome for any issue in this House as has been given to the South African election result and procedures by all parties. Without using too obvious a cliché, it was an extraordinary privilege to have been there to see what happened during the last three weeks. It was possibly one of the most significant and peaceful turning of events in the 20th century.

As Senator Wilson rightly said on yesterday's Order of Business, we in Ireland could take lessons from these events. It is an amazing achievement and an unusual historical decision for anyone to voluntarily hand over power; it is even more extraordinary for the person to whom this power was given to hand some of it back. That is what happened in South Africa and it is a measure of the greatness of these two men that they found it possible to do this.

That cannot and does not happen in Ireland. In South Africa there is a straightforward sharing of power between divided people. For some reason we cannot share power in Ireland, in a situation which is far less complex than that in South Africa. I hope the leaders of the divided people in Northern Ireland will draw a lesson from this. Those who hold power or who have the potential to hold power should follow the example set by Mr. de Klerk and offer to share power with those who have none. Those who have the potential to receive this power should also reciprocate. That is what is happening in South Africa. It is tragic that South Africa can find a way forward but this country cannot.

For the people who went to South Africa it was a great advantage to be Irish. Other speakers referred to the fact that Ireland had a proud record on South Africa and that Irish observers were greeted with enthusiasm and friendliness. It is true that Ireland opposed apartheid and that it had a noble record on this issue. However, we should not get carried away with our own record on the former South Africa regime. It is easy to join the Mandela bandwagon now, but successive Governments here were on it for a long time, and I am not referring to the Labour Party.

Under pressure from the Dunnes Stores strikers, who took a noble and principled stand, and from a strong anti-apartheid movement, Governments here responded by taking a strong line in favour of sanctions on South Africa. This would have been commendable had it been convincing. While the Government stood against racism and oppression in South Africa and said it should do everything in its power, as should other nations, to bring that regime to its knees by trade sanctions, the Irish Government was simultaneously trading with regimes which committed far worse crimes than the South African regime.

In the late 1980s I was tired listening to Government spokesmen making pious remarks about the need to bring South Africa to its knees by imposing sanctions, while it traded with Iraq, Iran and Libya. The same Government knew about the atrocities being committed in Iraq and Iran; and one Government pleaded with the Libyan authorities to trade with this country, although it knew they were delivering arms to the IRA. Whereas the people, the Dunnes Stores workers and the anti-apartheid movement played a great part in opposing apartheid, the Government should be seen as hypocritical in its attitude to other regimes. We cannot be puritanical and adopt a pious attitude to apartheid, while trading with Mr. Saddam Hussein. The reason we were so virtuous against apartheid was because we did negligible trade with South Africa. We should pat the backs of those who are working on the ground, rather than our own, because they led the charge and applied the pressure. However, the Government's action on this issue was totally inconsistent with its actions elsewhere.

It would be foolhardy not to recognise the considerable achievement of Mr. F. W. de Klerk, President Mandela and others, which could not have been conceived five or six years ago. The size of the task could only be described by someone who has been there for many years. As an observer for a short time, and having been there once previously, I do not know the complexity of the South African situation. It is more complex that anyone could describe. One only had to look at the ballot paper to see how difficult it was to carry out these elections. It was written in the 11 official languages of South Africa. The names of the parties, a symbol and the parties' names in shorthand were printed on the paper. There was also a small photograph of the leader of the party and a space for people to mark their vote. It was done like this because there was no other way to get the lowest common denominator.

The fact there are so many tribes, languages, people and illiterate people made a normal election impossible in South Africa. The elections could not have been held under Irish, English or European rules. The authorities did not know, and they still do not know, how many people live in South Africa, in the townships or in the provinces. During my visit there was a report in the newspapers — I do not know if it was true, but the frequency of the reports convinced me — that an allowance had been made for 4.5 million voters in one province, but six million turned up. They did not know the size of the population; therefore the task was virtually impossible. The research had not been done and in European terms the background made it difficult to describe the elections as free and fair. In European terms the elections would have been rendered null and void by the Wednesday of the week they were held. Under European standards, there would have been court cases, injunctions and rows.

In some ways the expectations of the electorate and of the Independent Election Commission, which has been described in many international newspapers as being discredited, were too high. We expected a perfect election with results which were not flawed. However, that did not happen. The number of infringements were legion and it is impossible to say if we got a fair result in every area. It is not true that they were free in an international sense.

A bomb went off in the street next to our hotel in Johannesburg on the day some of us arrived there. This was an ominous foretaste of what we thought was to come. However, we must realise that the situation in South Africa is not a healthy one for holding free and fair elections. There was intimidation from all sides and ballot stuffing. Polling booths did not open and there were extraordinary complications when the labels for ballot papers did not arrive on time and people did not have the option to vote for the Inkatha Freedom Party. There was fraudulent voting on all sides. The process was flawed in terms of detail from the first day. However, few people quarrelled about the result, partly because it was the result everyone wanted. The majority of the people, including the ANC, Chief Buthelezi, Mr. de Klerk and the international community, are happy about the result in South Africa. Some called it a designer result and it is, to a large extent. The ANC did not get the two-thirds majority which would have given it a form of power which would have enabled it to overrule the other parties. That was satisfactory to everyone, including the ANC, because it would have put it under pressure from its extremists. It is like having the party whip here, which is convenient on certain occasions because one may use it as an excuse for not doing certain things and not voting a certain way. The ANC result was, therefore, satisfactory.

The National Party did extraordinarily well and saved face by winning one province. Chief Buthelezi, a constant thorn in the side of the ANC and everyone else, got a massive 10 per cent and his pride was saved by the result. It was a surprise, but a welcome one, that the Inkatha Freedom Party got 10 per cent of the vote. It allowed Chief Buthelezi to take his place in the cabinet, which was essential. He also took over 50 per cent of the vote in his own province. There was something in it for Chief Buthelezi and there was enough in it for the ANC and the National Party to get over the election period, which was tense.

If the balance of forces had broken differently in the election, we may have had a different situation. Had Chief Buthelezi got less than 5 per cent of the vote and would therefore not be entitled to a place in the cabinet, a dangerous situation could have erupted in KwaZulu. He could have said he did not accept the election results because they were not free and fair and there could have been a resurgence of violence between the two tribes in Natal. That would have been tragic, but the result salvaged everyone's pride. They gave enough to all leader's so they can move ahead.

People should not be under the impression that these elections were model ones; they were not. I do not need to remind the House that the number of ballot papers could not be reconciled after the elections. However, there was an extraordinary push from everyone to say and to establish that these elections were free and fair. Some organisations and the observer organisations prematurely pronounced the elections to be free and fair. This was silly, because the organisation of which I was a member said they were free and fair before one vote was counted. It also took away from the final message, which was that despite the flaws and botch-ups in the middle of the count, we can live with the elections and the result. We are happy to forget about the discrepancies and problems because this is too important to get involved in too much detail. One could not expect an election in South Africa to be carried out successfully by European standards. This could not happen; therefore, sights were set too high.

We are probably at a high point in South African history. I do not believe things could be better than they have been in the past week. Everything has gone right — it is close to a miracle. Violence dropped during the elections, which were predicted to be violent. When going out into the field at 5 a.m. on the first morning people warned us about how to behave in a violent situation, which was exactly how we would not have behaved. We were given different instructions and we expected shooting and fighting. It was in a way disappointing, because we saw no action. We cannot tell lies about this because none of our colleagues saw action. That is embarrassing. It was peaceful and there was a strong army presence. Nothing could be directly associated with the elections, except the bomb in Johannesburg, which we could claim credit for having seen.

Given that the process has been peacefully carried out, we are now at a high point, almost a euphoric point. It would be realistic to say things will now become more difficult. It will be difficult to educate all the South African people without the necessary resources. President Mandela already promised — this is probably an aspiration rather than a fact — that he will provide ten years free education for everyone. I hope he can do that. On ANC posters throughout South Africa there was the familiar ring of freedom, jobs and housing. These promises were endorsed by a picture of President Mandela.

The ANC now face real politics, delivering on election promises, and even President Mandela will find it difficult to deliver. He will depend on foreign investment and, to my acknowledge, foreign investors are looking carefully at South Africa. There is a rush of foreign investors in South Africa. Everyone is aware that Johannesburg Stock Exchange has soared in the past few weeks. Money has not been invested on purely a speculative basis; funds have been set up to invest in South Africa, particularly by British merchant banks. I imagine that is part of the temporary euphoria caused by the elections and the lead-up to them. From now on things will be difficult. Expectations are high and promises have been made, which probably cannot be kept. The test for the new South Africa and President Mandela will be how the vast majority, the ANC which does not have total power, treat the whites and Chief Buthelezi.

During our trip there was an unhealthy readiness to paint Chief Buthelezi as the villain of the peace, particularly among observers to whom I spoke. In that sense the observers were not politically impartial. Chief Buthelezi was portrayed as a bad guy — the spoiler. That may be true, but we should not draw too many conclusions. Chief Buthelezi is in a difficult situation. He is the leader of a proud people with a great history. However, we must acknowledge — and this is being acknowledged by President Mandela and others — that he is the leader of 10 per cent of the people of South Africa. That is an uncomfortable truth and it was difficult for the ANC in Natal, in particular, to accept the result in that province, where they claimed the ballot had been rigged. There were so many allegations of ballot rigging that we will never know the truth on either side. I suspect ballot rigging on all sides but that in the end it balanced out. Chief Buthelezi must be acknowledged as someone who has earned the support of a large number of South Africans and is a significant player in the equation. He will have to be listened to if the Government is interested in peace, just as in Northern Ireland we have to listen to minorities of that size.

The key to the future of South Africa lies with Nelson Mandela himself. The post-Mandela era, which cannot realistically be too far away, will be a very dangerous era for South Africa because there is a danger of the ANC splitting apart at that time. His presence and authority and the fact that he has been a martyr for a cause for so long will hold the ANC together, provided and for as long as he is in power.

There are encouraging straws in the wind. It is not right to be too pessimistic. I was immensely encouraged and surprised by the fact that in Natal blacks and whites were happily queuing up together. The perceptions one has before one goes to a country like that are amazing. It was my second time there, but I still had these perceptions. Blacks and whites were happily queuing up together in this post-apartheid era, accepting each other, talking to each other in a very relaxed way at the polling booths while waiting for hours to vote.

One of the other very surprising features of the polling was that the National Party seemed to have recruited a large number of black supporters. I do not know how that happened, but it was apparent everywhere in the polling booths. We went to the polling booths as observers and one of our jobs was to identify the party agents and observe whether they were being a little too enthusiastic, which they were on many occasions. It was quite striking how many agents of the National Party were black people. A large number of black people appear to have joined the National Party because they see it as a progressive, modern way forward and as a way of breaking out of their tribal background. Conversely, there have always been many whites in the ANC. We have to take a great deal of encouragement from this. We have to hope, we have to help. I wish my old friend and adversary, Mr. Kadar Asmal, well and congratulate him on his new appointment.

Mr. Daly

I congratulate President Mandela and his new Government of National Unity and wish them and the people of South Africa every success at this very historic and traumatic time for them. I join in the good wishes to Mr. Kadar Asmal and indeed to the anti-apartheid movement in Ireland, who have campaigned for many years in an effort to bring about democratic elections and a democratic Government in South Africa.

It is less than four years since Nelson Mandela addressed the Houses of the Oireachtas, on 2 July 1990. On that occasion he said:

The liberated South Africa we envision is one in which all our people, both black and white, will be one to each other, brother and sister. We see being born a united South Africa, a nation of equal compatriots, enriched by the diversity of the colour and culture of the citizens who make up the whole. This cannot come about until South Africa becomes a democratic country. We, therefore, insist that everybody should have the right to vote without discrimination on any grounds whatsoever.

It is hard to believe that in the space of a few years someone who had spent 27 years in jail could go from the prison cell to the presidency of the great South African nation. All of us in this country and throughout the international community have an obligation now to support in whatever limited way we can the new democratic Government of South Africa, so that we can in this extraordinary time of opportunity for South Africa help to establish there a firm democratic system which will deal effectively with the problems which face that country and with the major task facing the new Government. There are enormous problems, which will test the very best leadership abilities of the Government in South Africa and the people of South Africa.

I wish to avail of this opportunity to thank the chief whip of my own party for affording me the opportunity of being present at such a momentous occasion in South Africa, of being involved in the European Union observer mission in South Africa for the first democratic non-racial elections. The European Union election unit was set up about a year ago and in that time has put together an observer mission in the Western Cape area where I operated. The mission was under the co-ordination of Mr. Heinz Deppe from Germany, and we also had the experience and expertise of Colonel Michael Shannon from Ireland, who has been operating throughout the many trouble spots on behalf of the United Nations.

An Cathaoirleach

Senator Wilson spoke very highly of Col. Shannon, so obviously you are aware of that situation about him.

Mr. Daly

Yes, indeed. Of course he comes from Kilrush in County Clare, but that is a separate issue. He has been involved in many peace-keeping missions all over the world and I am very glad to have the opportunity to make clear our appreciation for the help and assistance we got from Col. Shannon during our time there.

As Members here are aware, the observer mission had a modest role to play; some people probably went beyond their mandate, but by and large the mission was very successful. It consisted of up to 2,000 personnel from the European Union, the United Nations, who co-ordinated the operation, from the Commonwealth mission and of course from the Organisation of African States, which has and will have a very important role to play in the developing situation in Africa generally.

As observers, our mandate was to observe the arrangements for voter education, to observe how public meetings were being organised and whether these were free and fairly done, to observe the voting on election days and to report back each day on our activities to the coordinator, with a full report which he co-ordinated with the United Nations. Overall it was a mammoth task. To give some idea of the size of South Africa, the distance between Johannesburg and Cape Town, which seems on the map to be very short, is 1,500 km.

The sheer size of the task which was to be undertaken in that election was unbelievable and much appreciation must go to the transitional executive council and of course to the Independent Electoral Commission, which had the almost impossible task of organising the elections. The chairman of the commission said in the very early stages that they were starting from scratch. There are 22 million voters, 18 million of whom had never voted before. A huge number, 56 per cent of the 18 million, are functionally illiterate. There were 9,000 polling stations and a number of mobile stations.

The Independent Electoral Commission, leaving aside the flaws, undertook a task which was almost impossible to comprehend at the outset. Within a few months, between January and April, the commission put a framework of presiding officers and poll clerks in place, just as in any election here, which was competent and efficient. It organised the three voting days and a further extension of one day because of complaints.

The Commission endeavoured through agencies to organise an education procedure to enable the illiterate and those who had never voted before to be familiar with the system. It was a fairly complex system which we cannot go into in detail. Apart from the national elections, there were also regional elections, which further confused issues. Bearing in mind that there would be flaws and administrative difficulties in the organisation of such an event, the commission succeeded in securing a result which surprised many people, including perhaps the commission itself.

In my dealings with the members of the commission during the two weeks I was in South Africa I found them competent, capable and well organised. They did not anticipate some of the events that arose. For instance, the reason for many of the delays at polling stations was that Inkatha had at a late stage reached agreement with the then President de Klerk and Mr. Mandela to become involved in the election after having previously decided not to do so. Consequently, stickers with the Inkatha party symbols and candidates had to be added to each ballot paper and this was a major cause of some of the delays.

The first polling day was for handicapped people, members of the defence forces, prisoners and hospital personnel. On the second day some people queued for five or six hours; people from the ages 18 years to 105 years turned out to vote. It was encouraging to see black, white and coloured people mingling together at polling stations, waiting in queue for hours for the opportunity to vote. They recognised that in so doing they were making an historic contribution towards the establishment of a democratic government in South Africa and towards the long term development of South Africa. This will have positive repercussions for Mozambique, Angola, Tanzania and the whole of southern Africa.

The organisation and the work of the IEC must be praised. We must keep in mind that there was no list of voters as such; people were entitled to claim their authority to vote at the polling stations and there were many imponderables such as the numbers in townships and complications with the supply of materials. This was a free and fair election which, with some minor flaws, was a tremendous success overall. I wish to record my congratulations to the members of this mission for the efforts and work of all the professionals involved, presiding officers, poll clerks and others, in helping to shape the result of the election. It will have significant impact on the economy of South Africa for many years to come.

I also praise the statesmanship of Mr. Mandela, Mr. de Klerk and Chief Buthelezi, who at a critical time, just a week before voting was to take place, came together and negotiated an arrangement which brought Inkatha into the elections. This showed outstanding leadership which must be highlighted. At that time bombs were exploding in Johannesburg — people were being killed at the international airport there —and there was fear and anxiety stalking the land that death and destruction might come about in the run-up to voting day. It is a measure of the political astuteness of the leadership of the parties that they were able to find a way in which much of this was avoided and quick action by the authorities rounded up those suspected of planting bombs.

A situation which threatened danger to everybody, including those involved in the elections, was avoided. The violence, death and destruction which was anticipated was broadly eliminated because there was clear leadership from the political leaders. The bombing campaign was halted by the rounding up of those allegedly planting the bombs and the political leadership which brought Inkatha into the election and reduced the tension which existed contributed to the successful outcome of the elections.

The Irish Government has made its contribution and the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, of which I am a member, discussed South Africa long before the elections were under way. The chairman and members of the committee made recommendations to the Department of Foreign Affairs. I acknowledge the work of the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, in responding to the wishes of people in this country that we should assist in the elections in whatever way possible.

Through the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Government provided funding for a voter education programme in South Africa. It also provided funding for some of the non governmental organisations and for the training of diplomats in the Western Cape University. It will be vitally important in South Africa's developing democracy that the highest calibre of diplomatic personnel will be available to the political leadership to undertake the mammoth task it faces.

It would also be important that the international community, and the EU in particular, would play a more important role in bilateral aid and in assisting in dealing with the problems there. During the election it was pointed out by political speakers that about two million jobs will be needed in South Africa soon in order to stem its unemployment problems. In some of the townships the rate of unemployment among young people can be up to 70 per cent or 80 per cent. The unemployment levels generally in the townships average about 60 per cent. With regard to housing, health, the provision of employment and economic development generally in a country which has resources that are a capable of being utilised, the economy must be managed in a way in which it can deal effectively with some of the problems in the townships without causing a disruption of the economic base.

The international community, and the EU in particular, has an obligation to support the efforts in South Africa. The European Union is South Africa's biggest trading partner. There are about 34,000 people of Irish descent in South Africa making a major contribution to economic development in South Africa. I am sure Senator Magner might know of McCarthy's from Cape Town who have one of the biggest car sales showrooms I have seen; I am sure they have some connection with Cork. I saw six Rolls-Royce cars in the McCarthy showrooms in Cape Town; one would not see such cars in McCarthy's in Cork.

Sitting suspended at 1 p.m and resumed at 2 p.m.

Mr. Daly

I thank the many people whom we met on our visit to South Africa, especially in the Western Cape area where I was operating, areas such as WynBeiug, Constantia, Plumstead, and Hout Bay along the coastline. This is an area like the west coast of Ireland in terms of landscape and scenery but with much finer weather.

I wish to place on record our appreciation of the hospitality and the support we received during our terms as observers in South Africa. In each polling station we visited and in each place where we met those involved in the elections, whether it be members from the Independent Electoral Commission or other monitors, we found great co-operation and assistance which made our work easy. We were also aided by the professional people who coordinated our visit. In this respect I wish to put on record our appreciation of the personnel of APSO, the agency in Ireland which advised us on various aspects of security and otherwise before we visited South Africa, and the officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs for their advice and guidance in the run up to the elections and during our period in the country.

Above all, I thank the ordinary people of South Africa whom we met during our visit for their friendship and support and for their support for Ireland. The people of South Africa are generally very familiar with Ireland. They see many similarities between what has happened to both countries. Everywhere we visited they sent their support and good wishes to the people of Ireland and thanked them for the help and assistance given to South Africa over many years.

Like every mission, there were some minor incidents. I send good wishes to Deputy Michael Ferris, who suffered illness and is still in hospital in Cape Town, and to Marinann Boel, a Danish Member of Parliament, who operated in the same area as Deputy O'Hanlon and myself and who was involved in a tragic traffic accident. She is still in hospital in Cape Town. I hope she is recovering and I send her our good wishes.

The challenge facing South Africa today, above all else, is to use the new democratic systems which have been put in place and, through firm guidance and leadership, to chart a new course for South Africa. It is a course that should not only make a major contribution towards solving the economic, social and political problems in South Africa itself, but should also ensure that the new South African nation has an ever increasing role in the development of the continent of Africa where there are enormous problems which must be addressed.

I hope that the success of the new South Africa administration will have far reaching consequences, not only for Africa but for Europe and the international community, and that we can all, in partnership, make South Africa a better place for its people to live and work in.

Mr. Magner

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Stagg, to the House. I join with Senator Daly and other Members in what is a celebration of the liberation of South Africa. As one of the election observers, Senator Daly gave a fascinating account of the minutiae of the elections.

While not being critical of Senator Ross, this was not a day to point to the pitfalls and difficulties of the elections in South Africa. It is universally accepted that, given the circumstances, they were free and fair. Apart from the emotion of watching Nelson Mandela become President of South Africa, what struck me was how an election could be conducted when the size of the electorate was not known. It was a triumph of organisation, and tremendous credit is due to all of the countries who sent observers and people to instruct the South Africans on democratic methods. In this respect it surprised me, and disappointed me a little, that anybody in the House today would have concentrated on the more negative aspects of the situation. Most generous people would have said that it was a triumph of organisation and discipline.

The words of Terence MacSwiney, who said that those who can endure most will prevail, are more apt today than ever before. Certainly those in South Africa endured the most over 300 years. The fact that the leader of these people, prior his installation as the leader of all the people in the country, could be so generous having suffered so much is an inspiration to all. Indeed, nobody believed or would have thought that within a few years of Nelson Mandela's release, the installation of that same prisoner as President of South Africa would take place. I am sure my colleague, Senator O'Kennedy, will address this aspect, given his deeper knowledge of the situation following his distinguished tenure as Minister for Foreign Affairs.

It is a tremendous achievement and it would be remiss of us not to acknowledge, as I am pleased Senator Daly did, that if Nelson Mandela is a giant, F.W. de Klerk is not far behind. His task was the most difficult of all. On the one side there was the adored leader of the liberation who had suffered for well over 20 years. On the other side there was F. W. de Klerk, installed by the oppressor, committed to upholding the oppressor's rule, who yet had the vision and immense courage to change. It was the courage not only to change himself, but to lead the majority of the whites of South Africa along the peaceful path to self-government in its real and proper sense. South Africa was never ruled in the sense that we understand democratic rule. It was in every sense a dictatorship by a minority of people over the vast majority who owned the land.

I am old enough to remember that the defining moment for Africa was Harold Macmillan's famous speech where he referred to "the winds of change". What stemmed from that speech was the realisation, first by the UK, that any territorial ambitions she had left should be rapidly put aside and that any ambition she had to keep her Empire should be gently forgotten to enable people get on with the real world. This led in turn to an acceleration of the independence movement in Africa, resulting in the Kenyas, the Ugandas and the Zimbabwes, with all of the associated problems.

Sometimes people are inclined to give racist interpretations of the difficulties faced by newly emerged countries, such as internal fighting and tribal warfare. We must never forget that we had our own tribal warfare. We could give lessons in such warfare, but I am happy to say that now we can also give lessons in reconciliation. We went through the whole gamut of internal civil strife, eventual reconciliation and the normality of politics.

Senator Ross expressed the dismal prophecy that the worst is yet to come. This is a glorious day for millions of people. Senator Ross' contribution surprised me, because I have great respect for his liberal views on many social issues. His prophecy will not be fulfilled. Kadar Asmal is an old friend of ours. He visited this House on many occasions and had many friends among Members from all parties. He was a leading light in the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement. I do not believe that the doomsday situation forecast by Senator Ross will be the case.

Now is the time for the EU and other countries to pour into South Africa the assistance it needs to bolster its new democracy. This can be done in a number of ways. It can be done by giving with great generosity the skills this country possesses. Nelson Mandela promised his people water, housing and jobs. This island can play a tremendous role in fulfilling these aspirations. Of all the EU countries, we probably have the best educated and, sadly, available range of talents. We have engineers, doctors, teachers, scientists and all the disciplines needed to build the infrastructure required. I have no doubt the Minister for Foreign Affairs and his Department will see Ireland as having a pivotal role in being a huge contributor, not in monetary but in human and skills terms.

The ending of 300 years of white domination is so tremendous that I find it hard to come to grips with it. As a young fellow, I joined the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement. We did not eat apples, oranges and grapes imported from South Africa. We made gestures which we thought would have no effect whatever. We did not attend matches in which South Africans were playing. We felt our contribution was miniscule and totally ineffective. We now know it was not. Every chip off the block of apartheid weakened its structure. The shop girls in Dunnes Stores had more courage and a brighter vision than many of us. They did not only protest but went to the end of the road as far as their economic lives were concerned by losing their jobs. This was for a country they had never seen and people they did not know. A sense of the injustice and inhumanity of apartheid was instilled in them. Their action had a ripple effect because it affected everybody and we could not ignore it in the end.

Senator Ross was begrudging about the Irish, as if we have played games. We never played games in relation to the continent of Africa. No other country in the EU or elsewhere has a prouder record on Africa than Ireland. Sometimes Irish people think that if we praise ourselves for five minutes we should knock ourselves for ten minutes. On the African issue — I am not only talking about South Africa — this country's flag can fly high. This is true of all Governments and all those who held the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs. I have no doubt that when Senator O'Kennedy makes his contribution, he will bear out what I have said about this country's contribution. I pay tribute to the glorious liberation of a great country. I join with my other colleagues in wishing the people of South Africa well. God bless South Africa.

Mr. Burke

I congratulate the people of South Africa on their liberation. I wish President Nelson Mandela the best of luck on this historic occasion when he leads a new South Africa for all its people. I was delighted to have the opportunity to travel there as an EU observer. It was probably the greatest experience of my life. The eyes of observers from Ireland and other countries were opened. They played a great role throughout South Africa in the run up to and during the elections. The people of South Africa, particularly the blacks, are kind-hearted and friendly. Everybody was astonished by the warmth shown to the EU and UN observers. South Africans are a proud race. They dressed immaculately, considering they have no sanitary facilities, electricity, water or sewerage. The ladies were dressed for the occasion and opened my eyes.

This country can learn from the South African experience. The agreement made prior to the elections on the formation of a Government was a magnificent achievement and great credit is due to the people involved — the outgoing President, F.W. de Klerk, Nelson Mandela and the leaders of the other parties. This agreement prepared the groundwork for the elections and was one of the reasons why they were so successful and peaceful. I was amazed that everything was so peaceful. I felt more secure in South Africa than I have felt in many other countries, even though there was a bomb scare at the hotel in which we stayed. We felt secure at all times. Great credit is due for the way South Africans prepared for the elections and the way those elections were held.

There have been some doubts about aspects of it. Eighty million ballot papers were printed and 20 million people voted. However, in most polling stations on the second day they ran short of ballot papers, so something must have happened. However, we all agreed that as far as the majority of the people of South Africa were concerned, the elections were held in a free and fair manner. The South African people — white, black and coloured — put enormous effort into the running of the elections to see that they got what they had been fighting for all their lives, which was to cast their very first vote. It was a moving experience for us to watch those people. Some of them were 70, 80 and 90 years of age. Some could not walk and were carried in. They queued for hours and hours. Many of them clapped their hands when they left the polling booths.

South Africa has great roads and a great basis on which to build. It has great wealth and more going for it than many developed countries. If they take their time and are realistic and reasonable it will probably be the finest country in the world. However, they must face up the challenges which lie ahead. There is no doubt that there is great poverty and great wealth. It is as if there were two countries in one. The towns and cities have everything — swimming pools, roads, buildings, hotels and so on. However, a couple of kilometres into the bush there is massive poverty and no sanitary services or electricity — nothing but shacks and small houses.

They need to embark upon a huge programme in relation to sanitary services, housing and the provision of jobs. Education is also important, because many old people voted on the first day we were involved in the elections and up to 80 per cent were illiterate. That would have been true of all the polling stations, particularly in the bush areas. They have all these factors to contend with. It will all take time and money and they must be realistic.

I wish them the best of luck. This liberation of South Africa is a major step in the last 300 years. They know what they must do and they are a very realistic race of people. With the leadership of Nelson Mandela and the help of the outgoing president, F.W. de Klerk, they have a great basis on which to build.

Mr. O'Kennedy

I, too, rejoice with all Members of the Oireachtas and the people of Ireland in celebrating, as Senator Magner said, the dawn of freedom in South Africa after so many years of oppression imposed by the awful evil of apartheid. That evil oppressed the dignified people of South Africa, who suffered and were brutally tortured over so many years, and also tainted and corrupted the other settlers who were in South Africa for so many years, particularly the Afrikaners who had, in their own way, a great tradition. I was conscious at all times, as all Members of this House would be, of the dual corruption and effect on both the oppressed and the oppressor.

There are lessons to be learned today as we celebrate with South Africa this dawn of freedom and the challenge which will follow. No matter how much we like to excuse ourselves as being distant from it or as not having a major impact, we are never entitled to excuse ourselves for putting profit before principle. Many voices in and around this House over the last 20 years — sometimes in Government — asked why we should be the ones to sacrifice the opportunity and impose burdens on ourselves when everyone else was investing in and attracting investment from South Africa. This view was expressed by some very prominent public figures who were in Government with me in 1977 and who are now in a different party. I would like to hear them celebrate this event and acknowledge that the view which we took on principle was right and that the view which they advanced on pragmatic profit was wrong, because that is the reality.

This was not confined to the period in which I was privileged to be Minister for Foreign Affairs. However, it is important that people would be aware of our record from that period and particularly during our Presidency of the European Community in 1979 on all the votes and sanctions taken at the United Nations. There were voices which did not agree with it; we were the only member of the European Community, as it was then, to vote for these measures, despite the fact that Denmark and the Netherlands were with us on most of these resolutions.

A range of resolutions on South Africa came before the United Nations when I was Minister for Foreign Affairs from September 1977 to 1979, particularly. We were the only country of the European Community which voted for an oil embargo against South Africa; a barrier against investment in South Africa; an international mobilisation against apartheid; rejection of nuclear collaboration with South Africa; rejection of any degree of economic collaboration with South Africa; promotion of the dissemination of information on the evils of apartheid and rejection of any contact through sport with the evil apartheid regime. Finally — and this was a sensitive one for us — we supported the proposal, which came mostly from the African countries and some Middle Eastern countries, for assistance for the oppressed people and the national liberation movement in South Africa. That was a sensitive one for us and we were the only EC country to vote for it.

Did Senator Ross say this morning that we have lately climbed on a wagon? Perhaps he has.

Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Spring)

Not for the first time.

Mr. O'Kennedy

The truth will out any time. I invite some of those who are perhaps lately climbing on the wagon to go back and reflect on some of the things they said during those years, both in and out of Government. I am glad to say that the Tánaiste's party has adopted a consistent position on this, as any party with any degree of concern for human dignity would have to have. There is a message for us here because there will be times in the future when we will have to make decisions where principle must come before profit. We will be vindicated in the end however by the knowledge that what we do is not only right but will be in our interest.

There will always be what I call the "why should we" brigade. In the past they asked why we should be the only ones and pointed to the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Germany and their record in relation to investments and Holland and Denmark who had good records in this area but were not as consistent as we were. The answer to their question lies in the origin of our country which we remember now as we commemorate the sacrifice of the 1916 leaders. Our origin is a recognition of the fundamental right of freedom for all people at all times.

I celebrate, as Senator Magner did, the efforts of people who may sometimes be regarded as small and insignificant. However, the young workers in Dunnes Stores became significant people and Senator Magner was right to mention them. These young people took a stand. That is the marvellous assertion of the conviction we want to support.

I was never privileged to visit South Africa officially. I had to go through the country on my way to Tanzania, Lesotho and Swaziland. I stopped at Johannesburg airport, yet never actually set foot in South Africa until six months ago when an all party delegation went there in anticipation of the great dawn of freedom that has now arrived.

The Irish people should be aware of something which happened in relation to sport and South Africa. I proudly recall a world cup golf promotion in 1978-79 which was to be sponsored by the Government and which the Tánaiste may recall. It was one of the major sporting events this country was to host and it was to be held in Waterville. The Tánaiste will recognise the significance of that.

The massive television coverage was to be a great boost to Ireland, and particularly to Kerry. The event was to be sponsored by Bord Fáilte, Bord Bainne and other organisations. A South African team was playing in the competition. I recommended to Government that, even at the cost of losing this great publicity for ourselves, Kerry and Ireland, we should not contemplate sponsoring any competition in which there was a South African team as distinct from an individual South African player.

There were many who laughed and criticised the recommendation and asked what right I had to suggest it. I am proud and privileged that we did not host the competition. I would like to say to the people of Kerry and Jack Mulcahy of Waterville that their sacrifice was worthwhile. Another country sponsored the world cup golf competition. However, we did not lose in the end; we won.

As the South African people face the great challenge of building their nation, I would, to an extent, see some justification for what I understood Senator Ross to say earlier. Unfortunately, it is the experience that after years of oppression, even in our own country, the inevitable tensions which follow independence and freedom sometimes give rise to civic eruption and even civil war. It has happened in many nations but I agree with Senator Magner that it is more important to point to the reconciliation that has emerged than suggest that now the real problems begin.

How can we say that now the real problems begin having witnessed the filth, dirt and degradation in Soweto? There are children there who never had an opportunity of instruction much less education. How can we say that now the real problems begin? The real opportunity and the real obligation begins and the rest of us hope to help them. Of course they have major problems with the high illiteracy rate and lack of sanitation.

I pay particular tribute to Kadar Asmal who was not always the most popular figure in this country. I have been a patron and sponsor of the anti-apartheid movement for some years. Kadar Asmal always reminded us of our responsibilities. It was suggested this morning that the role he has now may not be as significant as we would like. He has a major responsibility to provide basic sanitary services, a forestry programme in a country that has been denuded of trees and the provision of water supplies which is a basic element of human dignity. He faces a huge challenge.

I had the opportunity of talking with him on my first and only visit to South Africa. I congratulate him particularly on his unremitting efforts over the years. He, more than anybody else — and he is not a native Irishman — was responsible for our uniquely consistent record on all issues relating to apartheid.

The South Africans will need help in nation building. I welcome the obvious measured decision of that great statesman Mr. Mandela. He is a man who proved that, as Terence Mac Swiney said, it is those who endure most who always win. President Mandela has done that with dignity and is an adornment to mankind.

I hope the European Union will be more consistent in building up South Africa than it was over the years in dismantling the awful system of apartheid. They will need any help we can give in terms of nation building. This country was colonised for longer than most. During the renegotiation of the Lomé convention my African colleagues wanted a paragraph in the preamble to the convention insisting that the right of the African people to be recompensed for years of oppression from colonialists be recognised. I told them they could have the paragraph on condition that I, as Irish Foreign Minister not as President of the Council, got a chapter.

They then realised that we were colonised for a longer period than they were — that is not something on which we should dwell too long — but they were more oppressed, albeit for a shorter period, than we were. That enables us to empathise with the experience of those in Africa. I am sure the Tánaiste must be conscious that in terms of building a nation and an effective administration and judicial system, they would look to us more immediately and confidently than to any other nation. If the opportunity arises, I have no doubt that the Government, and particularly the Tánaiste, will be ready to help in that spirit of co-operation, especially in the recognition of the dignity of the people of South Africa but it will not be easy.

Unfortunately, history in this country, throughout the African continent and Asia shows that after colonialists withdraw tensions arise which need to be faced with total commitment to a single purpose of unity of the people. I have no doubt that tensions will arise in South Africa, although I do not see it in the same way as Senator Ross.

I note that there are a number of students in the gallery. If we look at the map of Africa, we will see that, more than any other continent, the boundaries in the main are straight lines and right angles. As the colonialists withdrew, they appear to have used compasses and rulers to draw lines. Their regularity is extraordinary. It has nothing to do with tribal territories because the colonialists had little awareness of tribal customs and characteristics. They drew the lines on the basis of convenience. There will be tribal tensions, and there have been tribal tensions. However, if there is one man who is equipped not only to cope with those tensions but to channel them into a positive confluence of action, it is the great leader Nelson Mandela.

It is also proper to mention F. W. de Klerk. One should try to think in terms of the significance of what that man has done after hundreds of years of total and utter privilege based on oppression and, in many instances, a despicable hatred of those they were oppressing. One would have to see it to appreciate it. It was privilege based on total discrimination simply because of the colour of those involved. The fact that a man has emerged who can bring those people around gives great hope to all.

I do not agree with the suggestion that the worst has yet to come. The worst is over. No matter what happens in the future, the worst has been the oppression of the most dignified people of Africa by a system and by others who were themselves brutalised by the corruption of that system. The best is yet to come. I hope we can learn the lesson and that we will never contemplate compromising on principles for the sake of profit. Even if we lose, let us lose in the short term because we will gain in the long term.

Every time we see a healing of historic differences and the resolution of problems, be it in Africa, the Middle East or wherever, surely we can say that we can be at least as big and generous on this island. There is no reason we cannot show the same respect to those who understandably see themselves as having a different tradition from us, our fellow Irishmen, the Unionists. We should invite them for whatever reasons, in whatever structures and in whatever way, into a new dawn of dignity and freedom for all. We can never suggest for a moment that where there has been oppression through discrimination we will ever tolerate the possibility of a return to that.

I celebrate this day. I congratulate the Government and the consistent efforts over the years on the part of all Governments. I am just one Member who was very privileged to hold the office of Foreign Minister. I would like to think that there was consistency, despite the views of those from time to time who would have put profit before principle.

Acting Chairman (Mr. R. Kiely)

I welcome the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to the House.

Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Spring)

I am honoured to have the opportunity to address the Seanad on the recent historic developments in South Africa. It is ironic, in what has been a tremendous week for democracy in South Africa, that as the debate opened we were informed of the sad passing of Mr. John Smith, MP. He was a remarkable Leader of the British Labour Party. The House has passed a vote of sympathy to his family and colleagues and the Dáil will do likewise.

The inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of the Republic of South Africa was without doubt one of the most remarkable political events of recent times. Just a few years ago, who among us would have believed that Nelson Mandela, then a prisoner on Robben Island, would in just four years be sworn in as the first black President of a new democratic non-racial South Africa?

I am sure all the Members of this House will join me in extending my most sincere congratulations and best wishes to President Mandela and to all members of the Government of National Unity in the enormous task they have undertaken of building a truly democratic and just society in South Africa for the benefit of all the people of that country. I also extend my congratulations to former State President F.W. de Klerk for his outstanding role in bringing about the end of apartheid and the dignified manner in which he contested the elections and handed over power to Nelson Mandela. He will continue to have an important role to play in the new Government of National Unity as the Second Executive Deputy President.

While we rejoice today at the triumph of non-racial democracy in South Africa, we cannot forget those who died in the fight against apartheid. We remember all those who died in the Sharpeville massacre and in the bloody massacres in Soweto. We remember all those men and women from the other townships who were brutally gunned down by security forces for their opposition to apartheid. We remember Chris Hani, a victim of racial hatred. We remember Steve Biko, a victim of police brutality. We remember too Susan Keane who was killed by a car bomb in the centre of Johannesburg on the eve of the elections.

Developments in South Africa in recent years reaffirm, however, one's belief in the fundamental values of democracy, in the values of dialogue and consultation, in the rejection of violence to achieve political ends, in free and fair elections involving all the people and in negotiation and compromise as essential elements of the democratic process. During my official visit to South Africa earlier this year, I was greatly impressed and reassured, from my conversations with the leaders of the main political parties, by their willingness, despite the bitter legacy of apartheid, to follow the path of negotiation rather than that of confrontation as the way to create a better future for their country.

In light of what I learned on that occasion, I came away from South Africa convinced that a successful transition to a non-racial democratic South Africa would take place. A just transition has now taken place. A state based on the democratic will of all the people. We wish all the people of the new South Africa well as they set about the task of building a better future for themselves. The peaceful handover of power this week and President Mandela's repeated calls for reconciliation between the different peoples in South Africa are very positive signs that the new South Africa can be an example of democratic hope for the rest of Africa. We see around us all too vividly what terrible human suffering occurs when political leaders fail to respect the fundamental principles of democracy. We have seen this over the past three years in the tragic events in former Yugoslavia; we are witnessing today a horrendous slaughter in Rwanda, we watch a civil war tear Yemen apart.

Despite violence in the townships, much of it of a criminal nature, the transition to majority rule in South Africa was largely peaceful. This peaceful transition stands as a tribute to those political leaders in South Africa, especially President Mandela, who had the courage to pursue negotiations and compromise in an effort to bring all the people of South Africa into the democratic fold. Their unshakeable commitment to the democratic process stands as a rebuke to those elsewhere who resort to violence to attain political ends.

We in Ireland can take some pride in our role in contributing to the new South Africa. Over the years, successive Irish Governments firmly opposed and consistently condemned the evil of apartheid. Until the apartheid system was effectively abolished, we refused to open diplomatic relations with South Africa. As Members of this House will be aware, we recently established diplomatic relations with South Africa. We look forward to developing a warm and broadly based relationship with the new South Africa.

The presence of President Robinson at the inauguration of President Mandela on Tuesday underlines this country's strong support for the new leaders in South Africa and our desire to work with them to build a positive and mutually rewarding relationship. My colleague, the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Ruairi Quinn, accompanied the President. At their meeting, President Mandela expressed to President Robinson his thanks to the Irish people who fought against apartheid.

The Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement over many years played a vital role in maintaining awareness in Ireland of the evils of apartheid. I am sure it is a matter of great satisfaction to the members of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement and to his former colleagues in Trinity College that its founder, Professor Kadar Asmal, was elected as an ANC member to the new Parliament of South Africa. It is a further tribute to him that he has been honoured by being appointed Minister for Water and Forestry in the new government. As a long time friend of Kadar Asmal I would like to extend a personal note of congratulations to him. The president of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Rev. Terence McCaughey, was also present at the inauguration as a special guest in recognition of the work of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement over many years.

I would also like to put on record my appreciation of the support of the Irish people, and particularly the Dunnes Stores workers for their consistent opposition to apartheid over the years.

Despite many forebodings, the recent elections in South Africa were a remarkable success even though there were some shortcomings. I believe one reason for their success was the attendance of large numbers of international observers both before and during the elections. These observers were a reassuring presence for the millions of first time voters. They were also an expression of the international community's concern that the elections be conducted in a free and fair manner.

The European Union, as a joint action towards South Africa, decided to send an electoral observer mission to cover the elections. Ireland provided 25 observers to this mission including 11 Members of the House of the Oireachtas, four of whom came from the Seanad. I would like to place on record my deep appreciation for the roles played by Senator Gordon Wilson, Senator Brendan Daly, Senator Pat Burke, and Senator Joe Doyle in observing the elections in South Africa.

Their presence at polling stations across South Africa helped ensure that the people of South Africa were able to vote in a free and fair manner. Their important work has indeed been acknowledged by President Mandela. Equally, I want to express my appreciation to two other Members of this House, Senator Shane Ross and Senator Michael Finneran, who also observed the election process as part of the AWEPA team.

At his inauguration on Tuesday, President Mandela spoke of the political emancipation of his people. He rightly saw the transition to democracy as a victory for justice, peace and human dignity. The distinguished South African writer, Breyten Breytenbach, who was himself jailed for his opposition to apartheid, has I feel, most acutely described what is now happening in South Africa when he recently wrote:

The most striking transition from the old to the new in South Africa is that all those people who had to remain in the background, the majority who existed barely perceptible on the periphery of light, fit only to be removable undesirables or to be driven into jail, can now step out of the shadows onto the national stage. They are replacing the masters, becoming actors, ringing the changes in equations of power. Their aspirations will now get priority attention.

I believe we in Ireland have a role to play in helping the black people of South Africa realise these aspirations. Those who for so long under apartheid were deprived of most of the basic necessities of life will need intensive international support to help in their development. Ireland can assist in this process. For many years we contributed small amounts of aid to anti-apartheid groups in South Africa in support of the black population.

In recent years this has been stepped up significantly and in its Strategy Plan for Irish Aid, published last year, the Government recognised that once a democratic government had been established in South Africa there would be an urgent need for expanded support, in particular in education and improved public administration. The most pressing question is the need to assist the black community to recover from its heavily disadvantaged position under the aparthied regime and to upgrade living conditions among the poorest sections of the community to enable them to play a full part in the new South Africa.

The Government has already taken steps to assist in this process. A budget of £400,000 has been allocated for a Bilateral Aid Programme in South Africa for this year. A planning mission to South Africa by Irish Aid was undertaken in April and the funding allocation for the year has now been committed, subject to Department approval, in the following areas: NGO support which will offer assistance to institutions such as schools and clinics serving the black community, which are run by NGOs; education support which will assist efforts to facilitate black access to university education; and public administration/local government which will help towards the establishment of new provincial administrations in South Africa.

Ireland also contributes to emergency humanitarian assistance to South Africa. This month some £40,000 has been allocated to the Sisters of Mercy Trust in Winterveldt; £22,000 of these funds went towards the purchase of medical supplies for the sisters' clinic in Winterveldt and the remainder for the supplementary feeding programme for the 23,000 people in the Winterveldt area, the majority of whom are Mozambican refugees.

As I said above, the Government wishes to develop a warm and broadly based relationship with the new South Africa. I believe there are a number of areas such as trade, investment and tourism where there are good prospects of exploring opportunities. My visit to South Africa convinced me that there are opportunities for an increase in trade and commercial exchanges between Ireland and South Africa.

To assist in this effort, when in Johannesburg in January I was very pleased to launch the South Africa-Ireland Trade Association which has been established by a number of prominent Irish business people there with a view to developing trade between our two countries. A sister organisation with the same objective has been established here in Dublin. Later this year it is proposed that a large Irish trade mission, led at ministerial level, will visit South Africa to explore prospects for increased Irish trade there.

Over the years there has been some South African investment in Ireland. De Beers Industrial Diamonds have had a very successful plant in Shannon for over 30 years. As South Africa rejoins the international economy De Beers' success in Ireland should, I believe, be a strong encouragement to other South African companies considering investment in the European Union to look at Ireland as a suitable investment case.

I have spoken of the prospects for expanding and developing Ireland's bilateral relationship with South Africa. I would now like to turn briefly to the new relationship that is envisaged between the European Union and the new South Africa. As one of South Africa's largest trading partners, and also a major source of development assistance, the European Union is determined to assist the continuing process of development in the new South Africa. EU Foreign Ministers agreed on 19 April 1994 a package of immediate measures for the new South Africa. These initial measures will focus on important sectors such as trade, economic co-operation and development co-operation, in order to address the immediate needs and aspirations of South Africans, especially those who suffered most under the apartheid regime. These measures will be coupled with the beginning of a political dialogue in order to enhance and consolidate institutions upon which the new South African society will build its future.

In conclusion, I feel we have been privileged to observe this unique and peaceful change to a new beginning, a new South Africa. In the four years since former President de Klerk released President Mandela so much has happened in the coming together, by negotiation, of the oppressor and the oppressed as to be almost incredible. This great achievement, and the spirit of reconciliation which has been so palpable over the last few days especially, must encourage the government and all the people of South Africa in the very considerable challenges that lie ahead. There can be little doubt but that a firm foundation has been laid for a mature and sustainable democracy in South Africa.

I can do no better in this short contribution than finish by quoting from the inaugural address of President Mandela:

Our daily needs as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity's belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all.

Mr. Lanigan

I wish to thank the Tánaiste for coming to the House. We are all here today as part of the celebrations taking place all over the world on the historic occasion of the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of the Republic of South Africa. This event occurs at the end of difficult and protracted negotiations which many people thought would never come to a conclusion. Credit must be paid to the people of South Africa who themselves brokered the peace; it was not a peace imposed by outside interests. The people of South Africa who had lived apart in the same country for generations decided to change the system. It is a source of great pride to everybody concerned that the black majority and the white minority were able to come together last Tuesday.

The continent of Africa is in turmoil. There is turmoil in the north-east in Yemen and Somalia, there are tensions in the north in Algeria; Sierra Leone in the west also has problems as do Burundi and Rwanda in central Africa. We must watch the tension in that continent. However, there is light at the end of the tunnel and that hope can be fulfilled if the new state of South Africa succeeds.

People fear that the majority African community is driven by emotion rather than by practical politics and that such emotion could generate a dangerous situation. The rest of the world must help the new government of South Africa to build up the infrastructure, to ensure that living conditions for the black majority are improved and to increase job opportunities for the black majority. If that is achieved there is an excellent chance of peace for South Africa, a peace that will benefit the rest of that troubled continent.

Apartheid was mentioned in any discussion on South Africa. I went to school in the De La Salle in Waterford and I remember we had no idea what the word "apartheid" meant until the Brothers who returned from South Africa described the system to us. The concept of apartheid, the pass laws and the indignity of the system were brought home to us then. As a result pupils of De La Salle colleges and schools in Ireland had a better understanding of man's inhumanity to man. In 1978 a European essay competition was held. The subject was apartheid, a crime against humanity. I was proud that my son won that competition and that Kadar Asmal presented him with the prize. I read the essay a few days ago and it is still relevant. The sentiments expressed in it still apply.

In congratulating people we must not forget the Irish educationalists who went to South Africa and for many years worked tirelessly in black townships in desperate conditions. The De La Salle Brothers, the Christian Brothers and many orders of nuns worked very hard to promote the current situation in South Africa. Without that standard of education, which was provided under desperate conditions in the townships, I do not think the black people of South Africa would have been capable of reaching their goal. The role of religious and other teachers should not be forgotten.

Brother Tom O'Donoghue of the De La Salle Brothers spoke to the meeting of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs yesterday. He gave us a graphic description of the situation in Rwanda. He also spoke about the tensions in Burundi and the problems that could erupt in Tanzania. We must be very careful to listen to people who return from these countries and we must act on their advice. There is no use being sorry after the fact.

The world community must support the experiment in democracy in South Africa with all its resources. If it does not a similar situation to that in Yemen could arise. I was in Yemen three and a half years ago when the first elections were held for the unification of north and south Yemen. I saw the people of Yemen queue for hours to vote. Unfortunately, the people of Yemen were left on their own in their experiment in democracy. The world community did not give two hoots about Yemen because it was not considered important; the Yemenis were left in limbo. They did not get the economic help that was necessary to unify the country even though it was among the poorest countries in Africa. As a result we now see people fleeing from Yemen. It is a beautiful country but it is poor. Its experiment in democracy failed for internal reasons and because the international community left it alone and forgot about it. We must support the new democratic state of South Africa.

The history of South Africa is one of pride. There is the fantastic pride of the Afrikaaners; they are a tough and proud people. Equally there is the superb pride of the black South Africans. The history of the black tribes of South Africa is magnificent but unfortunately, it went wrong in the late 19th and 20th centuries. One would have expected that much of that pride would have been beaten out of the African people. However, that is not the case. Pride with dignity is what we see.

I am delighted that we have had the opportunity this week to recognise the new state of South Africa. It is a historic week for the world. I am glad I had the opportunity to speak on this occasion.

Acting Chairman

When is it proposed to sit again?

Mr. Fitzgerald

It is proposed to sit again at 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 18 May 1994.

The Seanad adjourned at 3.10 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 18 May 1994.