I am very pleased to have this opportunity to address the Seanad this morning. I know that the Members of this House take a keen interest in international affairs and I am happy, therefore, to come here today to speak about the Government's priorities in the foreign policy arena in the period ahead.
The subject of Northern Ireland has been much in the news recently and continues to be the major challenge confronting me, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. There is no doubt that this has been a difficult, disappointing, and stressful week for all the participants. While the facilities and amenities of Dublin Castle were widely acknowledged to be among the best, working in an atmosphere of tension must have been extremely stressful on all the participants.
The Government is continuing to work intensively to achieve a lasting political settlement in Northern Ireland. We had hoped to use the session in Dublin Castle for a detailed debate on North/South structures, based on the responses of the parties to the questions put by the two Governments at the Lancaster House meeting last month. Instead, as Senators all know, the session was dominated by the position of Sinn Féin in the negotiations in the light of the recent murders in Belfast of Brendan Campbell and Robert Dougan. The two Governments are in the process of finalising their determination, and should be in a position to deliver it later today. As soon as the determination has been agreed, the parties will be informed and it will then be made public. The House will appreciate in the circumstances that I am not in a position to say more about this matter for the moment.
Senator Mitchell, in his concluding comments to the press on Wednesday afternoon, rightly put the situation in perspective. He pointed out that we have been able in this process to get past previous difficulties and to keep moving forward. We have gone a lot further and are now much closer to a successful conclusion than ever before or, indeed, than some of the prophets of doom were predicting.
Let us now, therefore, focus again on the real business of the talks. They resume in Belfast next week. The core issues remain unchanged. Essentially, what we are trying to do is to create real partnership on this island and promote reconciliation at all levels and in each of the three key relationships.
In particular, strong and meaningful North-South structures must be a central part of any comprehensive settlement. Indeed, from our point of view they are indispensable. We cannot envisage agreement without them nor do we think the Irish people would accept such an agreement.
Such structures have three basic and complementary purposes. First, they must facilitate and promote the achievement of the many practical benefits, across the whole range of sectors, which will flow to all of the island of Ireland from people North and South coming together to co-operate and take action. There is already ample evidence in many fields of the value of our working together involving the public, private and voluntary sectors. However, it is also clear from our own experience and from international analysis that in economic and social development well designed and purposeful institutions can have a crucial catalytic effect.
North-South structures must also serve as a powerful institutional expression of the all island identity of Nationalists both in Northern Ireland and more widely. From the Nationalist perspective, there can be no purely internal settlement in Northern Ireland and there must be powerful connections between the two parts of Ireland at all levels, including the official and governmental.
A third essential purpose is in facilitating contact and stimulating reconciliation and better mutual understanding between the Unionist and Nationalist traditions on the island, in particular between people in this jurisdiction and the Unionist community in Northern Ireland. For too long for a range of complex historical reasons we have lived back to back not side by side. It is now time to move together to build a new relationship of trust.
Some have suggested that we might be unwilling to take the measures necessary in our own jurisdiction to give new structures a real purpose and function. The Government knows that change will be needed here too. Entrenched attitudes have grown up on this side of the Border. People are often comfortable with what they are used to, but I am sure Senators will agree that we must accept our responsibilities willingly, both in the interests of an overall settlement and in our own direct interests. We will benefit from peace and reconciliation on our island and, more specifically, from new ventures in partnerships and relationships between North and South. In the same spirit, the Government is committed to making the other changes necessary as part of an overall and balanced settlement, including balanced constitutional change.
We know well that there are obvious and considerable differences between the positions of the participants on a significant number of issues. However, we believe there is a reasonable prospect of finding common ground as the negotiations approach their final stages. An honourable settlement is manifestly in the best interests of all the people of the island and this places a heavy burden of responsibility on their political representatives to make hard compromises. The two Governments are determined that this opportunity for a lasting and honourable peace must not be squandered and we will do all in our power to promote and encourage the compromises which are necessary on all sides if a settlement is to be achieved.
Looking beyond these islands, the European Union faces a number of major challenges in the period ahead both internally following the conclusion of the Amsterdam Treaty and externally as the EU prepares to expand its membership.
The commencement of the next phase of enlargement is a decisive step forward in the historic project of creating a new Europe united on the basis of shared democratic principles, respect for minorities and human rights and with economic opportunity and social justice for all. The European Council in Luxembourg in December took the necessary decisions to launch successfully the next phase of the enlargement process. In implementation of these decisions the European conference, which will bring together the member states of the EU and the states aspiring to accede to it, will have its inaugural meeting on 12 March 1998. This will be followed by the launch of the accession process on 30 March. On the following day bilateral intergovernmental conferences will begin with Hungary, Poland, Estonia, the Czech Republic, Slovenia and Cyprus. At the same time the preparation of future negotiations with Romania, Slovakia, Latvia, Lithuania and Bulgaria will be facilitated through their participation in an analytical study of the EU acquis. These groups of countries are described as the `ins' and the `pre-ins', those who are ready to join and those who are being examined in the context of their willingness to join.
From the outset Ireland has made clear its commitment to enlargement as a historic opportunity for peace and stability in Europe. We look forward to working closely with our partners to address in an effective and co-ordinated manner the challenges and opportunities involved in enlargement and to building upon the solid foundations which were laid at Luxembourg. It goes without saying that enlargement on this scale will be a very considerable undertaking by the EU and that it will have significant financial implications. The EU will therefore have to provide itself with the resources necessary to make enlargement a success. No less importantly, the EU must also ensure the resources to consolidate its achievements to date within the existing member states. In this regard, an important requirement will be the sustainability of economic development in the less advanced regions. The EU will also have to meet fully its commitment to maintaining a viable rural community.
Against this background, the EU is currently engaged in a review of its future financing and a number of core policy areas. This process, which is referred to as Agenda 2000, is of major significance to Ireland as it involves the future shape of the EU's structural and agricultural policies. While we have experienced an undisputed improved economic performance in recent years and our membership of the EU has been an important factor in this regard, it needs to be stressed that the long-term sustainability of this achievement must be ensured. This is especially true with regard to infrastructural investment where we have still have considerable ground to make up. With this in mind, Ireland, like other member states, will be defending its interests energetically in the forthcoming negotiations. I look forward to consideration next month in this House of the Bill relative to the forthcoming referendum on the Treaty of Amsterdam. The Treaty of Amsterdam has four main objectives: to place the citizen and the citizen's concerns at the heart of the EU and to create a secure environment for the European citizen and remove obstacles to freedom of movement; to give Europe a stronger voice in world affairs; to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the EU's institutions with a view to enlargement. Put another way, the Amsterdam Treaty consolidates each of the three pillars of the Union — the European Communities, the first pillar, including the ECSC and EURATOM; the common foreign and security policy, the second pillar, and co-operation in the fields of justice and home affairs, the third pillar, the title of which will be changed in the context of the new Treaty.
The Amsterdam Treaty is a good deal for Ireland, for Europe and for the European citizen. It addresses some of the core issues which affect daily life throughout Europe — employment, the environment, social policy, public health, consumer rights and equality between the sexes. It establishes fundamental rights on a Treaty basis for the EU. It creates a framework in which freedom of movement throughout the Union can be progressively realised to the maximum extent possible and couples this with flanking measures in areas such as external border controls and fighting international crime.
The Treaty is a good deal for Europe because it strengthens and makes more coherent the foreign policy capacity of the Union and better prepares it for the next historic enlargement phase. In advance of the Union's membership exceeding 20 states, its institutions will be further examined to ensure that its functioning is not impaired by enlargement. Importantly for Ireland, there is no change in the right of each member state to nominate a full member of the Commission. The outcome of the future review of the Union's institutions is not prejudged.
In Ireland, we will have a referendum on the Treaty of Amsterdam on a date yet to be decided by the Government. What is new in this treaty, at the conceptual level, is the possibility for individual member states not to participate in certain areas. The corollary of this is that they may also decide to participate where they wish to do so. This is the so called flexibility provision. It is clearly in Ireland's interest and in accordance with our long established European policy to be at the heart of the process of European integration. The Government and, I believe, the overwhelming majority in this House would wish the State to have the capacity and freedom to continue to participate fully in the Union's development. I am pleased the modified wording of the constitutional amendment, announced yesterday by the Government, enjoys broad and almost unanimous political support, reflecting the overwhelming backing in both Houses of the Oireachtas for the ratification of the Treaty of Amsterdam. The Treaty is good for the future of Ireland and for the well being and totality of development of our people. Since joining Europe in 1972 Ireland has made huge advances on many fronts.
On the wider international level, Ireland will seek election to a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council in the year 2000. We had split membership of the Security Council for one year in 1962 and full, non-permanent membership for two years in 1981 to 1982. We are now seeking membership for a third time from 2001 to 2002. Our candidature follows from Ireland's consistent and vocal support for the ideals and objectives of the United Nations and the principle of multilateralism which it represents. Since joining the organisation in 1955 it has been a key tenet of our foreign policy that collective action by the world community, under the provisions of the UN Charter, to deal with threats to world peace and to economic and social advancement for all holds out the best prospect of peace and security for all states, both large and small.
Ireland has always sought to play a positive and constructive role in support of the ideals and objectives of the United Nations. Over the decades we have taken a leading role in promoting disarmament, we have supported UN action on respect for human rights and encouraged its efforts to achieve greater impact in securing sustainable development, particularly in the poorer countries of the world.
As is well known and appreciated by the United Nations and its member states, we have sought to make a particular and continuous contribution to the vital role of the United Nations in peacekeeping. Our support for UN peacekeeping has not been without cost, with over 75 members of our Defence Forces having paid the ultimate sacrifice in the service of the United Nations. Having had the privilege of serving as Minister for Defence on two occasions, I again put on record our appreciation, shared by many UN states, of the highly professional and dedicated service of our Defence Forces, past and present, to the difficult task of UN peacekeeping throughout the world. I have been at the coal face with the forces and have seen how they dedicate themselves to the interests of peace. They are a patriotic force in pursuit of UN ideals. The role played by the Defence Forces, wherever they serve and in whatever context, cannot be overstated. They have been and are magnificent.
With this commitment to the United Nations in mind, we have put forward our candidature for the Security Council, seeking the opportunity to further contribute to the work of this key body. Ireland's profile within the United Nations, including our previous service on two occasions as members of the Security Council, has earned us the respect of the broad range of member states within the organisation. We value this endorsement. I am confident that if elected we will, through our future efforts, continue to show ourselves worthy of that respect. Our fellow candidates on this occasion are Turkey and Norway.
Another issue which arose when I was in Panama was the crisis over Iraq's non-compliance with UN Security Council decisions on the work of the UN Special Commission, or UNSCOM, in relation to weapons of mass destruction. At an informal EU Foreign Ministers' meeting on the subject, I made clear the Government's belief that not only is it vital that, in the interests of peace and security for all, the UN mandate in this area must be respected and fully complied with by Iraq, but also that every effort must be pursued to achieve a satisfactory outcome to the current impasse.
Today the UN Secretary General is visiting Iraq. His talks there will be crucial and he has our full support in his difficult mission. If he can gain Iraqi agreement to a formula which will enable UNSCOM to fulfil its mandate while ensuring respect for Iraqi sovereignty, then the terrible consequences, including in human terms, of another war in the Gulf can be avoided.
The EU Foreign Ministers met on the margins of the conference in Panama. I took the opportunity to impress our views on the President of the Foreign Affairs Council, the British Foreign Secretary, Mr. Robin Cook, MP. Despite his involvement in the potential Iraqi war in the context of his association with the Americans, he dealt even-handedly with our representations. He has distinguished himself as Foreign Secretary and in the EU Presidency and gave me a fair hearing. I strongly urged that all diplomatic efforts be used to bring about a resolution in Iraq because, if they are not successful, the consequences would be too horrendous to contemplate.
President Saddam Hussein is not a good man but he rules over good people. I was in Baghdad before the last Iraqi war, trying to free a number of Irish nurses from the grip of the madness of his "human shield" policy. Deputy Michael D. Higgins, Deputy Bradford and I finally succeeded in obtaining their release. During that visit we met many citizens of Baghdad and found them to be decent, normal people. If the Americans attack with the assistance of their allies it will be an enormous tragedy for the people of Iraq and we should be concerned to secure their safety.
Next Monday I will attend the General Affairs Council in Brussels when EU Foreign Ministers will discuss, amongst other issues, Iraq, EU relations with Iran, and China. I have already outlined our approach on Iraq. As regards Iran, I am confident that, in the light of developments since the election of President Khatami, we are now on the threshold of a new era in relations between the EU and that country. I am hopeful that increased contacts following the resumption of official bilateral Ministerial visits to and from Iran will pave the way for a more constructive relationship in future. Iran is an important regional power and it is clearly in the best interests of both the Union and Iran to enjoy a relationship based on mutual trust and co-operation.
I am pleased about that because I have always had a strong association with Iran, especially when in Opposition. My brother, Mr. Niall Andrews MEP, Deputy Ryan and I, among other Members of the Fianna Fáil parliamentary party, visited Iran on a number of occasions, even when the country was an international outcast because it was important that we kept contact with them even during that time. Eyeball to eyeball dialogue is a much better substitute for long distance diplomacy. I am glad our friends in Iran are being given a break by the international community.
EU Foreign Ministers will also be considering the future development of relations with China. As a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, China plays a key role not only in Asia but also globally — for example, in relation to the present crisis in Iraq. China's important role is underlined by its continuing dialogue with the European Union. Our objective is to foster and deepen this dialogue. I am encouraged by a number of recent developments, especially in relation to the active role being played by the United Nations and its agencies in the human rights area.
I look forward to my meeting in Beijing next Tuesday with the Chinese Foreign Minister when we will be discussing a range of issues, such as the international issues I have already mentioned, and also the way in which we can further develop and strengthen our bilateral relations, including in the area of economic co-operation. I look forward, too, to visiting the special administrative region of Hong Kong later in the week; the former colony faces a new future with many challenges, not least those stemming from the current turmoil in the Asian financial markets. All of us in this Chamber wish the people of Hong Kong well in the future.
Looking ahead to next month, the focus of attention will be on the UN Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, of which Ireland is currently a member. A number of issues are expected to arise there, including the question of respect for human rights in Algeria — an issue of particular interest to me in view of my recent visit to that country, the first Irish Foreign Minister to do so. That meeting was followed by a visit by the troika of the EU and nine MEPs. One to one dialogue is far better than long distance diplomacy. Shouting at one another from a distance is no substitute for personal contact.
Looking at the wider developing world, it is evident the winds of change are transforming the international landscape. Ever greater numbers of people live in open societies and share in economic progress. At the same time, the marginalised and dispossessed of the most impoverished countries see many developed countries cut their development co-operation budgets each year. They see many Governments in developed countries relying on globalisation as the mechanism that will lift all boats and transform the economies of all countries, however poor.
I do not believe globalisation is a magic solution or panacea for all problems. International economic liberalisation can lead to further inequality and not to greater justice unless there is a determination to share the benefits of economic growth fairly and responsibly. I believe, however, we must co-operate effectively at international level to ensure we create an environment in which the peoples of the poorest countries can benefit from increasing global prosperity. This must involve fair terms of trade, access to markets, greater incentives for private investment and a continued commitment to development assistance to give the most needy countries the kick-start they need.
Ireland has the fastest growing development co-operation budget of any developed country. I am proud of this and of the example it sets at a time of increasing concern among less developed countries, especially in Africa, that they are being left aside and marginalised in the race for global prosperity.
Irish aid this year will amount to £137 million or 0.32 per cent of GNP. The Government is fully committed to achieving a target of 0.45 per cent of GNP by 2002. I would like to pay a warm tribute to my colleague, the Minister of State with responsibility for Overseas Development Assistance and Human Rights, Deputy O'Donnell, whose energy and commitment have been essential to the rapid growth which our overseas aid programme is experiencing at present. I also acknowledge her commitment to, and continuing deep involvement in, the Northern Ireland peace process.
Development co-operation must be about reducing unacceptable levels of poverty in less developed countries. It must also be about tackling shared global priorities, including health, housing, drugs education, empowerment of women and protecting the environment. These issues affect all countries, rich or poor, whether in Africa or in Europe.
This is what the Government is seeking to achieve in our bilateral development co-operation programmes, as well as through the European Union and other multilateral institutions. Development co-operation is part and parcel of Irish foreign policy. It is not just about financial transfers but about strengthening links between development and democracy, respect for human rights and enabling people to participate in the decision making processes which affect their lives.
Before concluding, I wish to say a few words about a subject which I know is of interest and concern to this House. At a time when the number of people leaving Ireland to find work abroad is relatively low and when immigrants rather than emigrants are making news, it is easy to overlook the fact that many of our young people still need guidance and assistance when they go to live abroad. The Government is, therefore, continuing to give financial support to voluntary organisations providing advisory and welfare services to Irish people in Britain, the United States and Australia. Amounts of £613,000 for organisations in Britain and £169,000 for organisations in the United States and Australia are available in this year's Enterprise, Trade and Employment and Foreign Affairs Votes. The interdepartmental committee on emigration, chaired by the Department of Foreign Affairs and comprising representatives of Departments and offices dealing with matters affecting emigration and emigrants, monitors developments in action areas and has meetings with people directly involved with emigrants.
Foreign policy is not just about promoting our national interests abroad. It is also about giving expression to our concerns about international events and advocating the principles and values which we believe should form the basis for relations between states and peoples. Ireland has a proud tradition and record of contributing to international efforts to bring about a peaceful world. We approach this not from any ideological viewpoint but from a deep conviction that all nations and peoples are entitled to the same standards of freedom and prosperity we have achieved for ourselves. I want the foreign policy of this Government to continue this tradition so that at international level we can help in some small way to build a common vision for the future based on shared interests and a new commitment to justice and equality.
The House will appreciate I have given an encapsulated overview of the foreign policy of the Department and, more particularly, the Government. I would have liked an opportunity to expand on what I have said but I appreciate the attention of the House.