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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 8 Dec 1999

Vol. 161 No. 13

Private Members' Business Taxation Policy: Motion.

I move:

Recognising the unprecedented benefits for single-income families; welcoming the record level of tax relief announced by the Minister for Finance; aware that hundreds of thousands of taxpayers will be taken out of the top rate tax net; Seanad Éireann endorses the Government's policy of tax reduction and reform and the individualisation of tax bands and supports the continuing development of measures to integrate the tax and welfare systems.

Fáilte roimh an t-Aire anseo. I look forward to the presence of Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, at a later point in the debate.

Budget 2000 is the third in a series of radical and reforming budgets from this Government. At the beginning of its term this Progressive Democrats-Fianna Fáil Government set out with a clear tax reduction strategy, to which it is sticking. This strategy is the one endorsed by the people in the 1997 general election.

Mr. Ryan

Rubbish.

Our policy objectives on personal taxation are threefold. First, to take as many people as possible out of the tax net altogether; second, to ensure that the vast majority of people are not liable for tax at the higher rate and third, to reduce tax rates in line with the commitments set out in the joint programme. This is a balanced and fair strategy designed to benefit all categories of taxpayer and to improve incentives for workers. It contrasts fundamentally with the attitude of the previous Administration which spent three years tinkering with the system while achieving practically nothing. The progress made on tax reform for the benefit of all taxpayers over the past two and a half years has been dramatic by any standards. In just three budgets this Government has radically improved the personal tax regime.

The basic tax free allowance for a single person on PAYE has been raised from £71 per week to £110 per week. The point at which a single person on PAYE enters the top rate tax net has been raised from £261 per week to £327 per week. The basic rate of income tax has been cut by 4 per cent. The higher rate of income tax has also been cut by 4 per cent. In fact, since 1989, income tax rates have been cut by 22 points, 21 of which came off when the Progressive Democrats had been in Government and a miserly 1 per cent when we were in Opposition.

This Government has shown itself to be as committed to tax reform as to tax reduction. Last year we signalled the move to tax credits, one of the biggest changes in our personal tax system for a generation. This year we have given every person in the paid workforce their own separate tax band. This strategy has proved controversial as we all know. I will deal with that controversy in a few minutes.

We await it with interest.

I am convinced, however, that it is the right strategy, a defensible strategy and the best strategy for this country.

Mr. Ryan

It is a selfish strategy.

It is important to understand the context in which this Government took this course of action. After a long and difficult campaign 25 years ago, it was finally accepted that married women had the right to go out to work if they chose to do so. The ending of the ban on married women in the workplace was a major step on the road to equality. The situation 25 years later is one where the majority of married women work outside the home. It is untrue to suggest that they do so solely or mainly out of economic necessity. Many of them do so out of choice. Giving women the freedom to make the choice is a key positive feature of this budget. Women bring great skills to the workplace and society as a whole benefits enormously from their contribution. Does anybody seriously suggest married women should not take up jobs if they want to? Does anyone suggest they should be unable to pursue the career of their choosing? Does anyone suggest they should be taxed at penal rates even on modest incomes for doing so? Are we to go back to the dark days when women were treated as nothing more than appendages of their husbands, unable to open bank accounts, secure telephone connections in their own name or be full citizens of this Republic? Are women to be regarded as wholly owned subsidiaries of their husbands? I thank Senator Henry for helping with that.

That is exactly what the Senator's party was legislating for.

What about equal pay for equal work?

Mr. Ryan

That is a rhetorical smokescreen.

I have to bow to Senator Ryan's superiority when it comes to rhetoric. What about equal pay for equal work? Let us take the case of two people working in the same office, doing the same work for the same pay. I do not think it is right that one pays tax at a marginal rate of 24 per cent while the other – a married woman – pays tax at a marginal rate of 46 per cent. Do married women who go out to work have the right to be treated by the tax system as individuals in their own right, with their own tax bands, or are we saying that the married woman's place is in the home and that we should use a punitive tax system to keep them there?

The Government has been accused of running an economy, not a society, and of following an IBEC agenda. It has also been accused of trying to satisfy the appetite of the Celtic tiger by forcing women at home out to work.

That is true.

None of this is true. The budget does not talk of forcing women out to work. The gains for single income married couples in the budget are among the biggest in any budget in recent times. For example, a single income married couple on average earnings with two children will gain £10 per week from this budget, before taking account of the additional measures announced by the Minister for Finance today. I defy anyone on the Opposition benches to show a comparable benefit during their time in office. Unfortunately, people have lost sight of these facts because there have been so many inaccurate and misleading statements in the last week. Married women have the right to work outside the home wherever and whenever they choose and the tax system should not place artificial barriers in their way when they come to exercise that choice. The budget sought to reduce the barriers and give people greater freedom to choose – that is liberalism.

Questions are now being raised as to whether women should be given any encouragement to work outside the home. Fine Gael, in particular, has voiced implacable opposition to the budget proposals and I am sure it will do so again during this debate. I find its stance puzzling for two reasons. First, many of its members, including serving Deputies and Senators, played a distinguished role in the campaign for gender equality down the years so it is hard to believe that they subscribe to the line being followed by the party leadership on this issue.

That is misleading.

Second, it is not so long since Fine Gael launched its own income tax policy document with great fanfare.

Rubbish.

The party's current position is difficult to square with that set out in its policy document. That document spoke of reducing the number of persons who pay tax at the higher rate so that women at home are encouraged to rejoin the labour force.

There is nothing wrong with that because we do not discriminate between women at home and women at work.

I ask the Senator to cease interrupting. I insist that we have an orderly debate and that Senator Dardis is allowed to make his contribution without interruption.

A Chathaoirligh, you should protect the House from patently—

The Senator will have an opportunity to make his contribution in due course. Senator Dardis without interruption.

The Fine Gael policy document also talks of giving extra benefit to households where both spouses are working to encourage the participation of women in the workforce. The document calls for the introduction of an earned income tax credit worth twice as much to double income couples as to single income couples. We are now seeing Fine Gael replacing policy and political conviction with political opportunism and cant.

As for the Labour Party, forgive me if I remain somewhat underwhelmed by its passion for equity in the tax system. It is not long since it used its numbers in the Oireachtas to push through a disgraceful tax amnesty from which every crook in the country stood to benefit. The party seems to be suffering from a clear case of amnesty amnesia.

Fianna Fáil proposed the amnesty.

The Progressive Democrats were part of the Coalition which introduced the first tax amnesty.

Senator Dardis should speak the facts.

Senator Dardis without interruption. We must have an orderly debate and I must insist that Senator Dardis be allowed to make his contribution without interruption.

I do not know how something written in a policy document could not be regarded as fact. I and many others recognise the genuine hurt and anger felt by many people, not all of them women in the home, as the debate on this issue has unfolded. The work done in the home, in the family and in the community might not have a price placed on it, but it is priceless. It was never the Government's intention to devalue or to under-value that work. In its joint programme, An Action Programme for the Millennium, the Government committed itself to the introduction of a tax allowance for carers of children, the elderly and the disabled in the home. I am pleased that the decision has been made to advance by one year the introduction of the special tax allowance for stay-at-home parents and carers. This will give explicit recognition for the first time in our tax system to people who engage in this work and who make such an extraordinarily valuable contribution to society.

Why did the Government not do so this time last week?

The debate about the budget has centred almost exclusively on the separate bands issue so it is time to take a broader look at the package of measures introduced by the Minister and how they will impact on society over the next 12 to 15 months. On a personal basis, I am very pleased with the budget announcements in the general area of disability, particularly mental handicap. This is something for which I have campaigned and I am pleased that the measures have been generously welcomed by voluntary organisations working in this area. For years, people have been campaigning for Government to respond to the dire needs of all those directly or indirectly affected by physical or mental disability. This budget delivers that response impressively. It allocates an additional £35 million per year in full year terms to services for mental handicap, on top of the £53 million already allocated up to the end of 1999. The budget allocates a further £7 million for services for people with physical and sensory disabilities. These increases are in addition to those already announced in the Book of Estimates. I do not suggest that this is enough – it is not. The need is great and much remains to be done, but I am pleased with the significant and substantial progress that has been made this year and look forward to further improvements in the next two budgets.

Older people are among the biggest gainers from the budget. In 1997, the Progressive Democrats gave a commitment that, if returned to power, we would raise the level of the old age pension to £100 per week within the lifetime of the next Government. That commitment was subsequently included in the coalition's joint programme. I am delighted with the progress made on this front. The rainbow Government managed to increase the old age pension by 9.8 per cent over three budgets. In three budgets this Government has delivered an increase of 23 per cent, taking the basic level of the contributory old age pension for a single person to £96 per week.

Where is the £100 per week?

Senator Dardis has one minute remaining and I ask that he be allowed to conclude without interruption

This is real social progress by any standard. Not only are we going to reach the £100 target but we are now setting our sights even higher. In the recently completed review of the Government's programme, it was agreed that the £100 per week commitment be extended to all social welfare old age pensioners by 2002. This means that those on full-rate non-contributory pensions will also reach the £100 rate before this Government leaves office, while those on contributory pensions will see their rates rise to around £110 per week. I am also delighted that the payment date for the pension increases has been brought forward to next May. This is a very positive and progressive move and means that pensioners will not have to wait more than six months to avail of increases granted in the budget.

Action has also been taken to reduce the tax burden on pensioners. This budget makes a further generous increase in the exemption limits for the over-65s. For example, a pensioner couple can now earn £15,000 tax free. Older people will also be among the main beneficiaries from the reforms in capital acquisitions tax. The strong appreciation in residential property values in Dublin and other main urban centres has left a large financial threat looming over many people who stand to inherit the home in which they live. The radical changes announced in the budget will effectively remove that threat. The current generation of pensioners has made an enormous contribution to the development of this country. It is because of their efforts and sacrifices that modern Ireland is the great success story which it is today. It is only right and proper, therefore, that, through its budgetary strategy, the Government gives pensioners their fair share of the great prosperity we now enjoy.

This Government has set itself the task of transforming our tax system over five budgets. The 1998 budget resumed the process of cutting both tax rates, something that had been effectively neglected during the Labour Party's five years in office in two different Governments. Last year's budget gave a huge boost to the low paid by concentrating all resources on the introduction of tax credits, the biggest reform of the Irish personal tax system in a generation. This year's budget had a different mission – to tackle the scandal whereby workers on quite modest incomes are still liable for tax at penal rates, in effect, at rates of 50 per cent or more when PRSI and levies are taken into account. It has been successful in that mission. Over 125,000 people on modest or middle incomes have been taken out of the top rate tax net. The threshold for the top rate has now been raised to £17,000 per year and will be raised further over the next two years. The net result is probably the best budget package ever seen in this country for trade union members. Contrary to what has been reported in the media, a quick look at the budget tax tables—

The Senator must conclude.

—will show that the biggest percentage gains in net income, of the order of 8 per cent, have been for people earning in the £17,000-£18,000 per year range. A key commitment in the joint programme for Government was to ensure that 80 per cent of taxpayers would not pay tax at the higher rate.

That is a tall order, given the rapid pace of job creation in the Irish economy and the fact that many of these new jobs are high earning positions paying well above average industrial earnings. Nevertheless, building on the foundations laid down in budget 2000 we can now look forward to the achievement of that 80 per cent target in two years' time.

Senator Dardis should hear what Deputy Healy-Rae has to say about that.

I second the motion. I welcome the Minister and the opportunity to give my views on this subject. Fifteen years ago, when the Progressive Democrats were founded, political debate centred on whether taxes should be cut. The debate has progressed considerably. There is a general acceptance that the tax burden on working people should be cut. The debate centres on how tax rates should be cut. The Progressive Democrats have always believed they should be cut while there are some Members on the other side of the House who believe they should not.

And in Fianna Fáil.

I ask Members to cast their minds back to the rainbow Administration. One of the best decisions that Government made was to slash the standard rate of corporation tax from 36 per cent to 12.5 per cent. This was a bold and radical move by a Labour Minister for Finance which was supported by virtually every party in this House, mine included. However, on what logic was that decision made? Surely it was based on a recognition that reducing tax rates increases incentives and stimulates economic activity for the good of society as a whole. How can anyone argue that low tax rates are good for companies but bad for the people who work in them? How can anyone argue that large building contractors should pay tax at 12.5 per cent but that construction workers should pay 46 per cent or even 48 per cent? If low tax rates work for companies, surely they must work for people. It is time we faced reality.

Politicians should have the courage of their convictions. If they disagree with a policy they should be willing to change it. Tax rates are a good case in point. This Government took two points off each rate in the 1998 budget. We were criticised for doing so but none of our critics had the political courage to call for a reversal of those cuts. In budget 2000 we took a further two points off each rate and again we were criticised for doing so. Will any of those critics have the courage to call for a reversal of these measures? I do not think so.

It is hard to imagine that little more than a decade ago the basic income tax rate was 35 per cent and the top rate was 58 per cent.

Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats were in Government then.

Looking back it is hardly surprising we were afflicted with emigration and unemployment. Enterprise and investment will not flourish in a penal tax system. Would the Irish economy have prospered if we had kept the tax rates at 35 per cent and 58 per cent? I do not think so. Would we have created 500,000 jobs with those tax rates in place? I do not think so. Would the Irish economy continue to flourish if we went back to those tax rates?

Mr. Ryan

Probably.

I do not think so. Cutting tax rates has served this country well in recent years. Reductions in corporate, capital and personal tax rates have helped to stimulate economic activity, generate extra jobs and boost Exchequer returns. The policy is working and this Government is determined to continue with it. The tax reduction measures in this budget offer real benefits to the workers and are real evidence they are sharing the fruits of our new found prosperity. Cutting taxes is the way to cut unemployment. Increasing incentives is the way to increase the numbers at work. That is the philosophy underlying the success of the Irish economy and this budget.

The budget measures will enhance the attractiveness of working here. I am confident there will be a significant reduction in the live register as people continue to move from welfare to work in their tens of thousands. Anybody who questions the commitment of this Government to addressing poverty should look at the figures. Since this Administration came to power, the unemployment rate has halved. We have taken nearly 80,000 off the dole. That is not only a statistic – it is 80,000 people and their families who have a real chance to participate and share in the success of the Irish economy. Progress in the reduction of long-term unemployment has been spectacular. The number of those out of work for a year or more has fallen sharply – the most recent figure is just over 40,000. A continuation of our present welfare to work strategy will see the effective elimination of long-term unemployment before this Administration completes its term of office. I am confident this budget will have a positive impact on enterprise and employment. The reductions in corporation tax, coupled with the reductions in personal taxation will boost incentives and encourage investment, particularly by smaller indigenous companies which are the main engines of growth in our economy.

Not so long ago there were not enough jobs for our people – today there are not enough people for our jobs. These problems come with economic success and we must be able to deal with them. There are still major problems with the interaction of our tax and welfare systems. Considerable progress has been made under different Governments in recent years but poverty traps and barriers to participation persist. With the projection of continued economic growth in the next ten years, unprecedented resources will be available to reform our tax and welfare systems. We should make maximum use of that opportunity. Our tax system, and more particularly our welfare system, have developed ad hoc over several decades. Decisions made several years ago are having unintended consequences now. For example, despite recent reforms, in certain circumstances an unemployed person can have little or no incentive to return to work because of the complex way in which the tax and welfare systems interact. Creating a seamless system will be difficult and expensive. However, we have the resources to do it and it will be worth the effort if we can eliminate the poverty traps which contribute so much to social exclusion under our current regime.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words before and after "Seanad Éireann" and substitute the following:

"condemns the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats Government for its deeply divisive, anti-family, and socially inequitable tax proposals which have damaged social cohesion and threaten the concept of social partnership.".

I welcome the Minister to the House. I watched the Government political broadcast on budget 2000. The Taoiseach claimed it was a socially inclusive budget which looked after the poor in our society, the low paid and those on social assistance. He was followed by the Tánaiste who said it was a caring budget. Nothing could be further from the truth. This budget has created a new form of social exclusion by discriminating against the less well off, the low paid and those who work at home. It is an unfair budget which lacked vision and squandered substantial resources. It is unfair because those who are already better off gain proportionally more than the poor.

This year more resources were available to the Government than ever before. These could have been used to eliminate poverty, tackle child poverty, child care problems and to take everyone earning a minimum wage out of the tax net. I sat in the other Chamber on budget days during the 1980s listening to successive Ministers for Finance telling the House that, after providing for servicing the national debt, health, education and social welfare, they had to borrow for every other service the State provided. Ministers at that time usually opened their budgets with deficits of £800 million. Even in these most difficult times, Ministers had a social conscience to provide help for the less well off in society. In relative terms they provided much more than the Minister for Finance did last Wednesday even though he had billions of pounds surplus. The scandalous squandering of these resources is indefensible, particularly in the context of the poverty and social exclusion which is still so prevalent throughout the country. This has made people very angry. This issue has put social partnership at risk because I understand there was a commitment from Government that the sectors of the community to which I have referred would be looked after in the budget.

Another issue which has caused great controversy is that a dual income family is destined to gain substantially from the tax changes in the budget. There is total opposition to the so-called individualisation of the tax bands. This measure is viewed as anti-women, anti-marriage and anti-family. There are many families where one spouse, by choice, works in the home. The work carried out by that spouse is no less important, perhaps it is significantly more worthy, than work carried out outside the home. However, under the present budget proposals, the single income family allowance in two years' time will be £28,000 while couples working outside the home will have gained twice that amount despite the fact that they will also have a second income. Many people, including dual income earners, consider this unjust, immoral and discriminatory.

It appears that only Members of the Progressive Democrats Party support the budget, four of whom have tabled the motion. Last Monday night on television the Tánaiste and leader of the party endorsed the budget. It appears that, under tremendous pressure from Fianna Fáil backbenchers, the Minister has amended the budget. This is the first time during my time in the Houses of the Oireachtas that a Minister for Finance has indicated changes to a budget he announced a week previously. Certainly budget changes have been made in the course of the Finance Bill but these changes have been announced with the publication of the Finance Bill.

Today the Minister announced a £3,000 tax allowance for spouses who work at home. This measure will entitle them to a tax benefit of £660 while spouses who work outside the home will have a tax benefit of £1,320. This will increase to £6,000 over the next three years under the proposed individualisation of the tax bands. I do not know whether the Minister proposes to extend the measures announced today over the next three years for single income earners. He might clarify this in his reply. The real sting in the tail is that the announcement today will only apply to spouses caring for children. It does not apply to single income spouses who have reared their children or who might not have been blessed with children. However, spouses who work outside the home and who might not have children will benefit from the proposals. The Minister has discriminated again and added insult to injury. To make a mistake once is human but to make the same mistake a second time is unforgivable.

The budget will have one lasting legacy. It has awakened the dormant soul of the Irish nation. For too long the soul has been subdued because of the many social problems we faced, including tribunals and many cases of child abuse. Suddenly, the budget has awakened the conscience of the nation. It has united previously diverse groups of women from the conservative to the liberal wing of Irish society who have come together in a common cause because they feel the budget is anti-women, anti-family and unfair. They want a society where there is economic growth but where that growth is not at the expense of society itself. They want a society where people are not penalised for the choices they make.

The Minister, in effect, has depreciated the value of the work done by the stay-at-home spouse, the vast majority of whom are women who contribute to society in a socially productive manner. Take the woman who has reared her family and now works voluntarily in the community visiting the elderly and the needy, visiting hospitals and running the meals on wheels service in the parish. These women contribute to the general good of society rather than just to the economy. The Minister is not as anxious to reward and recognise the service to society of these women as he is to implement the agenda of IBEC. The budget has made it clear to the Irish people that they have two choices as to the type of society they want. They can have a free market economy or a just society. It appears from comments I have heard in the last week that the vast majority favour a just society. The Minister's budget has defined the political divide in Irish politics. For that at least we on this side of the House are most grateful.

I second the amendment and welcome the Minister to the House. I believe the Minister of State, Deputy Ó Cuív, was squirming while present because he espouses the cause of women who work in the home. He spoke in favour of these women during his time in the Seanad between 1989-92. I think he was happy to make his exit.

In relation to Senator Dardis, I suppose when one attacks Fine Gael and continues to attack the Labour Party, it indicates he is embarrassed or does not know where to start—

He was stating facts.

I do not like that approach and defend Fine Gael's policy in relation to women. As a woman who has always worked outside the home, I probably would not have joined Fine Gael but for the fact that I realised it had a tremendous commitment to equality. I am annoyed at the present efforts to get women back into the workforce, not from an equality point of view but because extra hands are needed to keep the economy going. If we look back at the comments made when Garret FitzGerald had the vision to propose payment of £9.60 to women working in the home, people did not understand what he was talking about. People now realise how forward thinking he was in relation to equality.

I will now deal with the basics of the budget as the Fine Gael Party and I see it. There is a litany of words to describe Minister McCreevy's budget. It has been described as the most socially divisive budget ever presented in Dáil Éireann. It was described as discriminatory in relation to single income families where the mother or father stays at home. Everyone presumes mothers stay at home to look after the children but fathers stay at home also. It was described as unfair, lacking vision, anti-poor, anti-women and anti-family. This is not a litany of Opposition words. These descriptions did not come from the political sector, they came from organisations such as CORI, the justice commission, trades unions, women's groups and individuals, male and female. I could read into the record e-mails I received from people expressing their absolute horror and disgust at the budget. No other issue has ever created such a response or furore. The anger still exists because people are not clear what the £3,000 will mean in relation to caring for children, the elderly and so on. This will amount to £660 to people in the home.

The Minister has been accused by Fianna Fáil backbenchers of not listening. I find this extraordinary given the amount of money available to him and the number of programme managers and advisers. The Minister is an accountant and I believe the budget was drawn up from an accountant's narrow vision. There have been criticisms in the past in relation to the narrowness of figures rather than in terms of people. It was interesting listening to the Progressive Democrat contributions. This is Progressive Democrat politics and accountancy talk. I did not hear one soft word in relation to people or caring. The discussion related to fuelling the tiger and keeping the economy competitive.

(Interruptions).

The Senator, without interruption.

I understand that we cannot live on vision alone and that we must compete in economic terms. In the past Deputy John Bruton referred to the national development plan as a "plan for a nation". The nation itself means people. I would like to move away from lauding the Celtic tiger and begin a consideration of the main criticisms of the budget.

Senator Joe Doyle referred to an MRBI Irish Times poll taken earlier this year in which people stated that they would prefer social equity rather than tax cuts. In recent comments, the Minister has said that this issue is black and white.

A job is the best weapon in combating poverty.

The Minister agrees with every opinion poll that shows him in a positive light. The poll to which Senator Doyle referred found that those questioned were fair minded people who favoured social spending over tax cuts.

The 1997 opinion poll is the one that counts.

We are heading into the millennium and we are not looking backward but forward.

The Minister is also looking forward.

Senator Jackman without interruption.

In the context of looking forward to the millennium, everyone thought that old age pensions would have been increased to £100. Those in receipt of such pensions expected such an increase but they did not get it. Regardless of the calculations one wishes to make, old age pensioners did not get what they expected from the budget.

Fine Gael was also criticised in respect of child benefit. Reading selectively from my party's policy ignores the fact that we advocated an increase of £25 per week in respect of all children under five years of age. Everyone knows this is a crucial period for couples with children and I would have preferred Senator Dardis to have referred to that instead of talking about something I do not recall reading in any Fine Gael policy document.

Deputy Noonan aired Fine Gael's policy on taxation in good time to allow the Minister to consider it. However, he chose to utterly ignore our suggestion to introduce a 35 per cent tax band which would have been much fairer than the controversial proposal to individualise the taxation of families. I know the Minister came under tremendous pressure from Fianna Fáil backbenchers. However, did he change his policy in anticipation of the fact that a constitutional challenge would not have gone in his favour?

I ask the Minister to inform the House of the exact destination of the new £3,000 allowance. The trade unions, among others, have already voiced their opposition to this allowance.

That have not.

On the six o'clock news they stated it did nothing to favour the low paid and they said they will now have to consider individualisation in the context of social partnership. The Minister has, therefore, entered a new ball game in respect of satisfying the trade unions and dealing with the concerns of members of the public who are disgusted with the budget.

I welcome the opportunity to respond to the motion tabled by Senator Dardis and others. I congratulate him and his colleagues for frankly setting out the benefits which the budget bestows and for reminding us of the considerable and strategic reform of the income tax system which it has inaugurated. It is important to set last week's budget in its proper context. The performance of the economy in recent times and the new challenges we now face provide the relevant background. I will begin my contribution, therefore, by briefly summarising recent developments.

In 1999 the economy grew faster than expected by the Department of Finance and all other commentators. GNP is expected to have grown by 7.25 per cent in 1999, broadly in line with the average of the exceptional growth since 1994. Employment for the year as a whole is estimated to have increased by 74,000 or 4.75 per cent. Employment has risen by over 150,000 over the last 2 years and unemployment has fallen and now stands at 5.1 per cent, compared to 10 per cent when the Government was formed. Inflation has remained low, although there are some pressures emerging.

The increase in employment, the fall in unemployment and the increase in disposable incomes shows that the Government's policies are working. The economy has been transformed and I am glad to say that the Government has built on the economic achievements it inherited. Public finances have also been transformed. The general Government surplus will be over 1.4 per cent of GDP in 1999. Our debt to GDP ratio continued to fall in 1999 and is expected to be around 47 per cent at the end of the year.

Our current economic situation has created great opportunities for society. However, it also presents a new set of challenges which the Government is determined to address through the implementation of the budget strategy and the national development plan announced last month. Rapid economic growth is leading to problems – labour shortages are emerging in the economy, the cost of child care has become an issue, in our towns and cities congestion is increasing and house prices have also risen but show signs of stabilising. The budget sets out proposals for action in all these areas to reduce the emerging pressures.

The budget must also prepare for the future. Economic growth will inevitably moderate in the coming years. The Department of Finance now forecasts that the economy will grow at 6.25 per cent in GNP terms in 2000 decelerating to 5 per cent by 2002. These forecasts present a very favourable assessment of our future prospects. Of course, a shock to the economy would upset this scenario and adversely affect the public finances. A prudent policy is, therefore, to run a substantial surplus now to prepare for a period of slower growth. This is a key element of the Government's budgetary strategy. This approach also ensures that we manage our economy in such a manner as to ensure that our current economic success is consolidated and continues in future years.

As stated on a number of occasions, we must prepare the public finances for the costs associated with an ageing population. The population over 65 will increase substantially during the next 25 years. This will lead to a significant increase in health and pension expenditure. To help to meet these costs the Government has decided to allocate 1 per cent of GNP per annum to two pension funds which will part fund our future pension costs. There has been some confusion about this pre-funding decision, with some commentators suggesting that all the moneys are being allocated for public service pensions. Let me be clear on this, the Government is allocating two thirds of the funds for social welfare pensions and the remainder for public service pensions.

The budget foresees continued surpluses and reduction in debt levels as a percentage of GDP. In that context, it is possible to devote substantial resources to tax reductions and spending increases without undermining stability. Last week I introduced a budget which delivered the biggest tax and social welfare package in the history of the State. Let me summarise exactly what the budget did.

In expenditure terms, the budget increased all old age and related pensions by £7 per week and all other personal rates by £4 per week. It gave the biggest increase ever in child benefit of £8 per month for the first and second child and £10 per month for the third child and subsequent children. It increased the qualified adult allowance and brought in a new insurance based carer's benefit, and it increased health, mental handicap and education spending substantially and launched a major programme of grants and assistance to increase the supply of child care places.

In regard to taxation, the budget provides over £940 million in personal tax reductions – in addition to over £1 billion in tax cuts delivered in my first two budgets. It removes almost 50,000 people from the tax net, including 10,000 over the age of 65 and it takes 125,000 taxpayers off the top tax rate by substantially widening the standard rate tax band for single and two income married couples. It reduces the standard and top rates of tax by 2 per cent in each case and it increases the basic personal allowances by £500 single and £1,000 married so that no PAYE earner enters the tax system until they earn £110 per week or more. It takes the first step in putting in place individual tax bands so that all taxpayers will be taxed on what they earn as individuals and not, as now, on their marital status. It doubles a series of personal allowances for the aged, widowed, dependent relatives, blind, incapacitated children and converts them into tax credits at the standard rate of tax and makes them of equal value to all taxpayers; reforms mortgage interest relief to make it more simple and of greater value to almost 300,000 taxpayers; increases rent relief by 50 per cent for under 55s and in the case of those aged 55 and over doubles the relief for 80 per cent of claimants on the standard rate of tax.

In the capital taxes area, I took the major steps of exempting the shared family home from CAT for all those sharing the home irrespective of the circumstances of the family relationship; cutting the CAT rate to 20 per cent and simplifying it from a three band structure of 20 per cent, 30 per cent and 40 per cent; increasing the thresholds for payment of CAT by substantial amounts so that no immediate family members will pay tax on inheritances under £300,000; and changing the basis of liability for CAT from the arcane and archaic concept of domicile to the more straightforward basis of residence, which is applied to income tax and capital gains tax and which most other countries follow in their law.

In the area of business taxation, the budget introduces the 12.5 per cent corporation tax rate from 1 January 2000 for small and medium-sized companies with profits under £50,000 per annum. This benefits almost 20,000 of the 29,000 companies paying corporation tax in the State. Provision had already been made in the Finance Act, 1999, to cut the standard rate of corporation tax from 28 per cent to 24 per cent on trading profits in order to reduce it to a single rate of 12.5 per cent generally by 2003. The budget also reduces capital gains tax to 20 per cent on land sold for commercial purposes and applies a 20 per cent rate of profits tax to land sold for residential purposes by companies or individuals; gives accelerated capital allowances to stimulate further investment by private firms in the provision of child care facilities; and puts the basis of taxation of life assurance and other funds on the same footing as most of our EU partners.

With regard to excise tax, the budget abolishes travel tax from the end of the year; cuts the tax on kerosene by one third to address the price differential with Northern Ireland; and increases the tax on tobacco substantially to bring in more revenue to directly fund the health service. This list of tax measures is an unparalleled package of tax reduction and reform. One proposal to individu alise the standard tax rate bands has attracted most attention. The budget delivered cuts in rates, fewer taxpayers on the higher rate and reductions in the tax burden, all of which were promised to the electorate when we sought office. The voter remains the ultimate arbiter of the budget and the democratic mandate is a basic principle which we must respect.

Hear, hear.

However, we should be clear on one issue. We have a basic problem with our income tax system arising from the current doubling of the standard rate tax band for married couples. We brought this on ourselves in 1980, when this system was introduced in response to the Murphy judgment. It only required us to treat two earner married couples no less favourably than two co-habiting single persons. Since the unfairness arose then because of the availability of just one tax band for all taxpayers, all that was strictly required to follow the judgment was for the Government to double the tax band for married two earners. Instead, for good and sufficient policy reasons at the time, the band was doubled for all married persons.

When the Finance Bill, 1978, was introduced, the Dáil and Seanad debates demonstrate that the then Minister for Finance had a pain in his face explaining that he had gone beyond what was required by the Murphy judgment, but the Opposition said that he only did so because of the judgment. The public perception grew that the change had resulted because of the judgment. I read those debates before last week's budget and Deputy O'Kennedy explained during the budget debate at the time that to respond to the Murphy judgment would have cost only £30 million but he spent £130 million to go the other way for good policy reasons.

He did not have that money.

However, the Opposition at the time maintained that the change happened only as a result of the judgment and that was subsumed into public consciousness and the minds of most commentators.

I assure Senator Jackman that even then the legal advice was that there was no need to introduce this measure and what I have done is not contrary to the constitutional decision in the Murphy judgment. Any lawyer in the Law Library will tell her that it does not conflict with the judgment and that was known even then.

Did the Attorney General tell the Minister that?

Not alone the current Attorney General. A number of Attorneys General, including a very eminent one from the Senator's party, said that many years ago. The then Government, for policy reasons, went beyond the Murphy judgment and this has caused the present diffi culties. Whatever difficulties there are with the change I made, I assure the Senator that it does not conflict with that judgment.

That remains to be seen.

Most legal people agreed with that assertion in the articles I read over the past week.

The married personal allowance was already double the single allowance since 1978. The result is that now in order to take single persons off the top tax rate on a £14,000 per annum salary, it must be doubled for all married earners at any income level, irrespective of their needs. Is it reasonable that a one earner couple with income of £50,000 or £60,000 benefits on the double from a policy intended to help those individually earning £15,000 per annum? Slowly, surely, but inexorably, the percentage of taxpayers on the higher rate has increased from 37 per cent in 1996 to 38 per cent in 1997, 39 per cent in 1998, 44 per cent this year and it would reach 46 per cent in 2000 if nothing were done. The percentage would soon be more than 50 per cent and the top rate would have to be renamed the standard rate.

Can anyone seek to defend a tax system in which almost one out of every two taxpayers pays tax at up to 50 per cent on every extra pound they earn, when levies and PRSI are taken into account? This is the reality that the budget seeks to address. Last year, to great acclaim from all sides of the political spectrum, the Government standard rated basic personal allowances and made them of equal value to all taxpayers. It did this, not for the kudos, but because it thought it fair and proper. It allowed us to target resources on the lower paid, which we did again this year. However, the consequence of this policy move is that personal allowances no longer act to keep taxpayers off the top rate of tax. The only way to reduce the numbers on the top tax rate is to widen the standard rate tax band and the best way to do that is to put this band on an individual basis and tax persons on what they earn as individuals, whether single or married.

When I introduced the move to the tax credits system in last year's budget it was widely accepted, even by my political enemies, of whom I have many both inside and outside my party. In my 23 years in the Dáil I have encountered a considerable number of such people and I continue to survive. However, without a shadow of doubt, no one understood the concept, including the experts. One eminent commentator from a respected chartered accountancy firm in Dublin wrote a newspaper article the following morning and clearly did not understand it because the summary he gave was totally wrong. The same individual also addressed the Fianna Fáil breakfast and I said to the person beside me that I reckoned the analysis he gave on screen was wrong.

People were saying for years that tax credits would be a great idea and when I introduced it, despite the fact that 99.8 per cent of people did not understand it, all of them heralded it, including all the commentators. Throughout my adult political life I have been conscious of how my record would be perceived in years to come and I will hardly change now. I like to take a long-term view and I do not know whether that is good. However, I have looked upon this budget as part of a series of five. People will be interested to read in five or six years' time what certain individuals said about this issue.

Although he does not broadcast it, particularly when he is writing in The Examiner and haranguing me for all sorts of things, Senator Ryan was born and bred in Kildare.

He also has a Fianna Fáil background.

His background is in a certain political party.

Is the Minister introducing allowances for Kildare?

The zeal of the convert.

All Labour Party members have some connection with Fianna Fáil.

As does Senator O'Toole.

He is the social conscience.

Senator O'Toole has raised an interesting point because my good friend, the late Joe Bermingham, used to keep in contact with me when he was chairman of the Labour Party. He had some rough times as the chairman of the party but he used to say to me when he was having difficulties, "You know something, McCreevy, the only trouble I have with the Labour Party is from the bloody ex-Fianna Fáilers. They are all the bloody same." He used to name them and he may have been right.

I am interested in what somebody like Senator Ryan has to say about the concept of individualisation because every socialist I have ever known since I was a kid in UCD has pushed that idea.

Every socialist I have ever known has had that idea but many of them have been decidedly quiet in recent times. However, I am particularly interested in Senator Ryan's comments in The Examiner or the Evening Echo, whichever one of the Cork national newspapers he writes for – one must be very careful in these times – and what he is prepared to say on this issue. I did not hear him speak about it; I missed him in the furore of comment in the last few days, but he was present a few minutes ago and I am interested in his views on this particular issue.

It should not be confused, as some people have done, with the issue of the lower paid which is a separate matter. Some people have skilfully mixed up the two issues for one reason or another, but others have been very careful. Some people outside the House have been particularly careful. When the record is checked, it shows that they did not say they are against individualisation. They have thrown it in with other matters regarding the lower paid but if they were asked about individualisation, they would say they were in favour of it. However, it does not get any headlines.

I was very interested in the coverage in the past week in the centre of all that is good and great in Irish journalism, the place where it all exists and from where all good comes in the case of journalism. It tells the rest of us what to do and it has never been afraid to articulate its socialist viewpoint. I assure the House I am not talking about the newspaper for which Senator Ross writes – he would give up his job if he thought it was in any way inclined in that direction. Nevertheless, I was fascinated to read it.

I note Senator Ryan has returned to the House. Senator O'Meara will tell him that I am particularly interested in his views on the concept of individualisation given that his socialist views from Athy are as strong as ever.

However, I was particularly interested in the coverage in that particular media organ. It may have escaped me and my press officer but I found little coverage of the other side. One can never be certain about such a matter but I am never afraid to make judgments and guesses. Some of them are right and others are wrong, but I guess that in 2005 Members on all sides will not be as proud of what they said on the issue as they are in 1999. I predict that many of them will cringe and ask whether they really said it.

Wait and see.

We will wait and see. A good friend of mine in the other House—

The Minister made promises in his election policies.

—often looks back—

In anger?

—at speeches he made as a young politician in this House in the 1970s on certain issues. I know he asks himself if he is the same man that was around then. People can change their views and that is welcome.

Mr. Ryan

So can the Minister.

The only person I can remember who was never entitled to change his views and get credit for it was Charlie Haughey. It was always a U-turn if he did it, but it was in the interest of the country if others did it. He was always accused of changing his mind for the wrong reason. Everybody else changed their mind about a policy for right and good reasons.

Haughey's last defender.

If Garrett FitzGerald did it, it was for the good of the country. If Jack Lynch did it, it was also for the good of the country. If the Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, does it, it is more or less for the good of the country.

More or less?

(Interruptions).

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister without interruption.

When the Leas-Chathaoirleach's father changed his mind a few times, it was definitely for the good of the country. His father has a similar problem to mine and perhaps it is because he has been married to a Kildare woman for so many years. I know him well and he has always been consistent. I remember he stood alone when many people in his party in December 1972, some of whom came to greater prominence afterwards, were on television in previous weeks trying to get rid of him. A certain event happened and they all turned around.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I think the Minister is straying from the motion.

I do not like to stop once I get going. I will be interested to read in a few years what people think of the comments being made now on this issue. If I can wait, I want to hear my Kildare colleague, Senator Ryan, speaking about the concept of individualisation.

Individualisation is not an entirely new concept. It has been in the tax system since 1980 in the form of the PAYE allowance. This allowance is based on one's individual status. Two married earners on PAYE both have the PAYE allowance. In a marriage with only one earner, there is only one PAYE allowance.

In that case, why did the Minster not increase them?

That is a good question and I was hoping somebody would ask it. The PAYE allowance was introduced on the basis that self-employed people had an advantage because they were on a preceding year basis of assessment.

I know that.

Since the 1988-9 tax year, self-employed people are on the current year basis of assessment. It is doubtful that it can be confined to one category of persons now that the basis has changed and we should be clear about this. Increasing it substantially as some people advocate is fine, but it will inevitably lead to it being challenged. It will be difficult to defend because the basis on which it was introduced no longer exists. The self-employed person has other advantages in terms of certain expenses that are allowed which a PAYE person does not have but if it was widened enormously, I do not understand how one could defend the system. A certain gap is inevitable, but there would be no basis on which it could be defended if it was widened enormously to make up the difference because a self-employed person has certain advantages in terms of certain expenses being allowed.

It would be better than what the Minister has done.

Even under the current PAYE system, two married earners on a given income pay £240 per annum less tax than a married single earner on the same income. The principle already exists in the tax system. The move to individualisation is the right way to go and this is supported by a variety of commentators on the tax system.

I set out in the budget not only the policy involved but also how we intended to get there and what the complete system would look like when it comes into effect. I set out all this carefully, thoroughly and transparently as part of a strategic plan to reduce the number on the top rate of tax. Taxpayers should be given the facts openly and fairly. The facts are that under the budget proposals the number of taxpayers at the top rate of tax will fall by 125,000 next year and the percentage of taxpayers at the top rate will fall from 46 per cent to 37 per cent. At the end of the process, 350,000 taxpayers will have been removed from the top tax rate, a reduction from 550,000 to 196,500. The percentage on the top tax rate will come down from 46 per cent to 17 per cent or to 12 per cent when one includes those exempt from tax on low incomes.

I would have thought that a policy clearly set out where in two years and five months from now, that is, on 6 April 2002, only 12 per cent of all earners in the country would be paying tax at the top rate and 88 per cent would be paying tax at the standard rate of 20 per cent was a laudable objective to which most people would subscribe, but apparently I was wrong.

The benefits the Government sees from this policy initiative are clear. It recognises that we need a modern tax system for a changed society. Irish society has changed. The figures speak for themselves. The number of married women participating in the workforce now is as high as in the rest of Europe and higher in some categories. That is what has happened. People had a choice and they exercised it. I was a student in the late 1960s and in my class in UCD there were 15 young ladies. I understand they now comprise over 50 per cent and that it is the same in most faculties. Many women fought long and hard to have their individual right to pursue their careers inside or outside the home. We removed many anomalies in the system, often under duress. My party removed some of them while other parties did other things. My party was not too enthusiastic about some of them but they were removed over a period and Irish society has changed.

For the better.

When I was growing up in the 1950s and 1960s there was a belief that the woman's place was in the home and that she should be kept there tied to the sink and with plenty of children.

That was very much the policy of the Minister's party.

That was the view of Irish life at the time and it took us a long time—

That is Fianna Fáil stuff.

—until the 1980s, to grow up and to recognise that women, the same as men, have an equal right to education and to pursue their careers, whether married or not, and to exercise the choice. Whether people like it or not Irish society has done that. Senator Finneran—

Some of it must have backfired.

Neither Senator Connor's party nor my party welcomed all these changes with the same gusto as people outside the House. We did not on all occasions cover ourselves with glory and the Senator might as well face up to that as well. Irish society has changed. Nobody doubts now—

The labour market has changed.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister to continue without interruption.

The Labour Party kept them out on this issue. When I go into the town of Naas and see—

Mr. Ryan

On a point of order, if the Minister continues for much longer the Labour Party will not get a chance to speak.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The point is well taken, Senator, but perhaps if the Minister was not interrupted he could—

I am delighted with that interjection from Senator Ryan on behalf of the Labour Party because there was great socialist outrage yet it was remarkably silent on this issue over the past seven days. I am happy it has now found its voice in the guise of Senator Ryan.

Mr. Ryan

Will the Minister read the script?

The benefits the Government sees from this policy initiative are as follows. It recognises that we need a modern tax system for a changed society. It treats taxpayers as individuals based on what they earn and not on their marital status. It rectifies the imbalance in the tax system against most taxpayers who are single or two income earners. It takes a great number of middle income taxpayers off the top rate of tax. It gets many single workers – 90,000 of them next year alone – off the top tax rate. It puts up to £20 per week in the pay packet of those on average earnings.

Furthermore, it treats married one earners and two earners on a more level basis. It is not true to compare one earner on, say, £40,000 per annum to a married couple on £20,000 each. Both marrieds face costs associated with working that the single earner family does not, particularly where child care arises. The incomes may be the same but the resources available in both situations are not the same. I realise that this is not an easy concept to get across, particularly in the face of a reaction based on perceived lack of equity.

Even here the facts have been ignored. Married couples with one income up to £28,000 – and they represent the majority of married one income families – would gain the same, and in may cases more than a married couple with two incomes from this budget. A married couple with one income and two children get a 4.5 per cent increase in net income on £10,000 per annum compared to 4 per cent for a married couple with two incomes and two children. On £20,000, the gains are 3.2 per cent and 2.9 per cent in both cases. These figures include child benefit increases and family income supplement where relevant.

All single income married couples benefit very significantly from the budget. Couples on PAYE with one income and two children will gain by almost £10 per week on £17,000 per annum, £11 per week on £20,000 per annum and over £12 per week on £25,000 per annum. These are among the biggest gains we have seen for single income married couples.

I believe the trade union movement recognises that there is a case for individualisation. Fine Gael put forward a proposal for an earned income tax credit. This would be available only to those who worked outside the home – in the same way as individualisation works. We do not seem to differ, therefore, on the goal. I recognise the strength of feeling that has been generated on this issue and on what taxpayers perceive as an unequal approach to stay-at-home spouses and two income families. Since the budget, both the Taoiseach and I have made our intention clear on a number of occasions.

What did the Tánaiste think?

It is intended to ensure, as the transition towards individualisation of the tax bands proceeds, that the right balance should be maintained between those going out to work and carers in the home. Consequently, I am pleased to announce that the Government has decided to bring forward a £3,000 per annum tax allowance at the standard rate for taxpayers in respect of those spouses of married one income families who work in the home caring for children, the aged or handicapped persons. This fulfils a promise made by the Government in the joint Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrat statement issued prior to the June 1997 general election of an allowance, set at £2,000 then, for families in these circumstances.

There was nothing about this until the budget.

I had no intention of bringing this forward until the next two budgets, as I said at the time. My objective in this budget was to address the anomaly that currently exists and the iniquitous system that bears particularly heavily on married women and those who go back to work. I did not intend to bring it forward in this budget but I intended to do it in the next two budgets as individualisation progresses. The Senator is absolutely correct.

Will the Minister resign now?

I want to assure the Senator that where I come from you never resign. Kildare people, as Senator Ryan will tell you, get fired. I had many options of resigning from the Fianna Fáil Party. I was thrown out on one occasion but I did not resign from it.

This undertaking was always on the list of measures to be pursued in the Government's two remaining budgets but has been implemented now to recognise the role of spouses working in the home caring for others and to balance the tax relief measures announced in last week's budget which addressed the position where both spouses were in paid employment.

The full year cost of this measure is estimated at £125 million. The specific details of the operation of the scheme will be set out in the Finance Bill to be published in February. This tax relief will go to one income families on the standard and higher rate of tax at all income levels but will be of greater proportionate value to lower income families because it is standard-rated.

Furthermore, in the light of the strong views expressed on the whole issue of individualisation I believe it appropriate that the social partners consider the future development of the individualisation process in the course of the current talks on a successor agreement to Partnership 2000.

The budget benefits all taxpayers. It helps those on low pay and on middle income. It delivers unparalleled tax reductions. It assists single earners. It recognises the position of married two earners. It enhances the take home pay of married one earners. It preserves and increases the double allowances for married couples. It addresses a growing imbalance in our tax system and seeks to deal with Irish society as we find it now and not as we left it in 1980.

I know the Seanad will endorse this budget as sound and fair and as seeking to address real issues of tax reform given the social and economic conditions in which we find ourselves entering the new millennium.

To ensure the Labour Party receives an opportunity to speak following the fine compliments paid to it, may I share my time with Senator O'Toole?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

We will try to allow as many speakers as possible. Perhaps the Leader can help.

I would be prepared to move an amendment to the Order of Business to facilitate a longer debate. We will assess progress at 8.10 p.m.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The vote is not due to take place until 8.15 p.m. because of the delay starting the debate. The Minister had much to say and there is a great deal of interest in this debate.

I have a personal interest in this topic having paid over 50 per cent of my salary to the tax man over the last 32 years. I will further explain what Senator Dardis had to say. I complained to the Revenue Commissioners about this matter and on being interviewed in St. Martin's House the Revenue inspector told me I was looked upon as a wholly owned subsidiary of my husband. I wish it had been recorded that all women would pay tax at the higher rate at the same level as men. Paying tax at the higher rate has been incredibly difficult for women over the last 30 years.

I very much welcome the individualisation being introduced by the Minister. I do not think there is total opposition to it. Those who put forward such passionate arguments for better pay for nurses should be asked if they feel individualisation will not help them. A great number of those women who will benefit from the introduction of this proposal are in the education, health and new information technology sectors. It is very unjust that two people working beside each other should have to pay different levels of taxation. I compliment the Minister on this change. No one has any idea what are the home circumstances of those people. Members will remember that children's allowances had to be paid to women years ago because it was discovered that an enormous number of men were not passing on money to their wives. Even in some very high income families a significant amount of the husband's earnings were not passed on to wives. A number of women who are paying high levels of tax are working simply to keep bread on the table. I am delighted with this improvement in our taxation system.

Lest the Minister might think I am happy about everything, I am not. The child care policy is ridiculous. I am delighted that the Minister has provided money for buildings – accelerated capital allowances on child care facilities – but it is being provided for buildings as is the £20 billion being given to those who provide child care facilities for 20 children or less. The real problem arises getting women to work in the child care sector because of the high rate of tax payable at the lower levels. Earning £200 a week in the child care sector is considered good money. On that a person pays about £30 in PRSI and tax. How on earth can an unemployed person from places such as Longford take jobs in Dublin? They cannot because they could not afford to live in Dublin on that sort of money. Something serious, of a policy nature, must be done in the area of child care. I note from the Minister's budget that there is no intention to introduce State run crèches which is a great pity. Children will become commuters to their mother's place of work. It was interesting to note that when we proposed the setting up of a crèche within the Houses of the Oireachtas—

There will be.

That is right. I wish to thank Senator Cox for her help in that regard. I am quite sure that as many men as women will look to use such facilities. These facilities are needed as much by men as women when two people work outside the home. It must be remembered that women who work outside the home do 20 to 30 hours unpaid work on their return home.

I am delighted the Minister introduced the addendum to his budget. Women who remain in the home see their children making progress but those who are caring for the elderly and the handicapped see no prospect of ever returning to the highly paid jobs they once held. As I feel women should receive money directly into their hands – and most carers are women – might I suggest there should be no means test in this area? Once again we really do not know exactly how much money those women who have to stay at home to care for handicapped and elderly people are receiving. They provide an enormous service for the community.

I must congratulate the Minister on putting a bit of steel back into the Fianna Fáil backbenchers who were wilting like wallflowers over the past week. He got them going, fair play to him. He is the man of the moment. It is a pity the Minister was not in front of them during the week when they rushed to the media to say what a bad job he was doing.

I assure Senator O'Toole that I have a great deal of experience of the Fianna Fáil backbenchers.

I spoke on this subject last week and I said then as I say now individualisation is a good thing. There are elements of the budget with which I am unhappy but individualisation is a good and progressive move.

I am concerned with how the budget deals with serious issues such as child care, low pay and women working in the home. Women who work outside the home are good mothers too and somebody must stand up for them. I did not think it was necessary for the Minister to reduce the top rate of tax. I know he is committed to reducing taxation but I think the money could have been better used at the lower end. I disagree with the Minister's point on PAYE allowances. If we want to compare like with like we have to look at the whole element of expenses for the self-employed. The PAYE allowance does not adequately compensate such people. I believe it could have been increased. It is absolutely unacceptable, unfair and illogical that workers who barely earn what the State considers to be a minimum wage should be taxed. There should be no taxation of people who earn less than the minimum wage. That has to be an objective which must be conceded.

Women who work outside the home need somebody to speak on their behalf. The real problem with the budget was the perceived bias against the lower paid. Despite this the media debate has centred mainly on what was called the "family matter". I traced many of the phone calls I received on this matter back to organisations which I would not be inclined to run in front of. I firmly believe that women who remain at home were unfairly treated in the budget. The matter was not handled well. The reaction to it has not been measured and we need to put it in perspective. Some of the budget proposals were unacceptable and I am glad the Minister is moving to change them. I agree with him that it is not a resigning matter to change one's mind. I do not know anybody in a leadership capacity who cannot take on board criticism and move beyond it. I compliment the Minister. If changes are to be made they should be made. I do not know if the proposed changes are good enough; we will have to consider them as we go along.

There is something unacceptable about the subliminal criticism of mothers who choose to go out to work. I know that a significant number of teachers who are doing a significant job running the under-funded primary education service are doing an equally good job as mothers. They go out to work every morning. They are good people; I salute them and believe they deserve credit, recognition and affirmation. I know women who work outside the home as teachers, others will know women in other professions. Women who choose to stay at home deserve protection but let us openly acknowledge that they cannot be presented as being in some way innately better than those like teachers, nurses and many more who are required by financial exigencies to go out to work. The truth is there are women who choose to stay at home and there are others who choose to go out to work.

I am speaking about women. Some women would prefer to stay at home but have to work due to financial exigencies. I do not think we should have debates which put such women down. Let us bring balance to the debate. The people who stay at home deserve our support but in any society it is a well documented fact that it is costly to go to work and we need to recognise that. There is nothing wrong with the individualisation of taxation. Second income families deserve tax relief and society must reward women in the home. In other words, all three are important.

That is what we are saying.

I agree with the Senator. All three are important; all three have been encompassed in the result. That is what I am saying. I just want to see that balance in the debate. There are many unhappy women in the workplace who think they are doing something wrong.

I welcome the Minister to the House. I listened to some members of the Opposition, particularly Senator Jackman, referring to his narrow vision.

I did. It is very narrow.

As a fellow accountant, I assure the Senator that, as accountants, neither the Minister nor I has narrow vision.

The Senator did not introduce a budget.

The Minister has operated with very wide vision, as Senator O'Toole said. He has given a very objective view on the overall position.

His backbenchers did not think so.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Bonner is in possession. Senator Jackman, you spoke already.

He is encouraging argument.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I am aware of that. Senator Bonner without interruption and on the motion.

I acknowledge the Minister's comment that he never resigns, having known him since he was 17. He might not have been the most skilful footballer but he was certainly difficult to keep down.

Those ones never got me sent off.

I want to return to the Minister's achievements. He should be called the £2 billion man because he is the first Minister for Finance to give £2 billion in tax cuts to the taxpayer. With today's increase, he has increased it to nearly £2.2 billion.

Under his stewardship, the Irish economy has grown at a rate well in excess of that of other economies in the EU. GNP has grown by 8 per cent. The number of people in employment is now 1.6 million. Unemployment has fallen from 10 per cent, when he came into office, to 5.1 per cent. The general Government debt has fallen from 70 per cent at the end of 1996 to a projected 53 per cent of GDP at the end of this year. In all of his budgets he has faced the twin challenge of helping the less well off in society while at the same time, especially in this budget, reducing the tax burden for those in employment.

I wish to refer to some of the social welfare changes, particularly the increase of £7 per week in the old age contributory pension, bringing it up to £96 per week. This is an increase of 22 per cent in the past three years. While he did not reach the magical £100 this year, he is well on his way to delivering it in the lifetime of the Government, which is what he promised. He has allocated £2,000 to those who will be 100 years of age in the millennium year. All those over 75 years will be entitled to the free electricity allowance, free telephone rental allowance and free television licence allowance. There will be an increase of £8.50 per week in invalidity pension for those aged over 66.

Child benefit will also be increased for the first and second child by £8 per month and by £10 per month for the third and subsequent children. The back to school clothing and footwear allowance has been increased by £20. The respite carer's grant has been increased from £200 to £300. Carers in receipt of carer's allowance now receive the free electricity allowance and free television licence allowance.

Social welfare changes in this budget amount to £400 million. This is clear and tangible evidence that the Government intends to help the less well off in society at every opportunity. We need to help the elderly, the sick and the disabled and we need to help our children benefit from the success of the economy.

The Minister referred earlier to the Labour Party. It was the late Seán Lemass who said that Fianna Fáil was the real labour party.

Mr. Ryan

It used to be.

I would not agree with that comment, but in terms of social justice Fianna Fáil is the socialist party.

The GDP party.

The facts are that this year the Minister has spent £485 million on social inclusion which is just £40 million short of the commitment given by the previous Government for the three years it thought it would have been in power. This year's spending on social welfare improvements amounts to £400 million – an increase of 46 per cent on that spent by the previous Government in the 1997 budget when it gave £215 million – an increase of 16.5 per cent over three years and an average of 5.5 per cent as against an average of 1.5 per cent from the previous Government.

Referring to taxation, substantial tax cuts must be brought about at the standard and higher rates of tax in order to help alleviate the tax burden for the lower and middle income taxpayers. I welcome the 2 per cent cut in the lower rate, from 24 per cent to 22 per cent, and the higher rate, from 46 per cent to 44 per cent. I also welcome the fact that a person will not pay the highest rate of tax until he or she earns £17,000, which is an increase of £3,000 due to the widening of the tax bands. Personal allowances have also been increased by £500 for a single person and £1,000 for a couple.

At this point I want to make a key point – I have never believed that a person who earns £14,000 is wealthy.

Before the Minister leaves, may I say how glad we are that his being thrown out of Fianna Fáil was merely a temporary little arrangement?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Coghlan, you are the next speaker and you are totally out of order.

Many people believe that those who pay the higher rate of tax are wealthy people. This is a misconception for a simple reason – until the budget people who earned more than £14,000 had to pay tax at 46 per cent and that is after allowing for their personal allowances. This is simply too penal a rate in an economy which is growing strongly and I am pleased the Minister has appropriately cut the two key rates of tax. It should be remembered that the Minister has cut the standard rate by 5 per cent and the higher rate by 4 per cent in three years. Over the past 30 years, the rates have reduced substantially, but the rate reduced by only 1 per cent when the Opposition were in Government. That is the reality.

There are numerous other issues to which I could refer if I had the time. I welcome the reduction in capital gains tax. I also welcome the increase in the thresholds for inheritance tax and capital acquisitions tax. One must remember that it was a Government of the parties which are now in opposition which introduced capital acquisitions tax. That Government did not introduce indexation to the thresholds and we found ourselves in a situation in which brothers and sisters inheriting the family home, which they share together, had to pay penal rates of tax.

We heard all that last week.

Unfortunately, I was not here last week.

They should have gone through all that when in power.

I told the Minister of my views on individualisation of the tax bands. Something like that had to happen to help those who are out at work earning reasonable wages but who are not wealthy. Unfortunately, today's changes do not rectify the situation totally—

Hear, hear.

—because mothers whose children are no longer at home are still working in the family home. That should be looked at. The Minister should clarify whether the individualisation of the tax bands applies to families who are not in the PAYE system because he will have huge difficulties assessing whether or not the wife is working in a family business?

It is a situation which has not come on the agenda yet. I congratulate the Minister on a hat-trick of excellent budgets. The way he is going I am sure he will have at least another hat-trick.

I am glad to see one backbencher supported the Minister.

Is it in order to share time with Senator Tom Hayes?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Is that agreed? Agreed.

It depends on what the Senator says.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Jacob. I am sorry the Minister for Finance, Deputy McCreevy, had to leave because the House enjoyed his witty dissertation, not to mention his fanciful flights.

That is an alliteration.

It is good that he has survived all the personal slings and arrows. It is appropriate that the previous occupant of the Minister's chair was the Minister of State, Deputy Ó Cuív, the harshest critic of the speech of last Wednesday. The Minister of State recognised that the discrimination against women in the home was a most undesirable anti-family aspect and in breach of Article 41 of the Constitution, which his grandfather had a hand in drafting. If the Government was to proceed along those lines the more honest and decent approach would have been to sponsor a constitutional amendment to let the people decide as they are sovereign. That, however, was before today's balancing measures, if that is the correct terminology.

The motion as worded is a naked claim for ownership of last Wednesday's budget and the Progressive Democrats obviously believed that the Minister for Finance was not for turning. I suppose that is the difficulty concerning consultation when a three party Government is in office and it is trying to get it right.

Explain the three.

What about the party jointly led by my fellow county man?

For a moment they thought they were back in Government.

The motion does not recognise the balancing measure announced today, which demonstrates the Government's consultation problem. These things can happen. They were playing it as they believed it was going to be.

What a surprise they got.

Yes, but hopefully they will enjoy it. Never before has so much been given in a budget that caused so much distress to so many. The £3,000 allowance for carer's in the home announced today will unfortunately lead to further division, particularly among women. What about all those women who have reared their families and to whom the measure will not be applicable? I am sure we will hear much more about that.

And those with no children because God did not bless them with children.

That is right. I am predicting it will lead to more division.

They are even heckling one another now.

Senator Coghlan should come over here.

We may have a further balancing measure next Wednesday. We do not know. This is a budget laden with missed opportunities, particularly for those on low pay and the elderly in this, the year of the elderly. It has not tackled the issue of low pay by taking a sufficient number of low paid workers out of the tax net. It only covered up to £109 per week but, given the state of the economy, it should have gone up to the minimum wage and looked after those just above that level proportionately. The budget threatened the stability which existed and which augured so well for a new national wage agreement. We are all very concerned about the points raised by Senator O'Toole who has now left the Chamber.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator is approaching half-time.

I did not realise that. It is due to all the interruptions.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I know. Some of them were fairly near you.

I know the time has slipped by, but what can we do?

We will have to get clarification.

The biggest disappointment of the budget concerns the elderly who have been very badly let down. They are the people who contributed so much to the society we enjoy today, not to mention the economy.

We gave them three times what Deputy De Rossa gave them in the rainbow Government. Any Kerryman can count to three.

Even Government Senators thought that this year, designated as the year of the elderly, the non-contributory pension—

Seven per cent.

—would reach £100, instead of a paltry £7 from £78.50.

It is an awful lot nearer to £100 than the Senator's party ever got.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Coghlan, I understand that you are sharing time with Senator Tom Hayes.

I am indeed and I would never rob Senator Hayes of anything.

I join with my colleagues in thanking the Minister for coming to the House for this debate which is both interesting and worthwhile. No matter what spin is put on it by commentators, the budget has been the biggest disaster the Government has every had to handle.

There is something for everyone.

It was so badly managed that it is an embarrassment not alone to everyone in the Fianna Fáil Party but also to the Independents who continually support the Government. Some of the problems came about because of the total secrecy that prevailed prior to the budget. We never had a budget that was surrounded by so much secrecy. The policy on budgets should change and it is time we discussed the budget beforehand.

So that Deputy Hogan can do the honourable thing again.

If we discuss a budget properly beforehand, as we have discussed it here today, we could see the shortcomings. In that way, the Minister for Finance would not be allowed to make such a mistake.

The Senator is filibustering.

Everybody realises that a huge mistake was made. Never before in the history of the State was there such financial buoyancy, yet what happened? The budget was a disaster.

They cannot do anything right.

We could go through many of the issues involved but not once was the country's major industry, agriculture, mentioned on the Government side of the House.

The farmers got £879 million.

Agriculture received only one meagre line in the budget speech last week despite the fact that pig producers are going to the wall.

Is the Senator saying that farmers do not pay taxes?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Dardis, you will have a right to speak too.

The reality is that agriculture is on its knees and we have a Government that does not care about it and does not listen to the people. Farmers in the Border regions and the pig producers across the country are going bankrupt.

Stick to the motion.

The budget failed to address that issue.

£879 million.

We should have looked after the elderly. It is useless to say that we did not do it in our time in office because the money was not there then. A financial bonanza was available for this budget which could have been used to look after the elderly, but the Government failed to do so. It is an embarrassment to any Government and Parliament to say that, at the end of an era when our economy was never going better, we failed to look after those who responsible for that economic success.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I would remind Members that we are trying to include as many contributions as possible, including the Labour group.

That is very charitable.

The budget has been described by the Opposition as one of the biggest disasters for the Government, but when one sees Fine Gael reduced to the level of exploiting women, as they did over the last week, they are the ones who ought to be ashamed of themselves.

The Senator should say what she thinks.

Last Wednesday, when Deputy Noonan replied to the budget the only thing he could find to talk about was the Fianna Fáil-PD Government forcing women out to work. What were we doing? Did we have a stick behind them to push them out to work?

The Fianna Fáil backbenchers were a disgrace last week.

How stupid does Fine Gael believe women are? Do they think a £6,000 differential, because we are individualising tax, will force any woman out to work? I ask Fine Gael Senators, how many women do they know who cannot work part-time to earn £5 or £6 an hour for 20 hours a week because it impacts on their family's tax situation? Fine Gael is trying to take away the £6,000 that was provided to them as an individual amount of money by this Government. They are the ones who ought to be ashamed of themselves and sickened by their behaviour, pitting women against each other.

Who forced the Minister to do a U-turn?

It certainly was not Fine Gael.

It was not Fine Gael Members.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Doyle has already spoken. I ask Senator Cox to address the motion.

This is the motion.

On a point of order—

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

With respect, the Senator has mainly lectured on—

What else is new? What I am doing differently from anybody else? Am I not entitled, as a Member of this House, to do what everybody else is doing? I am addressing the motion.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I would rather the Senator did not invite interruptions, which have, unfortunately, been slightly prevalent this evening.

Do you not like the tone of the conversation against the Fine Gael Party?

That is out of order.

(Interruptions).

I withdraw that remark. I apologise.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I think I have tried to be fair to everybody this evening.

Single people earning £17,000 will pay 22 per cent income tax. Who is complaining about that?

A couple who earn £34,000 between them will pay only 22 per cent tax. Where are we forcing anybody out to work? We are not forcing people but are recognising, as the Minister said, that society has changed. Women no longer have to be tied to the kitchen sink and are no longer expected to just produce baby after baby – if they are lucky enough to be blessed with children – and stay at home.

That is not what we are debating.

In the past week, people have spoken about parking children at 7 a.m. and picking them up in the dark.

That was not Fine Gael.

Those comments are disgraceful.

They are true.

Senator O'Toole was correct when he said we must have choice. We are entitled to choose to stay at home or go out to work. The remarks made by various groups over the past week about people who go out to work—

It was said by the backbenchers of the Senator's party.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Doyle must allow Senator Cox continue.

On a point of order, I beg the indulgence of the House to remind Members who came from the Dáil that they are now in the Upper House and that it is not customary to banter across the floor. I invite new Members to stop this bantering. They are not in a county council chamber but the Seanad.

Hear, hear.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I ask Senator Cox to continue, without interruption.

(Interruptions).

Is it a gentlemen's club?

Ladies are included.

The intention of last week's budget was to provide an opportunity for the partner – not necessarily the woman – who wanted to go to work to earn money which did not take away from the family income. In recognition of the extra costs sometimes incurred by double income families with two children, child benefit was increased to £42.50 per child per month for the first two children, and to £56 per month for the third and every subsequent child. In recognition of the contribution women make to the workforce, maternity benefit has been increased to a maximum level of £172.80 per week. That is what this Fianna Fáil and PD Government is doing for women. It is very sad to see women fighting each other because they have been exploited by people who have provided them with misinformation.

That is a terrible insult to women. They do not need anyone to exploit them.

That is what happened in the past week.

It is not.

It is what happened in the past week.

Women are capable of making up their own minds.

On Monday evening we saw women pitted against women on television.

We saw the most disgraceful behaviour by Fianna Fáil backbenchers.

If we choose to go to work, we are entitled to keep individualisation. It was one of the most radical moves made by any Government. It is a welcome move, in terms of real equality for both men and women. Equality means one has the opportunity to choose to stay at home and look after one's children or go out to work. It does not mean—

An equal opportunity.

Order, please.

Equality means it can be the man or the woman who goes out to work. We now have an equalisation policy in place. In recognition of those who choose to stay at home, the Minister announced today – and whether people call it a U-turn, I welcome it – a £3,000 allowance at the standard rate of tax for people who choose to stay at home and care for the old, the handicapped and their children. This Fianna Fáil and PD Government has a lot to be proud of. As the Minister said this evening, when people look back on this budget they will believe times have changed and realise this is when the country was set on the true road to equality, of which I am proud.

I understand Senator Ross wishes to share time with Senator Norris. Is that correct?

No, I wish to share with Senators Quinn and Norris.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Do I need to share time or are we going to continue, in which case they would have their own time?

We will review the situation at 8.15 p.m.

The combination, a Chathaoirligh, of your being in the Chair and my being in possession may restore calm to the House.

That is a reflection on the Leas-Chathaoirleach.

He was doing his job properly.

I am sure Senator Ross did not intend any reflection on any person in the Chair.

This was, as one of a series, an excellent and consistent budget. I congratulate the Minister for that. I have very little to argue with it, except the controversial measure to which we have all referred and with which Fianna Fáil backbenchers disagreed so very vociferously in the past few days. However, to restore some balance to this debate we should say there were other aspects of the budget which are part of the philosophy pursued by the Government and which are more than welcome. These have been welcomed, not just by the business community but by people on social welfare.

It is a fair comment to say this is an easy time to be Minister for Finance. However, the Minister, Deputy McCreevy, has steered this economy very responsibly and with a great deal of enterprise over the past three years. He has taken courageous decisions in the past and he has taken courageous decisions this time. It was not easy for him to reduce capital gains tax by 20 per cent two years ago. There were screams about it from our left-wing friends and others. In fact, the result was that we got more money for the taxpayer, rather than less.

Mr. Ryan

And house prices went through the roof and speculators made a fortune.

In addition, he has kept his promise to reduce income tax, both at the standard and higher rates, against an enormous amount of protest from heavy pressure groups. However, while the thrust of the budget was right, what he did wrong this time, in detail and principle, was to listen to the wrong people. This is the danger of what is happening in this country, particularly in financial matters. A democratic deficit is building up, which is dangerous to the nation and insulting to Members of this House.

It was no coincidence that the people who welcomed this budget – and they cannot get off this hook – were the so-called social partners, IBEC and ICTU. ICTU has backtracked because it has sensed the wind and has a rebellion in its ranks. However, IBEC welcomed this budget and went into paroxysms of glee about it because it saw in it its own policy of putting women into the workforce, come hell or high water, to fulfil a need. That need undoubtedly exists, but that policy was unacceptable because of how it reflected on women.

The Minister was wrong not to listen to his backbenchers. Do Members think it is a coincidence that while IBEC and ICTU were praising this budget from the gallery his backbenchers and the Independents were saying he could not wear it and they would not wear it? What happened here was a rebellion from people who do not happen to be represented by these particular monolithic but powerful groups. The women and the men who are left at home, although members of IBEC, are certainly not members of ICTU because they are not trade unionists. It was a fatal mistake, and it continues to be a fatal mistake, for this Government and previous Governments to bow the knee to these oligarchic groups.

Where is the Taoiseach tonight? The Taoiseach, having climbed down – and rightly climbed down – on this issue today, is out meeting the social partners to see what they think of individualisation. Why is he doing that? I do not give two hoots what they think about individualisation. What he ought to be doing is listening to Members in this House, Opposition and Government but particularly Government. Down the road lies more trouble for the Government if it takes orders from those who are unelected and unaccountable.

As I spoke on this last week I will not repeat my comments. It is wonderful to live in a democracy. Look at what happened today and this week. We are so lucky to live in a democracy. We are also fortunate to have a written Constitution. I read Archbishop Connell's words this week where he talked about the balance between the economy and the social aspect of our lives. Article 41.2.2º of the Constitution reads:

The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home.

We debated that today in the Irish Nationality and Citizenship Bill, 1999. Let us recognise the benefits we have and the success that this week has shown. Democracy has been in action today. I congratulate the Government for making that move today. I also congratulate the Minister for Finance for having the courage to come here tonight to face us and to talk about it.

I have a difficulty with both motions and I cannot wholeheartedly support either. I would have felt much happier supporting motion No. 16 tabled by Senator Ross and on which he spoke in his excellent contribution.

The Minister for Finance seems to me like a man who hangs a lump of rancid meat over his canoe in the Amazon and then is surprised that not only do the piranhas devour the whole thing but they try to take his arm off as well. I am amazed that people claim that money is being taken off them, that they are being deprived and penalised. Everyone is making something out of this budget.

What is happening is that there is – and I do not mean to be insulting to people – a level of begrudgery among some sections. People are looking over their shoulders not to see what they are getting but they are afraid someone else is getting more than they are. I commend them to the parable of the vineyard and the man who employed people at different times of the day yet paid everyone the same amount of money and raised the level of begrudgery. Perhaps there should have been more focus on the poor in the budget. There was a tactical error over this business that everyone has been talking about with regard to women in the home but by and large this is a good budget.

I am immensely grateful for the visionary aspect of the budget with regard to one aspect of individualism. Reference has not been paid to it. I am extremely grateful to this House and to the Minister for listening to this House with regard to the capital acquisitions tax and inheritance tax. This form of taxation militated disgracefully against people who are being evicted from their homes by the savagery of the application of an unjust law. I am not speaking of people who have a lot of money; I am speaking of people many of whom are poor and would have no real hope of building up another home. I thank the Minister for this. I wonder is it possible to record a type of abstention?

I can tell the Senator from experience that the answer is no.

If the House is agreeable I will call one more speaker from the Government side who, I understand, intends to share time with two others. I will then call Senator Ryan. Senators may share their time if they wish. Then I will call Senator Dardis to reply.

It was agreed that we would review the situation with the Leader.

I ask the Leader for his proposal.

I propose that the House conclude no later than 8.40 p.m.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I would like to share my time with Senators Leonard and Walsh.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I am thrilled this debate took place this evening. It has been the most exciting two hours since I came into this Chamber. I congratulate the Minister. He had fire in his personality here this evening. He took on his critics and he is winning all the way.

The Senator was not down on the plinth.

As someone who has thought so much about this and reflected on the issue of double incomes and about young people who want to get out to work, I am thrilled he has taken them on. A small percentage of people feel they have been badly treated. The Minister has admitted that he will now help those people. It is right that the small percentage of women or spouses who like to stay at home to mind their children should be represented.

We have had a great performance tonight. Next April this budget will be remembered when everyone will have extra money in their pockets. I have received numerous telephone calls from young married couples who want to earn money. That is the way they are. They are professionals. They want to be out working. Up to now they did not get the chance and this Minister has given them that chance. This is where we are starting from. I welcome all the opportunities for change that lie ahead and that were spoken about here tonight.

I join with Senator Ormonde in congratulating the Minister. He deserves the title Minister of the Millennium. He tried to be give too much to too many people. Never before has so much money been given away and never before have we had so much begrudgery. Senator Norris correctly used the word "begrudgery" but I would use the term "greed" because we are afraid that someone else will get more than us and we want to be better than the Jones's, not just to keep up with them.

What has happened over the past week is regrettable. It is a basic fact of life that women must go out to work. Two-third of women in the 25 to 34 age group are in the workplace. Of women aged 35 to 44 years three-fifths are in the workplace. I am not a mother but I resent the fact that my friends who are working mothers have been told in the past week that they neglect their children because they go out to work.

No one said that.

In the current economic circumstances people must go out to work. We all know about the traffic congestion and traffic problems. Not only do women have to work, they want to work. This budget gives those women their entitlement to equality because they can choose. We must remember that it has given women a choice. This budget does not force anyone out of the home because it costs so much more to go out to work and no one will gain much by the tax difference. I welcome the budget. Unfortunately we got bogged down in one particular aspect and we shied away from discussing its many benefits. Fair play to Deputy McCreevy who exercised restraint but did what the PAYE workers have long been calling for by giving due recognition to their contribution to society.

I concur fully with the remarks of Senator Quinn and I endorse them. We can take pride in the fact that we live in a democracy and we have seen a great democratic exercise over the past week.

An internal Fianna Fáil intimidation exercise.

(Interruptions).

Rather than being cynical, I welcome the fact that we have a Government which is sensitive and prepared to listen. That has not always been the case. In fairness to Deputy McCreevy, he is probably the most reforming Minister for Finance we have seen in many a day. He has displayed tremendous courage in many of the initiatives introduced, such as tax credits, which were discussed for years, bring equity into the tax system and particularly favouring the lower paid. As Senator Ross said, the change regarding capital gains tax was also criticised at the time but it has been a very important component in releasing land and assets and generating economic activity. It has also tended to improve the Exchequer take from that tax, whichhas more than doubled since the measures were introduced.

Apart from the £2 billion given back to taxpayers in the past three years, £1 billion has been put into social inclusion measures over the three budgets. The old age pension target is £100 per week and the pension has increased by £18 or 20 per cent in the past few years. I invite Senator Ryan to explain and compare that £18 to the 1995 decision of the rainbow Coalition to increase old age pensions by £1.80.

One aspect of the debate over the week has been regrettable, which is that those women who have decided, for whatever reason, for personal reasons, to work and pursue a career, have been pitted against those who stayed in the home. That is regrettable because each group is making a valuable contribution. People who work are adding to the growth in our economy and are needed in the labour force.

Individualisation has merit and was the issue that gave rise to the debate in the past week. Single earners on less than £14,000 were going on to the higher tax rate. This was totally unacceptable and criticised for many years. The Minister showed courage in changing it. Equally, people who were working, particularly working wives, were paying the 44 per cent or 46 per cent rate on the first pound they earned. I hope that the debate will now be more rational. I hope that the outcome will not be the strict individualisation that maybe was perceived in the budget but that there will be, for single earning married couples, some band between the single band and the double band, so that they will get some recognition for the extra cost that they incur.

I will share my time with Senator Ryan if that is acceptable to the House. The Minister said one thing with which I agree. He said that times have changed and that the economy has been transformed. He is absolutely right. I quote one figure and in doing so, I wish to quash, once and for all, these jibes coming across the House, these simplistic remarks of, "You did not do it when you were in power". In 1995, the budget surplus was around £15 million. The current budget surplus is over £4,500 million. That is the current budget surplus.

That is Fianna Fáil in power.

Hear, hear.

That is what this Government has to spend.

(Interruptions).

In spending that, the Government has made particular choices, some of which, as we know, have been very controversial. The Minister was extremely entertaining in his stream of consciousness remarks. He was particularly entertaining in his Fianna Fáil conversion to the notion of equality between men and women in the workforce and his attempts to persuade us that this was the prime intention behind the individualisation provisions in this budget. We know this not to be true and I will very quickly prove it .

How can one prove that?

If the intention was equality between men and women in the workforce, to allow married women and, and in particular, mothers to participate, why was it not then matched by adequate child care provisions? Why was it not then matched by the provisions which have been asked for by the Childcare 2000 group?

£45 million over the next few years.

Why was it not matched by child care initiatives? Simply because these provisions were designed to encourage women who are currently not in the workforce into the workforce. They are driven purely by labour market demands, not by any notions of equality, purely by the demands of the labour market.

The Senator is out of touch.

It is regrettable—

It is regrettable.

—that this is being done at the expense of women who have chosen to stay at home or families who have chosen to care for their children by having only one spouse in the workforce. This time last week, I spoke to a good friend of mine who is a mother of six children, a farmer's wife, a full-time mother in the home and one of the busiest people I know. I asked her, as one would about the national budget, what she made of all of this. Her reply was,"There we are again, second class citizens. What else would we expect?"

Will the Senator correct her and tell her how wrong she is?

That comment was not dictated to her by any interest group or any expert, it was simply her own conclusion drawn from the facts of the budget, which she heard that afternoon, indicating that the married two earners, as the Minister calls them, do better than the married single earners. This is very simple – to do better out of the tax code, go to work.

It is a great regret to me that the child care policies as presented by Childcare 2000 were not taken up. In 1985, when I started paying for child care expenses I was then a journalist, writing about the need for a child care policy. The people about whom I was reporting were simply voices in the wilderness. It appears they still are.

Mr. Ryan

It would appear that many people in the House are anxious to hear what I have to say.

Not really, but the Senator should go on.

Mr. Ryan

The Minister, Deputy McCreevy, who is not with us, has many things in common with the Progressive Democrats. Effectively, he is a closet member. One of the things they have in common is that he and they are individually very likeable people. The only trouble is that they are wrong about practically everything.

In the Senator's opinion.

A bit like the Senator – very nice but fundamentally wrong.

Mr. Ryan

On individualisation, which seems to be a matter of concern to everybody from the Minister for Finance down, there is nothing wrong with it in principle but one should start from the bottom by giving couples a decent exemption from tax. This Government ducked it – £110 a week is the income above which one begins to pay tax. They ought to be ashamed of themselves. The party which I came from, which stood for people on low incomes, abandoned people on low incomes and gave loads to the likes of me, who do not need it and are not in the least bit grateful to Fianna Fáil for getting it. They should be ashamed of themselves.

On the rights of women, I and some of the Members, struggled for years on end in this House in the 1980s, as that party over there opposed every piece of progressive legislation designed to improve the lot of women in Irish society.

(Interruptions).

Mr. Ryan

We were here until 4 o'clock in the morning on the most innocuous Bills because that bunch of reactionaries over there could not tolerate reality. They are late converts, poor converts and patronising converts, and very limited at that.

Better late than never.

Mr. Ryan

The real disaster of the budget are the so-called social inclusion measures. There will be no rebellion from those affected because they are too old, too sick, too tired and they are sleeping on the streets. What did the Government give these people? These champions of women's rights gave a widow with children an extra £4 per week in this time of affluence. The Government talks about £4 and £7 increases, which is the change its members would get from a round of drinks which they would probably forget to collect after a couple of pints.

It is an improvement on £1.80.

Mr. Ryan

The Government boasts about the scale of this donation to the poor. This was a year for the grand gesture – £20 a week would make a difference to people's lives at the end of five years of affluence. However, the Government wanted to reward its rich friends, so it dumped the poor. The real issue about women, men, families and work is not about income – it is about family-friendly work. It is the belief that we have to conform to work when, in fact, work should conform to us. The economy serves society but the Government believes that we serve the economy. That is why I am a socialist.

I call Senator Keogh who has three minutes, after which I will call Senator Dardis to reply.

A Chathaoirligh, other Senators on this side also wish to speak.

The order of the House was, and the House agreed, that the debate would conclude at 8.40 p.m. The proposer of the motion has five minutes to reply so I must call him at 8.35 p.m.

A Chathaoirligh, I suggest that I share my time with Senator Keogh, she would be asked to speak first and I would use up the residual time.

Is that agreed? Agreed. In that case I call Senator Taylor-Quinn.

I thank Senator Dardis for his generosity. I am amazed that the Senator would table this motion given that the mini-budget had been announced. For the first time in history a mini-budget has been announced by the Minster for Finance without first being announced in the Dáil. This is an unprecedented act which is contrary to parliamentary democracy and for which the Government and Fianna Fáil in particular must be condemned.

The House will be asked to endorse it in the Finance Bill.

Are we going to have another mini-budget next week? We have heard the Minister for Finance and other Ministers firmly defend the budget. However, contrary to what he said in this House, the Minister stated that the motivation behind the budget's taxation policy was geared towards bringing women back into the workforce. It was not done for any high-minded ideas. What is now important is one's value as part of GDP. Our social value system in now valued in economic terms and one's true value is one's contribution to GDP.

Does this mean that the Senator no longer wishes to be a Member of the House?

The Government's eye was off the ball and it was so consumed with the importance of having so many billions of pounds of budget surplus that it forgot the realities on the ground. Contrary to normal Fianna Fáil cute- hoorism, it forgot the realities. When Deputy Noonan put it on the record of the Dáil last week, the Government realised that it had made a major faux pas. The social partners immediately copped on, followed by the Government's backbenchers. It is interesting that none of the Government Senators who came to the Minister's defence in the House during this debate, were on the plinth outside the House doing so over the past few days. Instead, the Taoiseach arranged that a number of Government backbench Deputies criticised the Minister.

Rubbish.

The Taoiseach had another agenda and the Leader knows it well. The budget is anti-children. Children did not matter in the budget and, contrary to Senator Cox's comments, it provided no incentives towards children

£42 per month.

The taxation measures included no special allowances for parents who must go to work and who have to employ people to take care of their children. This budget is anti-children—

Rubbish.

It gives over £100 per week.

It is a total fiasco. The Government is not sure where it stands and for once I congratulate the Minister—

The House agreed to allow Senator Keogh the share time with Senator Dardis. I call Senator Keogh.

A Chathaoirligh, I ask to be allowed to speak as I will take literally one minute.

We will allow the Senator one minute.

Last week the Minister snatched defeat from the jaws of victory. Today he is trying to get back into the winners' enclosure after the stewards' inquiry.

The Minister always liked an each way bet.

The invisible woman excluded from the live register has been excluded again. My colleague's comments about Deputy Noonan being capable of pitting women against each other are ludicrous and a terrible insult to women's intelligence. We are well able to pit ourselves and we do not need any encouragement.

God love the Deputy, he is such a sensitive man.

We would not have had such a rancorous debate if the Minister had given a performance last week similar to that he gave in the House tonight. He explained the budget in a much better way and I congratulate him. I have no problem with the £3,000 allowance announced today which is tremendous and a recognition of women in the home. However, I will not be lectured to. I have always worked outside the home and for much of that time I was raising two children. I am one of the women who worked for women's rights all through my adult life and I especially welcome the individualisation provisions. Many female Senators know that women who worked outside the home saw their pay cheques gutted and wondered why they were killing themselves and putting themselves through such trouble.

I do not disagree.

We now have genuine recognition. I do not care whether it is late but this is the only recognition we have had. As a woman I had to go through the indignity of having my father or my husband act as guarantor for a bank loan. Those are the Dark Ages from which we are emerging but to which some would have us return. I am not having that.

Like the alleged faux pas the Minister is reputed to have made, I fear that I too have made a faux pas in allowing Senator Taylor-Quinn speak.

I understand why.

Senator Dardis should have known better.

We have had a very good debate in the House. It is important that we discuss the issues of the day and this motion achieved that in no uncertain terms. It is part of our democracy that these issues should be debated in the House when they are being debated in every other forum in the country. This House is the appropriate place to debate those issues and, thankfully, in almost all cases the contributions were balanced, well made and we had none of the emotional language which has clouded this debate in the last week. That is to be welcomed and is something for which the House should take credit. It belies the allegation made yesterday that the Seanad is a political eunuch.

That would only apply to male Senators.

As I said on yesterday's Order of Business, we have not established the gender of the Seanad. It is relevant and appropriate that these issues are debated. The budget was good and it should be applauded in every respect. I congratulate the Minister on his contribution and the fact that he came to the Seanad to make his case despite what must have been an unbelievably intense schedule.

Hear, hear.

A Member from the other side of the House said we are not sympathetic to the plight of people. That is offensive. There is not one Member in this House who is not conscious of their obligations to society nor any Government member who would not take those obligations seriously. I reject that proposition. Rights were mentioned. The fact is that without a bob in one's pocket, rights do not mean a great deal.

Not a fiddler's flute.

Senator Quill discovered that in Fianna Fáil.

I earn an income while my wife stays at home. My family is £600 better off than it was last week. There is some validity in the point that people consider it unfair if someone's good fortune is greater than theirs. We need to look at the view held by some in society that it is somehow objectionable if I gain but somebody else gains more.

What about the residential property tax? That was the same principle.

I am not anticipating the outcome of that debate. The Minister put his finger on it when he mentioned how far society has come. We hope it will advance in future budgets introduced by this Government.

Amendment put.

Burke, Paddy.Caffrey, Ernie.Coghlan, Paul.Connor, John.Coogan, Fintan.Cosgrave, Liam T.Doyle, Joe.Hayes, Tom.

Henry, Mary.Jackman, Mary.McDonagh, Jarlath.O'Meara, Kathleen.O'Toole, Joe.Ridge, Thérèse.Ryan, Brendan. Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.

Níl

Bonner, Enda.Callanan, Peter.Cassidy, Donie.Chambers, Frank.Cox, Margaret.Cregan, JohnDardis, John.Farrell, Willie.Fitzgerald, Liam.Fitzgerald, Tom.Fitzpatrick, Dermot.Gibbons, Jim.Glynn, Camillus.Keogh, Helen.Kett, Tony.Kiely, Daniel.

Kiely, Rory.Lanigan, Mick.Leonard, Ann.Lydon, Don.Mooney, Paschal.Moylan, Pat.Norris, David.O'Brien, Francis.O'Donovan, Denis.Ó Murchú, Labhrás.Ormonde, Ann.Quill, Máirín.Quinn, Feargal.Ross, Shane.Walsh, Jim.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Burke and Ridge; Níl, Senators T. Fitzgerald and Keogh.
Amendment declared lost.

Is amendment No. 2 being pressed?

Yes. I move amendment No. 2:

To delete all words before and after "Recognising" and substitute the following:

"(a)that the Government's tax policy fails to address the needs of those on low and middle incomes, given the financial resources available to the Government;

(b)that while the incomes of the top 30 per cent will increase by around 4 per cent the incomes of the bottom 10 per cent will increase by just 0.7 per cent;

(c)that it severely penalises families where one parent opts to work in the home;

(d)that it has angered the trade union movement and other social partners and seriously damaged the prospect of negotiating a successor to Partnership 2000;

(e)that it is contrary to the strategy recommended by the NESC;

(f)that the Minister for Finance has totally misjudged the mood of the country, the Oireachtas and his own party;

Seanad Éireann calls on the Government to withdraw this tax policy for radical redrafting.".

Mr. Ryan

I second the amendment.

Amendment put.

Burke, Paddy.Caffrey, Ernie.Coghlan, Paul.Connor, John.Coogan, Fintan.Cosgrave, Liam T.Doyle, Avril.Hayes, Tom.

Henry, Mary.Jackman, Mary.McDonagh, Jarlath.O'Meara, Kathleen.O'Toole, Joe.Ridge, Thérèse.Ryan, Brendan.Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.

Níl

Bonner, Enda.Callanan, Peter.Cassidy, Donie.Chambers, Frank.Cox, Margaret.Cregan, JohnDardis, John.Farrell, Willie.Fitzgerald, Liam.Fitzgerald, Tom.Fitzpatrick, Dermot.Gibbons, Jim.Glynn, Camillus.Keogh, Helen.Kett, Tony.Kiely, Daniel.

Kiely, Rory.Lanigan, Mick.Leonard, Ann.Lydon, Don.Mooney, Paschal.Moylan, Pat.Norris, David.O'Brien, Francis.O'Donovan, Denis.Ó Murchú, Labhrás.Ormonde, Ann.Quill, Máirín.Quinn, Feargal.Ross, Shane.Walsh, Jim.

Tellers: Tá, Senators O'Meara and Ryan; Níl, Senators T. Fitzgerald and Keogh.
Amendment declared lost.
Question put: "That the motion be agreed to."

Bonner, Enda.Callanan, Peter.Cassidy, Donie.Chambers, Frank.Cox, Margaret.Cregan, JohnDardis, John.Farrell, Willie.Fitzgerald, Liam.Fitzgerald, Tom.Fitzpatrick, Dermot.Gibbons, Jim.Glynn, Camillus.Henry, Mary.Keogh, Helen.Kett, Tony.

Kiely, Daniel.Kiely, Rory.Lanigan, Mick.Leonard, Ann.Lydon, Don.Mooney, Paschal.Moylan, Pat.Norris, David.O'Brien, Francis.O'Donovan, Denis.Ó Murchú, Labhrás.Ormonde, Ann.Quill, Máirín.Quinn, Feargal.Walsh, Jim.

Níl

Burke, Paddy.Caffrey, Ernie.Coghlan, Paul.Connor, John.Coogan, Fintan.Cosgrave, Liam T.Doyle, Joe.Hayes, Tom.

Jackman, Mary.McDonagh, Jarlath.O'Meara, Kathleen.O'Toole, Joe.Ridge, Thérèse.Ross, Shane.Ryan, Brendan.Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.

Tellers: Tá, Senators T. Fitzgerald and Keogh; Níl, Senators Burke and Ridge.
Question declared carried.

When is it proposed to sit again?

At 10.30 tomorrow morning.

Barr
Roinn