When I appeared before the joint committee three weeks ago I addressed the White Paper and I believe we will have an opportunity to address that again later this afternoon. This meeting, in the context of the select committee's consideration of the Estimates for foreign affairs and for international co-operation, provides an opportunity to focus on specific issues which will arise in 1996.
As you are aware the Vote for Foreign Affairs accounts for less than 0.5 per cent of total Government expenditure. Some 96 per cent of the Vote relates to the administrative costs of the Department. In 1996 such costs will amount to £55.061 million, of which £8.1 million has been provided for costs associated with the Presidency of the EU. A further £0.6 million is provided under subhead D for press and information services arising from the Presidency.
The full set-up and annual running costs of the three missions opened last year in Malaysia, the Czech Republic and Hungary are provided in this year's Estimate. The Government recently announced its decision to open an embassy in Israel. The set up costs for this mission will be covered in the 1997 Estimates.
Other services provided under the Foreign Affairs Vote include provisions for the support of Irish citizens abroad, North-South and Anglo-Irish co-operation and the activities of the cultural relations committee. The Estimate also contains a new subhead F3 which arises from the EU Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland. My Department has responsibility for two measures under the cross-Border subprogramme. Modest increases have been provided in the allocation for the cultural relations committee and for the support of Irish immigrant groups. In relation to the latter I am pleased to announce that it will be possible this year to provide support for the work of Irish welfare groups in Australia along the lines of that already provided to such groups in the United States. The committee on this occasion is also considering a request for a Supplementary Estimate of £500,000 to fund costs associated with the Northern Ireland talks.
The resources devoted to the foreign relations of the State are relatively modest. In the White Paper I have set out the approach of the Government to the future development of the foreign service. The foreign service must be adequately resourced to fulfil its responsibilities and the resources allocated to it must be used to best effect. The most important resource is the staff of the Department. Their commitment will be an important element in the effectiveness of our response to the main challenges which we will face in 1996 — the EU Presidency and the Northern Ireland peace process.
The Irish Presidency of the European Union begins on 1 July. During our Presidency, Ireland will be required to play its part in advancing the European agenda. Irish Ministers will chair approximately 40 Council meetings. Officials will be required to chair over 2,000 working group meetings. All our diplomatic missions abroad will be involved, representing not just Ireland's but also the Union's interests in their countries of accreditation. While there is an extra burden on the Department of Foreign Affairs the tasks of the Presidency are not confined to one Department. Other Departments will have an important role to play during the Presidency.
The Presidency on this occasion coincides with the Intergovernmental Conference, which Ireland will chair. It has been said that the Presidency and the Intergovernmental Conference may be amongst the most demanding and complex international assignments to have faced an Irish Government. While most of the Union's business is conducted in Brussels, Luxembourg or Strasbourg, there are a range of meetings that take place in the Presidency host country. In excess of 100 meetings, at all levels, will take place in Ireland in the period from July to December, including seven informal Council meetings. These all lead up to the main focus of the Presidency, the European Council, which will be held in Dublin on 13 to 14 December.
The agenda for any Presidency reflects the concerns and preoccupations of the Union and of the member states at a given time. The major issues which we will face during our six month term will include the furthering Union action in the area of employment; advancing the fight against illegal drugs; working for a smooth transition to European Monetary Union, and consolidating the advances achieved by the Single Market.
The entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty on 1 November 1993 established the common foreign and security policy as the framework for co-operation among EU member states on foreign policy issues. This has added additional responsibilities to the Presidency. While the priorities of Ireland's Presidency with regard to foreign policy may evolve in response to international developments, issues which have been the focus of intensive EU action in recent years are expected to continue to dominate the agenda. These include the former Yugoslavia, central and eastern Europe, the Middle East peace process and Africa.
During Ireland's term of office, the EU's efforts in relation to the former Yugoslavia will be directed, in co-operation with the States and international bodies involved, at ensuring the full implementation by the parties of the general framework agreement for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the basic agreement for Eastern Slavonia. Priority issues will include reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the holding of free and fair elections, creating conditions for the return of refugees and displaced persons and ensuring full respect for human and minority rights.
Ireland is making a significant practical contribution to efforts to consolidate peace on the ground, in particular through the participation of Irish personnel in the OSCE and European Community Monitor Mission and in the UN civilian police operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in Eastern Slavonia in Croatia. To date, we have donated or pledged some £7.8 million to the humanitarian and rehabilitation effort in former Yugoslavia.
The EU has sought to assist the process of reform in the Baltic States and in the countries of central and eastern Europe, including Russia, in particular through the Europe agreements and the partnership and co-operation agreements negotiated with these countries. In addition to promoting reform by means of political dialogue and through technical assistance, the EU will be implementing an action plan, which will give concrete effect to the EU's strategy towards Russia, agreed by the General Affairs Council in November 1995.
The forthcoming Russian presidential election is a further important step in the process of democratic reform in Russia. Ireland, in common with our EU partners, will send observers to the elections. The Irish mission will consist of six persons, including three Members of the Oireachtas and a long-term observer who will be there for the duration of the election campaign.
The situation in Chechnya continues to be of serious concern. Ireland will be devoting its Presidency efforts towards promoting a negotiated settlement of the conflict in Chechnya, under the auspices of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
The OSCE's responsibility for implementing the Dayton agreements in Bosnia and its involvement in seeking peaceful solutions to conflicts such as those in Chechnya and Nagorno-Karabakh illustrates the importance of its role in addressing the problems and tensions facing Central and Eastern Europe. We have supported the development of a central role for the OSCE in pan European security arrangements. Ireland attaches great importance to the OSCE's broad concept of security which encompasses the promotion of the human dimension, security and economic development.
Ireland's expenditure on OSCE consists mainly of contributions to the OSCE institutions and to the costs of OSCE missions and activities. In addition, certain miscellaneous payments may arise relating to Ireland's participation in OSCE missions. All OSCE costs are paid by the participating states according to an agreed scale. In 1995 Ireland contributed £152,000 to the OSCE and £200,000 has been allocated for this purpose in the 1996 Estimates. A Summit of OSCE heads of state or government takes place every two years and the next one will be in Lisbon next December, during our Presidency of the EU.
The Middle East peace process is a major focus of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union and the EU has played a central role in assisting this process through its aid to the Palestinian Authority — ECU500 million between 1994 to 1998 — and its contribution to the organisation of the recent Palestinian elections. In our Presidency we will actively seek to support and consolidate the peace process, in co-ordination with our EU partners, the regional parties and the co-sponsors of the process.
A number of key elements will shape our work on the Middle East during the Presidency. These will include the outcome of the Israeli elections, the implementation of the interim agreement, the final status negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians which commenced on 5 May, the consolidation of the ceasefire in southern Lebanon and developments in the Palestinian and Syrian tracks of the Middle East peace process. As holders of the Presidency Ireland will lead the EU delegation at the Middle East and North Africa Economic Summit, scheduled for November. The Irish Presidency will continue to develop the EU's policy of supporting the bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Israel and Syria and Israel and Lebanon.
Africa will also be a priority issue for the Irish Presidency, reflecting the importance which has traditionally been attached by Ireland to issues relating to that continent. In view of Ireland's commitment to international conflict prevention and peacekeeping, the Irish Presidency will seek to advance dialogue between the EU and the Organisation of African Unity. Enabling African states to resolve conflicts within such a framework affords us the optimum peaceful means of promoting political and economic stability.
The Government is committed to ensuring that the situation in the countries of the Great Lakes region and its enormous refugee population will be awarded continuing priority. To that end, we will support the efforts of the EU special envoy to the Great Lakes region, Mr. Aldo Ajello, with whom I had consultations during his recent visit to Dublin.
The substantive dialogue between the EU and the Southern African Development Community will be further enhanced. A meeting between the member states of the two organisations will be held at ministerial level in early October. In the light of the rapid strides which have been made in recent years in SADC countries such as South Africa, Angola and Mozambique, we see this region as vital in terms of the development of a new and positive dynamic on the continent as a whole.
The international community will have to address the financial crisis facing the United Nations, primarily as a result of the failure of many member states to pay their assessed contributions in full and on time. This situation threatens the organisation's ability to carry out its mandated activities, particularly in the areas of peace-keeping and human rights monitoring. During our Presidency, Ireland will work with our partners to find a long-term solution to the financial situation of the UN.
A key issue is reform of the UN itself, which Ireland recognises as essential to ensuring the organisation can effectively and competently meet the challenges which the international community will face in the coming decades. Reforms of the various organs and subsidiary bodies of the UN will be crucial to this goal. Consideration must also be given to a reassessment of such overarching concepts as peace-keeping, peace-making and preventative diplomacy to ensure that the UN performs its primary function as stated in the UN Charter — to maintain international peace and security. This latter aim is related to the need to reform the UN's development programmes and policies. Effective reform in the area of development promises should serve to increase stability in international affairs and to alleviate the plight of many millions of people who currently endure gross material deprivation.
Other external relations issues that will demand close attention for Ireland during its Presidency include the strengthening of relations between the European Union and North America through continuing the transatlantic dialogue, the continuing development of relations with the Mediterranean countries and preparation for the WTO ministerial meeting in Singapore next December. The process of preparation for the enlargement of the European Union to include the countries of central and eastern Europe, Cyprus and Malta will continue to remain of the highest priority for the EU during Ireland's Presidency.
The Presidency should be put in context. Ireland has benefited greatly from membership of the European Union which has accelerated economic development and facilitated and encouraged Irish industry in its moves to diversify into highly competitive markets. The importance of access to the internal market in attracting foreign companies to invest in Ireland has been equally important. The presence of foreign companies, attracted in the first instance by a combination of factors, including access to the internal market, has generated increased business for many of our indigenous companies.
Structural and Cohesion Funds have contributed significantly to the development of the Irish economy. Ireland has received transfers of nearly £18 billion from Europe since 1973. The benefits of this investment are visible to all in terms of improved infrastructure, better educational opportunities and increased employment opportunities. Ireland has managed to narrow the gap between our economic indicators and those of other member states. GDP per capita in Ireland is now fast approaching 90 per cent of the European average.
Membership of the EU has allowed Ireland to play a greater role on the world stage than would otherwise have been the case. While a Presidency is a prestige event for any member state, it is also an opportunity for it to show its commitment to the EU. The European Union is not owned by any of its 15 member states; rather it is something in which all of us have a part to play and which carries obligations as well as rights. The efficient management of the Presidency will provide an opportunity to demonstrate our commitment to the EU and our willingness to shoulder the responsibilities and obligations of membership.
The International Co-operation Vote enables Ireland to fulfil its mandatory and voluntary international obligations. It includes our contributions to the UN and to important international bodies such as the OSCE, the Council of Europe, the OECD and the WTO. It also enables Ireland to fulfil its obligations to the developing world. In 1996 the total aid budget will amount to £106 million which will represent almost 0.3 per cent of GNP, the highest level ever achieved by an Irish Government. The Minister of State, Deputy Burton, will address detailed aspects of the Vote for International Co-operation when she meets with the committee tomorrow morning.
The cornerstone of Irish aid policy will continue to be long-term development with the focus on poverty reduction and addressing basic needs in existing priority countries in sub-Saharan Africa and the new priority country, Mozambique. At the same time a new focus on improving the response to humanitarian crises is being developed. A humanitarian liaison group and a rapid response register are being established to channel the expertise which is available to assist with humanitarian emergencies.
The allocation for our voluntary contributions to UN development agencies has been increased and will allow us to support efforts to make these agencies more responsive to the real needs of developing countries. The White Paper on Foreign Policy confirmed the Government's intention to continue with significant increases in ODA in the years ahead so as to put Ireland's performance on a par with that of our EU partners with the ultimate aim of meeting the UN target of 0.7 per cent of GNP.
I welcome this opportunity to place before the committee the request for a Supplementary Estimate to cover my Department's involvement in the all-party talks on Northern Ireland. A major priority for the Government as a whole, and for me and my Department, is to do our utmost to work for the success of the Northern Ireland negotiations which are to begin on 10 June. We want to ensure these negotiations will be real and meaningful and will seriously confront and resolve the many fundamental issues at stake. The purpose of the negotiations is nothing less than to achieve a new beginning for relationships within Northern Ireland, within the island of Ireland and between the peoples of these islands, and to agree new institutions and structures to take account of the totality of relationships.
The two Governments reiterate in the ground rules paper our intention that the outcome of negotiations will be submitted for public approval by referendums in Ireland — North and South — before being submitted to their respective parliaments for ratification and the earliest possible implementation.
All of us participating in the negotiations must, therefore, seek to reach agreement on an overall set of structures and balanced constitutional change, capable of winning democratic endorsement in both parts of Ireland. This is the ultimate guarantee that what is negotiated must represent a balanced, fair and reasonable compromise settlement of which we all, irrespective of tradition, aspiration and identity, can feel a sense of ownership.
The fundamental principles which must govern a new settlement have been set out many times by both Governments. It is my firm belief that only an agreement founded on the bedrock of consent, non-violence, parity of esteem and equality of treatment will win the support of both traditions in Ireland and of both communities in Northern Ireland. Taken together, these principles offer to both communities the basic reassurance they require that their rights and interests will be of decisive weight in shaping an accord.
The two Governments have mapped out the route to substantive all-party negotiations. The ground rules state that:
The negotiations will, . . . in a full and comprehensive fashion, address and seek to reach agreement on relationships and arrangements within Northern Ireland, including the relationship between any new institutions there and the Westminster Parliament; within the whole island of Ireland; and between the two Governments, including their relationship with any new institutions in Northern Ireland.
It is envisaged that a comprehensive agenda will be adopted at the opening session of the negotiations, and that this should reflect impartially all the key concerns of the participants.
The ground rules make clear that no outcome is either predetermined or excluded in advance. They also state that:
Any participant in the strand in question will be free to raise any aspect of the three relationships, including constitutional issues and any other matter which it considers relevant.
I am sure all parties will wish to advance their own analysis of the situation and argue the case for their own preferred outcome.
The ground rules indicate, however, that it is common ground that any agreement, if it is to command widespread support, will need to give adequate expression to the totality of all three relationships. The paper recalls that the two Governments, for their part, have described a shared understanding of the parameters of a possible outcome of the negotiations in A New Framework for Agreement. We expect and intend that this key intergovernmental document will be on the table and fully considered in the negotiations.
Before the negotiations begin, some key issues remain to be decided, including the chairpersonship of strand two. The two Governments are consulting with one another and with the parties with a view to reaching agreement on a suitable candidate. It is clearly important that the person chosen should have the necessary expertise, qualifications and authority for what will be a very challenging task.
There is widespread agreement on the need for clarity on how the decommissioning question will be handled in the course of negotiations. Mr. David Trimble recently said that to leave this matter unresolved before 10 June "would be a recipe for confusion and disaster". It was to ensure that decommissioning could not become a source of further paralysis that I have proposed that the question be processed through some mechanism, or stream, proceeding in parallel with the political negotiations and periodically reporting to them. This would enable the decommissioning question, which is for a number of reasons, of a distinctly different character from the political issues which will be at the heart of the negotiations, to be advanced in a businesslike and efficient way. At the end of the negotiations, when the participants come to judgment on the overall package before them, they would factor in the progress made on decommissioning. This approach would in no way cut across the obligation placed on all participants in the negotiations to make clear at the beginning of the discussions their total and absolute commitment to the Mitchell principles of democracy and non-violence, including total and verifiable decommissioning. We are in continuing discussion about this question with the British Government and the parties.
The position regarding Sinn Fein has been reiterated in the House and elsewhere on countless occasions. The ground rules repeat the hope of both Governments that all political parties with an electoral mandate will be able to participate in all-party negotiations. It is obvious that the prospects of success in the negotiations would be greatly enhanced by the presence of Sinn Féin. What we seek is a truly inclusive agreement, to the achievement of which all would contribute. However, both Governments have also made abundantly clear that the resumption of ministerial dialogue with Sinn Féin, and their participation in negotiations, require the unequivocal restoration of the ceasefire of August 1994.
If the IRA fails to take the decision to restore the ceasefire and allow Sinn Féin to participate in the negotiations, it will mean that the republican viewpoint will not be represented in the comprehensive round table negotiations for which Sinn Féin has been calling since August 1994. This would plainly contradict the logic of Sinn Féin's own political analysis. The single step of an unequivocal restoration of the ceasefire would permit the entry of Sinn Féin to negotiations without further preconditions. The Taoiseach and I have publicly sought to address, in a comprehensive and detailed fashion, all the issues on which republicans might reasonably look for clarification. We have made clear our determination to ensure that the negotiations will be serious and meaningful and our conviction that the conditions are now right for such negotiations. It is important that all others with a central role to play equally make clear their genuine commitment to the success of the negotiations, irrespective of the very many difficult questions,including decommissioning, which will arise in them.
In our determination to do all we can to ensure that the negotiations will be completely inclusive, we have been equally emphatic that the Government's enduring commitment to the core values of consent and non-violence, which are embraced by all the parties in Dáil Éireann, can never be put in question. We fully recognise that the negotiations will not succeed without the constructive engagement of the Unionist community and its political leadership. Just as a settlement cannot follow an exclusively Unionist agenda, nor can it be determined by an exclusively Nationalist one. Our concept of inclusiveness embraces the full range of opinion within both communities and for that reason we want to see all the major Unionist and loyalist parties playing a full part in the negotiations.
