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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 26 Mar 1925

Vol. 10 No. 18

LAND BOND BILL, 1925—SECOND STAGE.

The purpose of this Bill, as I stated on the First Reading, is mainly to enable us to avail of the proffered guarantee by the British Government of the bonds to be issued under the Land Bill of 1923. I do not know whether it is necessary to dilate on the advantages of having these bonds guaranteed. There will be an issue of something like £30,000,000 of Land Bonds bearing a rate of interest of 4½ per cent. Those bonds will be in process of issue over a number of years. If we were not to have this guarantee and the bonds were to be backed solely by the credit of this State, I have no doubt that in the circumstances they would sink to a very considerable discount. The result of one particular issue of ours sinking to a considerable discount would be that our National Loan would be dragged down, and would stand at a price very much below the price at which it stands at present. The price at which the National Loan might stand at any particular moment is regulated almost automatically by the issue price of any further National Loan. So that I have no doubt at all that failure to avail of this British guarantee would result in our paying considerably increased sums in interest for any borrowings that we may have to make. No point of principle is involved; it simply puts the fag-end of land purchase on the same plane as the main portion. We undertake no responsibility in connection with the matter to which there can be any objection. We undertake to make this a charge on the Central Fund, giving priority over any other charges that did not previously exist to the repayment of any sum that may have to be paid out of the British Exchequer.

The history of this particular matter dates back to before the establishment of this State. When the Act of 1920 was being passed, certain pledges were given by the British Government with regard to land purchase. Ever since that time they have in various forms undertaken that they would guarantee or assist any issue of bonds that might be necessary for the completion of land purchase. It is, I suppose, certain that the British Government's interest in doing that was the interest of the landlords who are being bought out. There is no doubt that the guarantee will be of great advantage to those whose lands have been bought under the Act of 1923. It will mean that their bonds can be put on the market and can raise a price considerably greater than any price they could get without this guarantee. But it means that not merely the landlords will benefit, but other people who had charges on lands and who would be paid off, not in cash, but in bonds, will be able to get on the market by sale substantial sums which they would not get if there were no British guarantee. There will be a benefit on our own borrowings. I might say that bonds issued to the extent of £30,000,000 without any British guarantee would be very largely confined to the Irish stock market, or would tend to come into the Irish market to a very large degree, and would lead to the absorption of loose capital available for investment to an extent that might have a very deleterious effect on industrial development here. You would have stock without a Government guarantee getting a fair rate of interest, having regard to the discount at which the bonds would be sold. Money available for investment would tend more and more to go into this stock, and would not be available for industrial activity of various kinds.

The Bill before the Dáil provides specifically that payment of principal and interest shall be made in British currency. Deputies will see at once that that is an arrangement which must of necessity exist if the British Government are to guarantee the bonds. I have little doubt that very long before the eighty years over which these bonds will be in process of redemption we will have a national currency, but it would be impossible for any guarantee to be given in terms of a currency that does not exist. When we come to have a Free State pound, or dollar or franc, or whatever we might decide on having, the value of the pound that we adopt might be considerably less or greater than that of the British pound. At any rate it might be different at times from the British pound. It would mean then if it were not specifically laid down that these bonds were issued and were repayable in terms of British currency the British guarantee might easily be a snare and a delusion for people who buy bonds. One of the values of it is that people know exactly what they are to get in interest, and they will be able to realise according to the interest that they will get.

There are various minor points in the Bill which I do not think I need deal with at the present stage. We have made specific arrangements for redeeming the entire bond issue within a period of eighty years, and certain small adjustments are being made in regard to interest and Sinking Fund. They are minor matters. The main provision in the Bill is that which enables us to take advantage of the offer of the British Government. I do not know what arguments may be put up against it, but I think that there can be no substantial argument against our agreeing in the first instance when we are issuing bonds to charge against the Central Fund the payments that have to be made in connection with these bonds; and, secondly, if the guaranteeing party is to make any payment on our behalf that we should charge against the Central Fund any amount that should be necessary to repay the sums that they may pay on our behalf, and to repay them at a rate of interest which may be fixed or, in default of being fixed by agreement, at a rate of five per cent. per annum.

I have great pleasure in supporting this Bill, because it proposes to make better provision for the finances of the principal Act, and that Act was rightly regarded by most of the people concerned with land in Ireland as a very satisfactory, just and far-reaching measure. I believe, also, the finance of the principal Act was very good business. A fundamental feature of the Act, as a whole, is that it is very sound business. If a man working a business of his own found that he could employ not alone his own capital but some of his neighbour's in the working of his business he would regard it as a wonderful boon. There is no business man in the world but would accept and welcome it. We are doing something like that. The Bill is also good business on account of the terms it gives. We are in a very good position to see whether those terms are good or bad.

Since the Act was passed our neighbours in the Six Counties have introduced a similar Act, and we can compare their terms with those of our Act. They say they are the richest part of this island and can draw more easily on the capital of their wealthy neighbour than we can. If we do as well as they, we are doing very well. As a matter of fact, we are doing a great deal better than they are, from the point of view of the tenant and of the State, and we are not doing too badly for the landlord either. The tenant of one class under the Act, which we are supporting in this Bill, only pays 13 years' purchase; in the other class he pays 15 years' purchase. When we compare the Northern Bill, we find that for the first class of tenant mentioned the average number of years purchase is 17½, and for the second class 19½. The tenant that buys in the Six Counties, when he compares his position with the position of the tenant in the Free State, is not satisfied. He has raised a considerable agitation in the Six Counties and has given an amount of trouble, and has a great deal of reason for his agitation. The tenants both in the Six Counties and in the Free State are roughly divided into two classes. If you take those who purchased before August, 1911, and those who purchased since August, 1911, and compare them, you find that the Bill in the Six Counties proposes a reduction of only 3/3 to 4/- in the pound, while similar tenants in the Free State enjoy a reduction of 7/- in the pound.

I think you are travelling outside the terms of this Bill in discussing the Land Bill in the Six Counties.

I bow to your ruling, but I am trying to show that the finance is sound and that it is good business for the State. It is good for the tenant, the State and the landlord, because owing to the guarantee of British security for the bonds, the Free State is in a position to give terms a little better. The three classes concerned in this Bill are being dealt with as advantageously as it is possible to deal with them while giving fair play to all.

I am astonished to hear Deputy Sears. I thought that he would have been tempted, of all men, to oppose this Bill. I was really surprised to find that he was the first member of the House to praise it, and to justify it on the ground that the Land Act is a good one. The Land Act is an Act, and we are not called upon to amend it, by Sections 1 or 2 at any rate. The Land Act is the law and the landlords are getting the advantage of the law as laid down in the Land Act. Why paint the lily? They ought to be satisfied with the Land Act, surely. Why come along now and offer them further security? Why are we asked to come along and say to them: "You have done very well, but we are going to make you a further present; we are going to ensure that not only will you receive the stock and bonds created under the Bill, which you have accepted, but we are going to add to the guarantee of those bonds by placing ourselves under an obligation to another State—all in the interests of the landlords." That surprises me when it comes from Deputy Sears. Perhaps I am going a little too far in saying it was all in the interests of the landlords. The Minister for Finance has pointed out, and Deputy Sears supported his contention, that it is good business and that it will enable obligations the State may enter into to be entered into on more advantageous terms. Looked at from a purely financial point of view, I think that is quite sound. I dare say it would be possible to float the next loan with the guarantee of another State on terms which would be better perhaps than we could ourselves give. But when you consent, by a deliberate Act of the Legislature, to enter into an agreement that another State should guarantee your debts, that is a palpable and definite invitation to that other State to make quite sure that the finances, the economy, the Government of this State shall conform to their desire—that it shall not take risks of which they do not approve for fear of lowering our credit or hindering our capacity to meet our obligations.

That is the proposition in this Bill— that we should not merely consent, but invite the British Government to back our bills, to guarantee our creditors that we will pay our debts. The argument runs that there was a kind of obligation entered into at the time of the introduction of the Government of Ireland Act of 1920. The Minister who used that statement in support of his argument, on two or three occasions within the last two or three weeks, emphasised the necessity for recognising the continuity of this Dáil with the Dáil established in 1919. Now it appears that we are to recognise certain obligations that were entered into by private persons.

On a point of explanation, I explained that the British Government entered into certain obligations and that they were still professing their willingness to fulfil those obligations.

The British Government could promise any holder of Chinese stock that it would guarantee Chinese stock and the Chinese Government could not interfere. We, no doubt, would be quite powerless and helpless in the same event. We might put in a formal protest, but we would have no remedy against the British Government promising to pay any debts we failed to pay our creditors. They might do that and we could not prevent them. We might say that they had no right to interfere in our affairs, but we could not prevent them. As between the British Government and the holders of that stock—the landlords were the first recipients—that would be a contract between those two elements. But they entered into that contract on condition that we did something. We are now asked to do that something—to make it more satisfactory for the British Government to enter into this obligation with the recipients of land bonds.

I am quite satisfied that this is going to be an immediate financial advantage to the State. I am sure that Deputy Good and Deputy Hewat and other Deputies, and many people outside, would argue that it would still be a financial advantage if we entered into closer financial relations with the British Government. I am sure that we would do better with all our flotations if we could secure the backing of the British Government for that stock. I am quite certain that for a considerable time to come the credit of the British Government will be higher than the credit of the Irish Government. But are we, for that reason, to consent to enter into this kind of obligation? First of all, it is to the advantage of the landowners. They are going to get a better price in the market for the stock issued. After all, what we did, in passing the Land Act, was to buy their rentals, and their rentals were annual.

This is not confined to untenanted land. They did not receive lump sums for their rights in the land. They are to receive annual sums, and I submit that this State will be in a position, and will fulfil its obligations, to pay those annual sums that it has contracted to pay and that we have no reason whatever to consider what the desires of the holders of those bonds may be in respect of offering them for sale.

The question on the business side arises as to whether we ought to enter into this obligation and put ourselves into the hands of the British Government for the sake of being able to float future stock at a better price. I think we ought not. I think it is likely to be damaging to the best interests of the country. Though the immediate financial interests might not be best served, the best interests of the country, in the long run would be best served, I think, by relying on our own exertions and our own ability to pay and making people believe, when they are taking up stock or when they are lending money, that it is Irish credit—not Irish credit backed by another State—that is at stake. I do not know whether the Egyptian bond holders of old were all private persons. I think they were not. But I do know that one of the reasons most often given for interference by imperialistic powers with the affairs of smaller nations has been that citizens of the imperialist powers had holdings in the smaller State and that they were induced, by one reason or another, to protect the financial interests of their nationals. Therefore they interfere by force and otherwise with the internal economy of the smaller State. We, in this, are inviting Britain to do that.

I am under no delusions in this matter. Old land stock would probably lead to the same kind of intervention if the necessity ever arose, as land bonds under the last Act would do, whether backed or not by any Bill of this kind. But I think that we ought at least to save our own sense of respect and we ought not, deliberately and with knowledge, pass an Act of Parliament which quite clearly and definitely asks the British Government to come to the assistance of our Government in this matter; to say to them: "Our creditors do not trust us; they do not believe that we can pay our debts in full, or, at least, if they do not go so far as that, they say there may come a time when the Irish Free State will not be able to meet its obligations, and we ask the British Government to make quite sure that they will come to our assistance by backing our bonds." I think that that is simply craving for financial protection from another Power. Once you have done that in regard to these land bonds, I do not see any good reason that could be adduced against any body of people who would say: "Invite, or ask, or enter into negotiations with the British Treasury to back any future flotation."

It has been said that the British Government has not ever hitherto guaranteed any debts of its Dominion Governments, and that was put forward as an objection in the British House of Commons against the passing of this Bill. They have broken the ice; they may be invited again. Other States within the British Commonwealth may not have the same feeling in regard to these things as the Irish Free State has. I can conceive a very insistent demand on the part of certain people that we should endeavour to get the backing of the British Government for any future flotation, and this will be adduced as a precedent and a very good reason why we should continue in this way.

Then comes the question that the Minister has touched upon, that we are bound to pay the annual interest in British currency. Again, that is asking us to confess that Irish currency will be of less value than British, and that Irish credit, even for 80 years, is going to be somewhat lower in value than British. It may not be a barrier against the establishment of an Irish currency. It is rather like it. At least it will be a strong influence against it. Again, it is telling ex-landlords that they have got out at a very good price; that they have done very well; that they have got the security not only of the Irish State but of the British State, and that they are to be paid in British currency. That again, I think, is a backhander against the good name of the State and our belief in its future. I think it is unfortunate that we should be asked to put our seal to any such proposition.

I suppose it is very little use saying much about it. The matter has been more or less before the country for a long time. It is supposed to be the fulfilment of a secret treaty and has been urged upon us as an obligation because of a secret arrangement or, shall I say, an arrangement made by private persons to secure the support of the landlords to allow them to pass the Land Act without too strong an opposition.

Would the Deputy say who urged in that strain?

I think the Minister himself. I will not be too confident of that. It certainly has been publicly stated that there was an arrangement made at the time of the Treaty negotiations that land purchase would be put through and that the land bonds would be guaranteed by the British Government.

That is another matter. Who urged as a defence of this measure that it should be accepted in order to persuade the landlords to accept the Land Act? That was the point the Deputy made—that is the real point.

The Minister says that I made that point. Certainly I did. I cannot say who made the particular reference, but it was made. I am quite clear as to having read it. That is a minor point. If it is of no value, then again I am on stronger ground, because the Seanad, which contains representatives of the landlord interest, accepted that Act and passed it without any reference to British guarantees or currency. So that we may say that we are quite voluntarily, without any obligation, asked to enter into this legal compact with the British Government. I take it from the Minister's intervention that we are not in any way bound to the landlords in this matter. There is no obligation to the landlords. So that the only question which arises is as to whether it is in the financial interest of the State or the political interest of the State. I would ask the Minister whether in his reply he is going to argue that it is for the political, economic and social interest of the State, as well as the financial interest of the State, that we should ratify this compact between the British Government and the Free State Government. I say it is an unfortunate development. It does, in fact, mean, as I said before, putting the Free State into pawn with the British Treasury. We are inviting the British Government to keep a perpetual watch over our conduct of our own affairs and to make quite certain, so far as they can, that we shall not outstep the line of safety. They do not want to be called upon to pay the holders of these bonds, but if they are called upon to pay they want to make sure that we shall be in a position to repay them.

I do not suppose it will have any practical effect except on the stock market. It will have some effect, no doubt, because it will raise the price of stock and enable holders to get more when they sell. That is the case the Minister has put forward. I put forward against that that it would be just as logical, just as profitable, and just as beneficial to the financial interests of the State that any other financial obligation should be put in the same position. I wonder will any member of the Ministry, at this early stage of the history of the Free State, put it forward that we should invite the British Government or any other Government to guarantee our debts. It is the reverse of Sinn Fein. It means not self-reliance but reliance upon another Power. I hope the Dáil will not accept the Second Reading motion.

In the opinion of those for whom I speak, this Bill is unnecessary, will give them no advantage, but will tend to lower instead of helping the credit of the State. What advantage will the State derive from the passing of this Bill? In that connection let us ask who is the State? In this case the State will be the majority of the people, the tenant farmers. What advantage will tenant farmers derive from the Bill? None. They have got to pay their debts. They think, having agreed, and the Dáil having passed a Bill guaranteeing payment of the money, that ought to have been sufficient, and that those who will get the bonds ought to have been satisfied that the bonds were worth their face value. The Land Act of 1923 involves an immense amount of money, something like fourteen or fifteen millions. To blot out a rental of one million we had to pay fifteen millions. That money will be paid by the tenant farmers. If it is not paid it will be taken from the Local Taxation Account and placed to the credit of these land bonds. Having agreed to pay off what was a tremendous amount—sixty-seven and a half per cent. of a rental which, possibly, would never have been paid at all—we have, in addition, agreed to allow the Guarantee Fund to be drawn upon for payment of the interest every half year. We consider it quite unnecessary at this time to be asked to back that up. This Bill is in fulfilment of an agreement made by the British Government some time ago, before the Free State came into being, and we have nothing whatever to do with it. We stand by our own agreement and we want no help from anyone else. We have got to pay and we are paying, and I wish the Minister, who is so solicitous for the interests of those who hold land bonds, would rather think instead, of the people who have to pay two and a half years' compounded arrears of rent, who during the past season have had their lands waterlogged, their sheep dying, and their whole condition worsened, and not talk about bolstering up people who have every safeguard that it is possible for Dáil Eireann to give them.

took the Chair.

I cannot follow the argument that, by passing this Bill, we are going to stabilise the credit of the State or that it will help future flotations. If this country must look to England to help future flotations, then, I think, it would be better we had remained part of the United Kingdom. Let us be beggars and masters but do not let us have luxury in chains. I hope the Minister will not consider that rhetoric. It applies in this case. We did not ask for any help. We agreed to pay our bonds. We do not consider this Bill is necessary, and we look more or less with sorrow on the fact that it has been considered necessary by those people who receive our money, to go to a foreign State to help us to pay our just debts.

Deputy Johnson, I think, has stated the case against the Bill very fairly. We can at once clear our minds on this question of agreements. The Dáil, of course, as everyone here knows, is supreme. The Dáil can agree or disagree. There is no question of an agreement in the past, or in 1920, 1921, or 1922. The Minister for Finance is perfectly entitled to state the facts but I doubt if there is anyone in the Dáil who does not know that the Dáil is supreme, is sovereign, and can at this stage act as it thinks fit on this matter. There is really no occasion—

Will it be an open vote?

An open vote always resolves itself into every other Party being free. I know what open votes mean. I know that the Labour Party vote as a body and so does the Farmers' Party. I am rather interested in knowing who are the farmers for whom Deputy Wilson speaks, when he says it is not an advantage to the credit of the country to get a guarantee for thirty millions. I do not think that is a doctrine that would be subscribed to by many farmers. We have to be hard-headed in these matters. We can all indulge in a certain amount of rhetoric and in a certain amount of a cheap oratory. We have to tackle this in a business-like way. We have to tackle this problem in the light of the considerations put forward by Deputy Johnson. As responsible people we have to consider whether the advantages of this guarantee are so great as to counter-balance any possible disadvantages. The situation is, let me repeat again, that we are perfectly free to do as we like in this matter. No one need have any delusions on that point

Collectively and individually.

It would be wrong to give the impression that we are doing something on this occasion which has not been done before. Deputy Johnson asked, why not go and look for an English guarantee to the next loan; why not go and look for an English guarantee for the money required to finance the Shannon Scheme, or the money required to finance the various schemes that this country will have to finance during the next ten or fifteen years? That is not putting the position correctly. The position is the exact opposite.

Before Deputies can really make up their minds as to whether the game is worth the candle in this case, they must get the exact facts. The position, as Deputy Johnson and Deputy Wilson know, is, that already we are liable for the interest on a loan of £130,000,000 for land purchase. That is a charge on our Central Fund.

Is that subject to Article V of the Treaty?

Mr. HOGAN

Surely the Deputy does not want me to go over the various steps which led up to that state of affairs, but that is the fact—that the Guarantee Fund is liable for any deficiency in land purchase annuities. These land purchase annuities are paid to the British Government, and the British Government have to pay them to the stockholders. The fact, therefore, is—and nobody suggests that any other arrangement is possible—that at the present time there is a charge on our taxation in favour of the British Government for the interest on that sum of £130,000,000 for land purchase.

I suggest it is necessary to clear up the position in regard to that. There is a projected financial re-arrangement or understanding, or a clearing up under the provisions of the Treaty. The obligations under the Land Acts will be part of that re-arrangement, and when that re-arrangement is made we shall not necessarily be bound to pay interest on land stock directly to the British Exchequer. It will depend on any re-arrangement that is made.

Mr. HOGAN

Would the Deputy say what the relevancy of that is to the point that we are now discussing?

The relevancy of it is quite clear. The Minister made the point that we are bound to the British Government for a continuous annual payment of land stock interest. We are, until a settlement takes place under Article 5 of the Treaty.

Mr. HOGAN

What happens then?

It depends on the settlement. The re-arrangement, whatever it may be, will not, we contend, mean henceforth an annual payment to the British Exchequer.

Mr. HOGAN

I am not going to enter into the question of what we can prove or what we cannot prove when the financial settlement takes place, because that has really got nothing to do with the point that we are now discussing. I hope that we will be able to prove that the British Government owes us £130,000,000. I am perfectly certain, at any rate, that we will be able to bring a good bill against them, but, as I say, that has nothing to do with the point we are discussing now. The fact to be considered at the moment is, that the interest on that sum of £130,000,000 for the purpose of land purchase in this country is a charge on our taxation. The real problem which we have to consider is, whether having regard to the admitted financial advantages—financial advantages which even Deputy Johnson himself admitted—we should go ahead and extend that to £160,000,000. That is the real problem, and it is wrong to state that you are doing something now which you have not done before.

Did the Dáil do this before? Was not that situation created before this State came into existence?

Mr. HOGAN

Of course it was, but what has that got to do with the point? Surely we are not all a lot of children. This is a very serious and a very important transaction which we should weigh up carefully, and it is really not a matter for debating purposes. The position we find ourselves in is— and nobody suggests that we could be in any other position at the moment— that there is a charge on our taxation for the interest on £130,000,000 for land purchase. The way in which we have to consider the thing is, whether it is good business, not from the point of view of the landlords or the tenants or the Labour Party or the farmers, or the Cumann na nGaedheal, but from the point of view of the State as a whole; and, remember the landlords belong to the State and have the same rights in it as every other class, and the real problem is, whether there are any serious objections to extending this guarantee to cover not £130,000,000, but £160,000,000. It is incorrect, and it is wrong, not to put "6">,,the problem in its proper perspective. To say that you are doing something new, that you are creating a precedent, and that you are doing something for which you may say next year, "Why not accept a British guarantee for any other scheme you like, any of our national loans?"—that is not the position. You are asking now to extend a loan which already exists. That loan amounts to £130,000,000, and you are asking to extend it to £160,000,000 to complete the work for which the £130,000,000 was borrowed. You have to ask yourself are there any conditions attached to the guarantee which make it inadvisable to accept it, having regard to all the admitted financial and economic advantages to be obtained under it.

There would be, and should be, a very different debate if the Minister for Finance came forward here and asked for a British guarantee for an ordinary State loan. I am not going into the question of what the national debt of this country is, or will be in twenty or thirty years' time. It will probably be a lot more than £10,000,000. A very large sum of money will be required for a great many purposes, and it is probable that we will find ourselves in the same position as every other State, and that we will require all the credit we can possibly muster for the purpose of meeting the various charges that are always to be met when a State is being built up.

You cannot compare, and it is unfair and hardly correct to compare a large loan like the National Loan, or any similar loan that will be issued in the future, with a loan of this sort. There are good reasons for accepting this. It is in a different case and is in a totally different set of circumstances, let us say, to a new issue of £10,000,000. I suggest to Deputy Johnson and to Deputy Wilson and to others who think there are good reasons for not accepting this guarantee, that the onus is upon them to show why we should not accept this loan rather than that it is on us to show why we should. I want to know what economic, political, social, or any other stranglehold you like, that this addition to our indebtedness will effect. That is the real question. If, at the present moment, we are indebted in the same way to the tune of £130,000,000, how will this make any real difference? I repeat that the onus is on Deputy Johnson and Deputy Wilson and others to show that. It would be our duty to examine the whole problem from that point of view. It would be a very serious matter indeed to accept any loan which would put this State in pawn, and I suggest that using the words "in pawn" in this connection, in view of all the facts which I have stated, is absurd. I want to hear from Deputy Johnson and Deputy Wilson how it is that this particular addition to our indebtedness will have all the consequences which they foresee.

I know that there is to be a financial settlement later on. The settlement that can apply to £130,000,000 can apply to £160,000,000. I cannot discriminate between the conditions that can apply to a land purchase loan of £160,000,000 or £130,000,000 either at the present or in the future when a financial settlement takes place. At any rate I think it is quite clear that this loan is on a special basis. It is on a special basis because the British Government offered it voluntarily. They made no secret that they have the interest of the landlords at heart. That is quite natural. It is an obvious interest for the British Government, but we have to consider it not only from that point of view but we have to consider it from the point of view of the tenants and the country as a whole. We can see, and every Deputy here present can see, a big advantage in having the guarantee of the British Government on such an enormous loan as £30,000,000. It is an enormous loan, when compared with ordinary development, say, with the development of the Shannon, a gigantic scheme, but at the outset which is only going to cost about five million pounds. Thirty million pounds for land purchase is a very expensive matter, very much more expensive than any other, and it is an obvious advantage. The advantage must be obvious even to Deputy Wilson, as to every farmer, to have a British guarantee for such an enormous loan as thirty millions. Nor can I see any disadvantage in the fact that we are to have a financial settlement in the future.

Would it be any disadvantage if we asked the British Government to guarantee the Shannon scheme?

Mr. HOGAN

That is a totally different thing.

Will the Minister show us how?

Mr. HOGAN

I have been trying to explain that the whole time. This is simply supplementing a former loan of £130,000,000, and the Deputy's main point is as to what a precedent this would be. It is not a precedent at all; it has occurred already. His main argument was addressed to the precedent aspect, but, as I pointed out, this is not a precedent. It has already occurred and there will be a definite limit to it. As far as the Deputy made the point that this is a precedent, that argument might apply to other loans, but that is a point that is met by the circumstances of the case.

Will the Minister say at what point it has happened that the Government and the Parliament of Saorstát Eireann entered into this kind of contract with the British Government?

Mr. HOGAN

The Government and Parliament of Saorstát Eireann will not have entered into any contract unless this passes. The British Government have passed their Bill.

Will the Minister point out at what stage and in what manner, the Parliament and Government of Saorstát Eireann entered into a pact with the British Government in respect to any financial matter equivalent to this. He has quoted the old land stock and our obligations under it, but was that contract entered into between the Parliament and Government of Saorstát Eireann and the British Government?

Mr. HOGAN

What has that got to do with the point? Even if we did not enter into a contract we would be fools if we closed our eyes to the fact that the liability is there, and is a liability that we have, in fact, inherited. It is a continuing liability. I do not put that point any further than it should go. I say it is a liability that we have inherited.

Then if a man inherits a disease, I suppose he has to take another disease upon him?

Mr. HOGAN

The Deputy got an opportunity of making his speech at great length. I did not interrupt him, and I hope he will not interrupt me.

Will the Minister approach this matter from the point of view of what benefit it will confer upon the tenants?

Mr. HOGAN

I say that Deputy Wilson is the only farmer in Ireland that does not see the value that the guarantee of a thirty million loan by the British will be—a loan that will come upon the market, I think, in the next two or three years. I would like to know who it is that the Deputy is speaking for. He is not speaking for Deputy Johnson, because Deputy Johnson admits that there would be an obvious financial advantage in having a British guarantee.

An advantage to whom?

Mr. HOGAN

To the State, as a whole.

But what about the tenants? They are the State.

Mr. HOGAN

I am glad to have it clear, as we have it now, that the Farmers' Party are above financial considerations. Deputy Wilson is above all financial and all monetary considerations. I suggest this is a serious matter. There may be something to be said on both sides, but it is obvious to every Deputy, as Deputy Johnson said, that there are certain financial advantages to the State in accepting this guarantee. The Minister for Finance outlined these advantages. I suggest that when considering Deputy Johnson's point that a guarantee of this sort gives a certain amount of financial control, we must remember that this, in fact, has obtained, that we inherited a much larger liability of the same sort already, and that the question we should ask ourselves is as to whether we should forego this obvious advantage of accepting this guarantee, in view of the fact, whatever the disadvantage may be, that we have inherited this disadvantage already for a very much larger sum.

Now, with regard to currency. The Deputy has admitted, and he is quite right, that this does not prevent us changing our currency. We can change our currency any time we think fit. I hope we will give that problem also adequate consideration. I do not suppose it is proposed by anybody that we should change our currency merely for the purpose of changing. You cannot play monkey-tricks of that kind with these important matters. But if we change our currency, this loan does not prevent us. It makes no real difference. It certainly makes no difference from that point of view, but we would be in an awkward position if we changed our currency and our currency was not on a par with British currency. If that day comes, well we may be in an awkward position, not because of this Bill, or because of the fact that we have to pay interest on this loan, amounting to about £200,000 a year, but because we may be doing a financial business with England to the extent of about £200,000,000 a year. From the point of view of the change of currency, this loan makes no difference whatever. It was necessary, of course, to state British currency there because our currency at the present moment is British currency. I never heard of a loan issued in a currency that did not exist; the currency has to be specified.

Now, with regard to the landlords, this will do a good turn to the landlords, but it will do a good turn to the State and to every citizen of the State. I deprecate the point that the landlords are not entitled to their rights. They are entitled to the same rights in the State as the Labour Party or the Farmers' Party, and they will get no more or no less, and I protest against the God-forsaken point of view that because people are landlords they are not entitled to get 20/- in the £. If the Dáil decided that a person has to get 20/- in the £, then whether that person is a tenant or a labourer or a solicitor, or belongs to any other class, he will get it. I agree with Deputy Johnson that the landlords would get their pound even if this guarantee had not eventuated. However that may be, this matter will cost about £30,000,000 for land purchase. About half of that will go direct to the landlord, half of it will go to mortgagees and others, but the greater part of it will come upon the market in two or three years. It is a very big sum of money to go on the Irish market and there is no doubt that the Irish market will find it difficult to absorb. There is no doubt, if it went on the Irish market it would be difficult for the Minister for Finance, whoever he may be, to get money for various schemes which, I am sure, the Farmers' Party, the Labour Party, and other parties will rightly ask for in time to come.

The one point which I think the Minister has made, apart from the statement of the Minister for Finance, is that because we have inherited a certain liability from the past there is no reason why we should not add to that liability now. That is the one argument which the Minister tried to make and in support of which he produced figures—why should we not increase our liability to the British Government from 130 to 160 millions? I agree with the Minister that we have inherited a liability, but that liability was not incurred by this Dáil, nor by the elected representatives of the Irish people assembled in their own country. It is true that the responsibility and duty may be on us to pay our lawful debts, but the conditions which existed when that liability was contracted and the conditions which exist to-day are entirely different. I do not see how the Minister tries to apply the argument that the conditions which dominated certain actions in the past are comparable to the conditions at present, and that the status of this country has not changed and that we have not certain obligations now which we had not to shoulder then. I think we have. I think the State has a responsibility to see that, so far as possible, its credit is maintained, but, at the same time, it ought not take action, like that which is now being put up in this measure, to give certain guarantees on behalf of this State and which gives certain other people not of this State rights here which they could not have, or which, certainly, we have not conceded to them before.

What rights?

The rights which the British Government will have, to interfere.

They have no rights.

They will be given rights under this measure.

They have no rights.

If we do not pay?

What then?

What would the British Government do then?

I do not know. No power is given to them under this Bill.

This Bill gives a certain guarantee to the British Treasury. The Dáil is asked to assent to this guarantee. Does the Minister suggest that the British Treasury's influence is to be nil in this State?

Certainly.

I am not prepared to accept the Minister's point of view as regards that. I do not believe it. I am positive that the guarantees, which the Minister for Finance asks us to give in this Bill, must, on the other hand, give a certain interest and a certain influence to the State to which we are giving guarantees.

Because in every country, and in this State to-day, the financial interests within the State have a power and influence which sometimes cannot be seen but which, nevertheless, exist, and if the action of this Dáil gives guarantees to the British Treasury the influence of the British Treasury will make itself felt here. Beyond doubt it may be of benefit to the credit of this State. I am prepared to go a certain length in that argument, but, on the other hand, the possible danger at some future period, perhaps not in the immediate future, and perhaps longer away than we can see, but, nevertheless, likely and possible to exist, is something which we cannot dismiss from our minds. If our State is the sovereign state which we claim it to be, I think, and I am with Deputy Wilson in this, that we ought to go along on our own legs. A bargain has already been made between the landlords and the tenants in this country, and it has been passed by the Dáil. There was no suggestion then that such a measure as this would be necessary to supplement that bargain. The landlords got their shares and the tenants got their bargain. Both ought to be satisfied and, as Deputy Wilson says, the tenants will have to pay whether this measure passes or not. It may, to some extent, affect the value of the bonds, but, after all, is that so much our business? The law has enacted that bonds of a certain value will be given to the landlords, and I do not think that there is any necessity to amend that law in favour of the landlords. If the Minister were coming along at the same time to amend that Act in favour of the tenants as well—and it requires amendment—we would be in the position to say that it was a quid pro quo. It is not such in this case, and I do not feel that Ministers have made a case good enough to make it possible for us to assent to the passing of this measure.

resumed the Chair.

The Minister for Agriculture said that we should be hard-headed. To that sentiment I quite agree, and I also say that we should be hard-headed, particularly in view of the fact that our Ministry is weak and vacillating with regard to our financial relations with Great Britain. That may appear to be a farfetched statement, but let us look back over the events of the past few years. Every Deputy and the Minister will recognise that under the Home Rule Act of 1920 certain funds were laid aside which the Parliaments of Northern and Southern Ireland could use as their own. They had complete and absolute control over that money. Those sums were sums accruing from the Land Purchase Acts. There is no doubt whatever that that was the law when the Treaty was signed. Yet, what do we find to-day? To-day we find that the annuities are collected from the tenants and are transmitted to London, and in the event of some tenants refusing to pay, the Government, in order to meet some obligation which has not been brought to the knowledge of the people, go first to the Guarantee Fund, that is the Agricultural Grant. Should that be insufficient, they go to the Central Fund of Saorstát Eireann as a first and primary charge on its resources and make good the difference. That is the actual position. It used to be said in the old days that the British Empire was a common heritage. To some extent I am prepared to agree. If it was a common heritage while we were part of Great Britain, we had a certain share in its assets, and, therefore, it could not be said that Great Britain alone owned the Empire. We had a certain share in its material resources. We had a common Exchequer, and we had a share in the funds issued from that Exchequer. They were issued indiscriminately to England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales from that common fund. Yet what is the position? We have not heard that the Irish Free State has any power in the control of those sums at present. Certain advances were made for productive work. Sums were given from the common Exchequer in Great Britain. It is not a fair proposition pending the settlement of financial relations necessitated by Article V of the Treaty, that each side would stick to what had been lent in their country. That has not been done, and remember that if the Government at that time had held closely, and they had the law in their favour, they would have secured that position. But they must have carried out some engagements behind the back of the Dáil or by which they voluntarily consented to transfer the sums to London accruing under the head of the Land Purchase Acts in Saorstát Eireann. There is no doubt of that. I should like to have the history of those negotiations, and the relevant papers laid on the Table of the Dáil, and I should like to know why those engagements were entered into. Take it this way: If we had held on to the land purchase annuities under the Act of 1920, and if there had not been a radical departure in the implication of the Act, while it is true we certainly would bear the responsibility for paying stockholders we would, pending the financial settlement, be permitted to retain and to devote these sums as we might choose. Of this money which accrued under the sinking fund for the redemption of stock, 1¼ per cent. is used in Great Britain to redeem the stock in any way the British Treasury desires. That would not have come to pass if we had acted strongly on our legal rights in 1920, and it might have helped in solving the political tangle in the North to-day. We certainly would have a very great advantage in the financial settlement under Article V.

We are informed that this will benefit our credit. Well, I am not aware that for land purchase we are actually going to the market for money. Is it not scrip we are issuing, and giving that guarantee of a certain percentage bearing 4½ per cent.? It ought to be a security which can be negotiated on the money market. I submit that 20/- is the same in Ireland as it is in Great Britain, and that a Treasury note in my pocket has the same purchasing power as a Bank of Ireland note, say, in London. While the tenants contribute—and I hope there will be no refusal, and I will not hold over any repudiation of our obligation to meet land purchase annuities—I say it is scarcely fair, and is lowering the prestige of this State to ask us to accept a British Government guarantee, when we have the financial means of giving effect to the bonds issued. The question was put by, I think, the Minister for Agriculture as to how this particular indebtedness acted detrimentally to our credit. I submit that if the State is a sovereign State, and we have not heard that contention yet denied from the Government benches, the mere fact that another nation is guaranteeing its debts does not in itself redound to its credit, and it could not possibly do so. How, then, can we accept this proposition to-day? Look at the small nations of Europe that did not engage in the Great War, and see how high their credit stands. I have yet to learn that their loans were guaranteed by any of the great Powers. Look at the exchanges, and see the strength they display. The Spanish nation, for instance, is not very mighty, but look at the rate of its exchange with Paris, or any of the great central nations, or Holland or Switzerland. These nations, standing on their own, have not had their credit lowered, even in the absence of a great Power guarantee. There is no reason why this State, if it does not outlaw itself from the financial international policy, should not hold its own. This Bond Bill is in no sense helpful to our credit, and as a mere commercial proposition it can be of small help to the persons who hold land in bonds.

For the last 40 years the British Government have been concerned with pushing forward land purchase, and guaranteeing the proceeds thereof with great advantage, I think it must be allowed, to all sides, and it has placed the country in a different position from what it was in 1885. I think it is only reasonable that the nation that undertook this gigantic work ought to complete it. In fact there is no doubt whatever that time after time in all the papers some years before there was any talk of the Treaty, the British Government had arranged to complete land purchase. That was a matter what was thoroughly understood, and I think I am not wrong in saying that considerably before the Treaty was thought of or negotiated, there was a Land Purchase Bill in the hands of the British Government which they were about to launch, and why they did not proceed with it was, I suppose, because their attention was directed to other matters. They intended to launch a measure for the completion of land purchase that would have dealt with the whole of Ireland. It is possibly better for the tenants who have now bought that that measure did not come into operation.

Under the Act of 1923, passed by the Dáil, I think they have not done very badly. I think it will be generally allowed that the Act has been and will be of great advantage to the State and to all concerned, both landlords and tenants. I maintain that it is to the advantage of everybody concerned in this country that the people who undertook this great financial responsibility should carry it through and complete it. In fact, it is their duty, and I think they would be very culpable if they did not carry it out. They have proposed to do this themselves. Someone suggested, I think it was Deputy Johnson, that the British Government were probably asked to come to the assistance of the Irish Government in this matter. Well, I am quite positive that there are no grounds for that suggestion.

Is the Deputy aware that we pay £1,000,000 from the Free State as a bonus out of this State for the completion of land purchase?

Under the 1923 Act, I think the actual number of years' purchase a tenant will pay is 13½. To bring it up to 15 years, which is the full amount, or otherwise an additional 10 per cent. a guarantee is given by the Irish State. Comparing this Bill with the Northern Land Bill, I think the tenants have not come off very badly. They will have to pay 13½ years' purchase as against 17½ in the Northern State. That is greatly to the advantage of dwellers here. I think that Deputy Wilson said it is lowering the credit of the Free State to have a guarantee from any outside country accepted. I really cannot see that. It seems to me that it would considerably enhance the credit of this State for future borrowing purposes if this country is, as it will be, free of the guarantee.

May I ask a question?

I do not think the Deputy can ask a question at this stage. Whom does he wish to ask it of?

I want to ask the Deputy that if I gave him a cheque for £100 and if he were afraid of it and went round to somebody else afterwards to back it, would not I be annoyed? That is the position, sir.

If the Deputy got a friend to back his cheque Deputy Wolfe would think a great deal more about him.

As a result of the guarantee for the £30,000,000, and the £130,000,000 previously, this State will be in a very strong position in any future borrowing. It seems to me that it should make matters very much easier in any future money transactions we may have on the market if we have this guarantee off our shoulders. I think that is no small advantage to us and it cannot be considered otherwise. Taking all these matters into consideration, and the advantages that will accrue from the extra credit that we will have, I think that we should be great fools if we do not accept this guarantee which we have not asked for, but which the British Government have themselves given and which they have considered they are in duty bound to give. Certainly, to judge from references in the papers, or from what one has read hitherto, they are undoubtedly bound to carry out this guarantee and they realise that.

Why do not they carry it out?

They are going to do it.

Why need we come into it?

We have to say whether we will accept it or refuse it, and we would certainly be extremely foolish if when we are offered these terms we did not accept them. I consider, as the British Government believe they are bound in equity to give this guarantee themselves, that it would be the acme of folly if we refused to accept it. I hope and I believe that the Dáil and the Oireachtas generally are not so destitute of sense as to refuse to accept this guarantee, which will put us in an immensely strong position financially, when we go on the market for future money to carry out improvements or to do whatever we may want. I am quite certain that as a result of it we shall have very little difficulty in borrowing money for drainage, the relief of unemployment or for whatever purpose we may need it. I believe that matters will be made very much easier for us in that respect as a result of this guarantee and I hope most sincerely that the Dáil will give its consent to this Bill.

I welcome this Bill and I intend to vote in favour of it. I think it is the only genuine Bill that has been introduced to improve the condition of the masses of the people—

What about the Treason Bill?

Unless large landholders have some guarantee that they are going to be paid there is no possible chance of handing over the land to the tenants. The British Government have guaranteed land bonds to the value of £30,000,000 and that is to my mind a great encouragement to the uneconomic landholders and the landless people of the Saorstát. They are looking forward to the time when the Land Commission will act in a really generous manner by handing over the land that is at present vested in the Land Commission. You have a very large number of landowners in the country who never believed in the industries of the country or who never believed from a financial point of view in the country, and they would not like the idea of disposing of their land to the Land Commission without some guarantee of this kind.

The Land Commission have the power to acquire land whether it is tenanted or untenanted for the relief of congestion. According to Section 24 of the Land Act, in the case of any land that has been purchased, and where annuities are being paid to the Land Commission, if the Land Commission require such land for the relief of congestion they must compensate the owners of these holdings by giving them holdings of equal value elsewhere. I am against that section completely. To my mind the landowners of Ireland have got too much profit already out of the land—

Now you are beginning to talk sense.

When we find the Government introducing legislation to facilitate economic holders or the people who have no land, and to divide the land amongst these people, it is necessary to give landowners some guarantee that at least they will get the price offered by the Land Commission.

They got it years ago.

I quite agree they got it years ago, but if the Deputy were here when the Land Bill of 1923 was considered and heard the arguments put forward by the Farmers' Deputies at the time, he would find that the landlords were the people looked after and not the tenants. I fail to see why the Farmers' Party or even some of my late colleagues—

Mr. EGAN

Or of the future.

No, not the future. I fail to see why they should go against this Bill in view of the fact that they supported the Land Act in 1923.

Not all of it.

They recognised the Land Act as a measure that would create employment in the country. The Farmers recognised it as an Act that would improve the position of the class they represent, and the Labour Deputies recognised it as an Act tending to relieve unemployment and improving the position of the worker in general Now, when we come to have a guarantee for the people who are going to hand over the land, it is suggested that we should object to that guarantee. Why? Is it because we now recognise that the Land Act passed in 1923 was not really in the interests of the State, or is it because it has taken such an awful length of time to put its sections into operation? Possibly that is the reason. If that were the argument against this Bill, probably I might have something to say with reference to the Land Act. But that is not the argument. The argument is that we do not need outside assistance. I put it to the farmers here that if they are prepared to guarantee thirty millions in land bonds through their organisation, I will be prepared to vote against the Bill, but not until then.

Give it to him.

Mr. EGAN

I have heard some very curious economic doctrines from the Farmers' Benches this evening. In effect we are asked by the Farmers' Party to believe that by having an additional guarantee to a financial obligation, we are going to be worse off. Deputy Wilson said he would be very annoyed if he gave a cheque to a person and that person wanted someone else to guarantee it by putting his name on the back of it. I would ask Deputy Wilson to put himself in the position of the person getting the cheque. For instance, if Deputy Wilson were to offer me a cheque, and I did not know very much about Deputy Wilson, and that subsequently the Minister for Finance was to put his signature on the back of the cheque, I certainly would sleep very much more easily in my bed that evening before I lodged the cheque.

Do the landlords know very much about the tenants? The Deputy said he might not know very much about Deputy Wilson.

Mr. EGAN

I will come to the tenants in a moment. The burden of Deputy Wilson's speech was that the tenants were not being dealt with at all and that it is no use to them. Surely to goodness any action which helps to complete land purchase is of benefit to the tenants. It obviously must be. Another point about the matter of the British guarantee is that I do not see how the British people, having initiated this system of guaranteeing the money, did not complete the operation. That would mean you would have one part of the transaction in a different category from the rest of it, and I do not think it would be good business. Deputy Wilson also appeared to think that all this was being done for the benefit of the landlords; that the tenants would gain nothing by it. I maintain, contrary to that, that anything at all that adds to the security of an Irish investment, lifts up the whole credit of the State. It is practically obvious it must do that.

Financially, not politically.

Mr. EGAN

Let me say at once that I am discussing this matter purely as a matter of hard business. I am not swayed to the slightest extent by any sentimental, rubbishy talk about British interference or about a British stranglehold. That sort of thing cuts no ice with me. Deputy Wilson did think there was too much being done for the landlords, and that the security of their bond was being made too good for them. These land bonds are negotiable. In years to come they may be spread over half the world. If they have the guarantee of British security behind them, it is not going to make them anything the worse. It would be a difficult thing to get any responsible body of businessmen to understand that by having a British guarantee to any security you are making that security worse. You may find some sentimental theorists who will say that the addition of a British guarantee would make them worse; but no body of hard-headed businessmen in this country, or in any other country, could be got to subscribe to the suggestion that the addition of a British guarantee to any security is going to make that security worse. I quite fail to follow that line of reasoning.

Deputies Baxter and Wilson do not appear to be in perfect agreement. It is not the first time I have noticed a little difference of opinion in the happy family party sitting over on the Farmers' benches. Deputy Wilson started off by saying that this transaction of having the British guaranteeing those bonds was absolutely going to worsen our credit and lower it in the eyes of the world. I think I have dealt with that point. Deputy Baxter, on the other hand, in the course of his remarks, said he did agree it would maintain the credit of the State and that he thought there was a great deal of force in that suggestion. He then went on to deal with what he described, or what has very often been described, as the stranglehold of England. He developed that kind of sentimental objection. I think I have dealt with that sufficiently.

Will you deal with the point of the right of pre-emption in thirty years?

Mr. EGAN

Like the flowers that bloom in the spring, I do not think that has a lot to do with it.

I say it has a lot to do with it.

Mr. EGAN

Deputy Hogan also worked himself up into a certain state of sentimental objection to the British stranglehold. He gave a rather unfortunate illustration when he referred to the British Treasury note. He said the Land Bond was simply scrip. But then the scrip has got the security behind it. It is not the face value of a piece of paper that counts; it is the stuff you have behind it. As regards the British Treasury note, which the Deputy considers worth 20/- to the £, if it had not the security of the State behind it, it would not be worth a farthing to the £. I really think the objections to this guarantee are utterly frivolous, and I propose to vote for the Bill.

I expect that the Second Reading of this Bill will be put to a vote. I do not know what has been said by my colleagues on those benches. I was not present when they spoke, and I do not know their views. We have not discussed this matter in our Party. I feel I am at liberty to express the views I hold. I believe it has been said that mistakes have been made, and it has been suggested that it would be a mistake to avail of this guarantee. The only mistake I could ever recognise in the passage of the 1923 Act was that we gave too much to the owners of the land. We gave too much of a price, and as regards the question of arrears and money in lieu of rent, we were too generous. That was a mistake. I do not recognise that this Bill is a mistake.

We know that the British Government, that in fact a series of British Governments, have been under a pledge to the Landlords' Convention to guarantee, either through their own Parliament or through this, the money or bonds in connection with land purchase. This was the promise that was given to the landlords by the Government of England. It does not concern us at all. Already we have asked for and floated a £10,000,000 loan. This is a bond issue of £30,000,000. We are not going to stop national development. Judging by what we have heard in the Dáil and outside it, we will be asked, I am told, for a loan for the development of this country. For that purpose considerable sums will be required, and just enough, I think, for this nation to be responsible for. We, of course, are responsible to the British Government for this. Bearing 4½ per cent. interest, and with only the credit of this State, in view of the times that we have passed through, I fancy that those 4½ per cent. bonds would be sold at something less than £90. I do not think that that is the best possible thing for the national credit. I think that the fact that the English Government is guaranteeing these bonds will help national credit in this country, and for that reason I am prepared to accept the Bill and vote for its Second Reading. I do not know what the position of this country would be in three or four years' time if some of the people who are at large and who are preaching the doctrine of "Pay no annuities; pay nothing." had any following in the country, and they have a following. Most of the votes cast for Irregularism to-day are Bolshevik votes, a vote that says, "Pay nobody."

I can promise the Deputy that they will have a following in the country.

That class of people will always have a following in this country, because we produce more rogues, perhaps, in this country than are produced in any other country in the world.

A DEPUTY

The island of saints and scholars.

The island of saints and scholars, as the Deputy reminds me! If there was ever any truth in that fallacy it is long since exploded. I think you might use very different words than saints and scholars to describe the Ireland of to-day. This Bill, I am satisfied, is going to do a lot of good in the way of assisting the national credit. I think we will have enough loans in the future for the purpose of developing the country without being responsible for this.

I want to ask the Minister if, in his reply, he would indicate shortly the effect that is intended to be brought about by the deletions of the old Act and the substitutions? It is not easy to understand it. Perhaps the Minister would give us some assistance in the matter.

There is no change. It is merely bringing into one section certain sections which were spread over a Bill of 72 sections. No change is being made in the financial clauses of the Land Act of 1923 by this Bill. It is merely bringing certain clauses of the Land Act of 1923 and their implications into one or two sections. There is a very slight change in procedure with regard to the Sinking Fund.

I find myself in the unfortunate position of not agreeing with Deputy Johnson in his views on this Bill. As a Deputy who is interested very much in the question of the acquisition and division of large tracts of land throughout the country, and in the placing thereon of very many landless men and increasing the size of uneconomic holdings so as to make them economic, I must say that I am in favour of this Bill. I want to make it clear that I am not concerned with the political development of this country. What I am most concerned with is the industrial development, and I believe that by the passing of this Bill we will be doing far more good for the country and for the people in general than by holding it up and delaying its passing, and thereby ultimately delaying the putting into operation of the many good clauses contained in the Land Act of 1923. In this matter I am mostly concerned with the welfare of the people who are dependent on the operations of the Land Act of 1923. As a result of the passing of this Bill I feel that great benefits will accrue to these people. I can say that the people have been watching this Bill for a considerable time past. I come from a county where there is more agitation about land than in any other county in Ireland. The people there are watching this Bill and praying that it may be put through speedily in accordance with the general wishes of the people. For this reason I am anxious to see this Bill passing into law.

I would just like to ask the Minister would any delay in the passing of this Bill affect the putting into operation the Land Act of 1923?

To this extent, granted that the Land Commission do purchase an estate they hand over the purchase money in bonds to the person who has sold. If this person wants to sell these bonds at an early date the selling of them without the added security that this Bill will give, will depreciate the value of these bonds, and the market is very sensitive.

Would that affect putting into operation, under the Land Act of 1923, the division of land?

To some extent, yes.

If you have the cooperation of the seller in the case of tenanted lands, there is no doubt that the preliminaries can be got through much more rapidly than if the seller feels that he is selling his estate for bonds that will be discounted at probably a low figure, and if he feels he is not being fairly dealt with.

Why has there been so much delay in the bringing forward of this Bill?

Owing to difficulties in connection with agreements. We cannot easily solve difficulties of that sort.

Is the Minister for Agriculture in a position to say what particular number of estates have been held up owing to the delay in bringing forward this Bill, and what is the acreage that might have been divided if this Bill had been brought forward a month or two ago?

Not a single acre. But the Minister for Finance and the President are, of course, absolutely right. It is obvious to any business man that things would go somewhat more quickly if the Land Commission had not to invoke the compulsory clauses of the Act at every hand's turn, and so far as that is concerned it will affect land purchase to a small extent in the future. So far as the holding up at present is concerned, it has not affected land purchase to any extent, for the reason that most of the sales that have taken place up to the present have been voluntary sales.

Deputy Johnson inquired as to whether we would not ask the British Government to guarantee a loan, for instance, for the Shannon scheme, and he said that if we accepted the guarantee for the land bonds we might just as well ask the British Government to guarantee a loan for the Shannon. The position is quite different. We came into being with the British Government pledged to guarantee these bonds; we had not to offer them any inducements to do so; we had not to go with our hats in our hands and ask for a guarantee.

They made certain conditions.

They made quite ordinary conditions in connection with the giving of the guarantee. But if I were to go to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in England to-morrow, and ask him to guarantee a loan for the Shannon scheme, it would be quite legitimate for him to say, "Yes, provided all the materials and engineering stores are bought in Great Britain." If we were to ask anybody to guarantee a loan, it would be quite right for those who are asked to do so to impose conditions. They might be onerous conditions. If we had gone to Great Britain to ask for a guarantee for our National Loan, we would postpone the day when we would be relying on our own credit, and it would be more difficult in the case of a future loan to get the money without a guarantee. If we were to ask for such things, undoubtedly we would be liable to have conditions imposed. No conditions have been imposed on us other than natural and proper conditions, conditions that are not onerous in any respect, that we shall repay any sums that may be paid on our behalf. I think that nobody can claim that it is putting the State in pawn to say that if sums are paid on our behalf we will repay them, or to say that our credit suffers in any way from that. Deputy Wilson spoke in a most frivolous and irresponsible strain. A man who is a public representative, and who can say that farmers will not benefit by this Bill, really cannot have spoken with any thought, because farmers, as he said himself, represent a big portion of the community. If big charges are imposed on the State through the rejection of this Bill, which need not be imposed, they will suffer.

We have succeeded heretofore in borrowing money at 5¼ per cent. I think that it is not at all unlikely if we are issuing a loan in future, and if we had these land bonds on the market without any guarantee and selling at perhaps 80, or less, that we might have to issue our loan at a price that would mean paying 6 or 6¼ per cent. interest. It is suggested that we will borrow for the Shannon scheme some £5,000,000, in the first instance, at any rate. If we are to pay an extra one per cent interest on that we would have an additional £50,000 a year to pay. In addition, if we only get £80 for every £100 stock we issue, when we are paying off the loan there would be a further heavy liability on the State. There is no doubt at all that stock, such as land bonds, issued without a British guarantee, would sink very low. Our Five per Cent. Compensation Stock was very low for a long time, although it was a stock that if it were sold at its value at present, assuming that 95, or whatever the National Loan stood at, was a fair price, should be selling at three or four points more. Instead of that it was almost steadily lower than the National Loan, although it is redeemable at par in ten years, and the drawings might give people £100 for what they had bought at £90 or £95. But because it has been issued in small quantities it was depressed. These bonds, if issued without a guarantee, would undoubtedly sink very low, and if we had one of our stocks down to eighty, or thereabouts, it would bring down any other stock we had. Then when we issue new stock we would have to do so at a low price, and undoubtedly it would mean a very heavy and unnecessary burden on the State. When Deputy Baxter spoke about the power that it would give the British Government over this country he was talking complete nonsense. We are not doing anything that will give any sanctions to the British Government. It is simply a pledge that we will pay if necessary anything that they may have paid, but it does not give sanctions of any sort, and to talk about the power it gives to the British Treasury is complete nonsense.

What would be the effect if these bonds fell down to sixty without a guarantee, and you were to redeem them by the Sinking Fund? Would it not redeem them more quickly than if they were at a hundred?

I would like to ask Deputy Wilson if he considers that that would be a fair bargain?

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 50; Níl, 11.

  • Thomas Bolger.
  • Séamus Breathnach.
  • Seoirse de Bhulbh.
  • John J. Cole.
  • John Conlan.
  • Máighréad Ní Choileáin Bean
  • Uí Dhrisceóil.
  • Patrick J. Egan.
  • Seán de Faoite.
  • John Good.
  • David Hall.
  • John Hennigan.
  • William Hewat.
  • Donnchadh Mac Con Uladh.
  • Liam Mac Cosgair.
  • Séamus Mac Cosgair.
  • Maolmhuire Mac Eochadha.
  • Pádraig Mac Fadáin.
  • Eoin Mac Néill.
  • Seoirse Mac Niocaill.
  • Liam Mac Sioghaird.
  • Patrick J. Mulvany.
  • James Sproule Myles.
  • Martin M. Nally.
  • Peadar O hAodha.
  • Mícheál O hAonghusa.
  • Seán O Bruadair.
  • Risteárd O Conaill.
  • Parthalán O Conchubhair.
  • Máirtín O Conalláin.
  • Eoghan O Dochartaigh.
  • Séamus O Dóláin.
  • Tadhg O Donnabháin.
  • Peadar O Dubhghaill.
  • Pádraig O Dubhthaigh.
  • Eamon O Dúgáin.
  • Donchadh O Guaire.
  • Seán O Laidhin.
  • Aindriú O Láimhín.
  • Séamus O Leadáin.
  • Séamus O Murchadha.
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (Gaillimh).
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (Luimneach).
  • Seán O Raghallaigh.
  • Máirtín O Rodaigh.
  • Seán O Súilleabháin.
  • Mícheál O Tighearnaigh.
  • Caoimhghín O hUigín.
  • Seán Príomhdhail.
  • Patrick W. Shaw.
  • Liam Thrift.

Níl

  • Pádraig Baxter.
  • Seán Buitléir.
  • Séamus Eabhróid.
  • Connor Hogan.
  • Tomás Mac Eoin.
  • Risteárd Mac Fheorais.
  • Risteárd Mac Liam.
  • Tomás de Nógla.
  • Liam O Daimhín.
  • Eamon O Dubhghaill.
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (An Clár).
Tellers.—Tá: Liam Mac Sioghaird, Séamus O Dóláin. Níl: Risteárd Mac Liam, Pádraig Baxter.
Motion declared carried.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 1st April.

Notice was given that a matter would be raised on the Adjournment. I understand that it will not now be raised.

The Dáil adjourned at 8.35 p.m. until Friday at 12 noon.

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